| Original Full Text | Open Research OnlineCitationBassler, Samantha Elizabeth (2024). The London Madrigal Society and the Role of Antiquarian Societies on the Reception History of Early English Music, 1726–1832. PhD thesis The Open University. URLhttps://oro.open.ac.uk/99765/ License(CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) Creative Commons: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/PolicyThis document has been downloaded from Open Research Online, The Open University's repository of research publications. This version is being made available in accordance with Open Research Online policies available from Open Research Online (ORO) Policies VersionsIf this document is identified as the Author Accepted Manuscript it is the version after peer review but before type setting, copy editing or publisher branding SAMANTHA ELIZABETH BASSLER ‘The London Madrigal Society and the Role of Antiquarian Societies on the Reception History of Early English Music, 1726–1832’ Thesis completed as a requirement for the PhD in Music at The Open University, Milton Keynes, the United Kingdom Resubmission with minor amendments on 23 August 2024 2 ABSTRACT According to conventional wisdom, there was a lack of interest in early music, and especially English music, during the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. This is contrary to the evidence of England’s long history of antiquarianism, which stretches back into the fifteenth century. The focus of this thesis is the history of antiquarianism and its influence on musical tastes in England, and on the history of the ancillary musical tastes of antiquarians as a subset of the English population. The thesis includes an examination of antiquarian societies, specifically musical antiquarian societies, and the importance of antiquarian societies to the club culture of England writ large. The London Madrigal Society (LMS), an antiquarian organisation with a large library deposited in the British Library (shelfmark GB-Lms.Mad.Soc.A–D, F–H), is integral to this study, and the thesis includes an examination of its holdings. The Academy of Ancient Music, as the founding organisation to the Madrigal Society, is also significant to this study, due to its shared membership, repertoire, and governance with the LMS. The Madrigal Society’s collection has not yet received sufficient mention by scholars considering English antiquarianism; as an in-depth study of the LMS, this thesis will demonstrate the pivotal role antiquarians played in the preservation of early music in London. Keywords: reception history, early music reception, Byrd, London Madrigal Society, historiography, madrigals, eighteenth-century music, nineteenth-century music, English music, long eighteenth century. 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This PhD took a long time. When I started it, I was a disabled millennial woman who knew she had a lot of serious auto-immune diseases but was just figuring out that she also had multiple neurodivergences and mental health issues—as well as undiagnosed and untreated complex post-traumatic stress disorder. I completed this PhD in despite of the academic establishment, not because of it. If it had not been for a few isolated champions, such as my former Oxford tutor Suzannah Clark, my original supervisory team of David Mateer and Robert Samuels, and then Robert Samuels and Elaine Moohan, and my mentor Joseph Straus, I would not have finished. I would have eventually given up and resigned myself to being ‘too sick to be a scholar’, as one former professor said to me in 2006. Thankfully, I did meet other champions along the way, and I have built a community of scholars who care about difference, who care about mental health, and who accept people with neurodivergence. I had to finish because I had to show everyone that we belong in academia. We are non-traditional, and we might not follow the same trajectory as whatever ‘normal’ is, but we are here, we are not leaving, and academia is better with us in it. 4 Table of Contents PREFACE ..................................................................................................................................................................... 5 CHAPTER 1: LONDON’S MUSICAL ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETIES IN THE LONG EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ........................ 7 CHAPTER 2: ANTIQUARIANISM ....................................................................................................................... 57 CHAPTER 3: EARLY MUSIC RECEPTION ............................................................................................................. 87 CHAPTER 4: MUSICAL TASTE IN THE LONDON MADRIGAL SOCIETY ................................................................. 112 CHAPTER 5: ISSUES OF IDENTITY AND ENGLISHNESS ...................................................................................... 151 CHAPTER 6: SURVEY OF SOURCES AND THE CONNECTION TO THE APPENDIX—A COMMENTARY TO THE CATALOGUE OF THE CONTENTS OF THE MADRIGAL SOCIETY LIBRARY ............................................................. 181 CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................................... 212 APPENDIX .................................................................................................................................................... 222 THE MADRIGAL SOCIETY CATALOGUE ............................................................................................................ 222 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................................................. 438 5 PREFACE The subject of this PhD thesis is the London Madrigal Society and the role of antiquarianism in the reception history of early English music during the long eighteenth century. This thesis argues that antiquarians play a crucial role in the formation of English—and therefore British—musical aesthetics and identity. Chapter 1 introduces the reader to the London Madrigal Society (henceforth, LMS), an antiquarian society founded between ca. 1741 to 1744 and that is still active today. The first chapter continues with a literature review pertinent to the study of the LMS, antiquarianism, the reception of early music, aesthetics, and musical taste in eighteenth-century London. The first chapter delves into the topic of antiquarianism and to the London Madrigal Society and its significance to the history of English music in London during the long eighteenth century. The dates of 1726 and 1832 are given because of two watershed events in relation to music clubs and British history, with 1726 being the founding of the Academy of Ancient Music, and 1832 the year of the Great Reform Act. The subject of the second chapter is musical antiquarianism and its importance in the historiography of early music reception in England, situating the efforts of the LMS within the larger context of early music practice. The third chapter then explores the aesthetics of the LMS and challenges the conventional wisdom of musical taste in the Enlightenment through the lens of early music reception studies. The fourth chapter demonstrates how an understanding of the importance of antiquarianism reveals the issues of identity and Englishness at the root of musical taste in London during the Enlightenment, while the fifth chapter then analyses the role of identity and Englishness within antiquarianism and the Enlightenment. Finally, the sixth chapter is a comprehensive summary 6 of the LMS holdings in the British Library, and an explanation of its importance to the historiography of English music. The thesis then explores the historiography of antiquarianism and the significance of the long eighteenth century on the activities of the LMS. Subsequent chapters deal with the influence of antiquarianism within the English historical imagination, the aesthetics of the LMS and other antiquarian movements, and the roles of canonical English and Italian composers, such as English composers William Byrd and Thomas Weelkes, and Italian composer Luca Marenzio, whose music featured prominently in the madrigal club’s library. The thesis ends with a detailed study of the documents in the LMS collections, which have been on loan to the British Library since 1954, positing suggestions for future studies, especially those that recognize and acknowledge the intellectual achievements of antiquarians in the long eighteenth century and other eras. Unlike previous studies of reception history of early music, this thesis focuses on antiquarianism from the perspective of intellectual history, teasing out the impact of how people thought about early music and their ideas of that music. And yet, it is parallel to their reception of that music: as antiquarians, they have unique ideas and a unique perspective about the history of music. 7 Chapter 1: London’s Musical Antiquarian Societies in the Long Eighteenth Century INTRODUCTION The London Madrigal Society and its Sources This chapter comprises an introduction to the London Madrigal Society, including its sources and history, and its place within musical antiquarian societies in the long eighteenth century. The purpose of the chapter is to demonstrate the importance of musical antiquarians to the music-making communities of London in the period, and to the historiography of English music in general. As William Weber, Philip Olleson, Fiona Palmer, Brian Robins, and others have argued, scholars and antiquarians in the eighteenth century laid the groundwork for a fuller appreciation and preservation of early music that continued throughout the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries.1 The evidence for early music appreciation in the long eighteenth century encompasses the thriving community of club societies, such as members who were antiquarians, and who as antiquarians were from at least the late seventeenth century active in preserving and performing early music, making copies and editions of early music and programming early music in semi-public concerts. Two such London societies, the London Madrigal Society (LMS) and the Gentleman's Catch and Glee Club (GC&GC), were founded for the singing, copying, and preserving of catches and glees in the case of the Gentleman’s Catch and Glee Club, and madrigals in the case of the London 1 See William Weber, The Rise of Musical Classics in Eighteenth–Century England: A Study in Canon, Ritual, and Ideology (Oxford: OUP, 1992); Philip Olleson and Fiona Palmer, ‘Publishing Music from the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge: The Work of Vincent Novello and Samuel Wesley in the 1820s,’ in Journal of the Royal Musical Association 130 (2005): 38–73. 8 Madrigal Society. The LMS originated in 1741 as a madrigal-singing club, founded by John Immyns (1700-1764), a former lawyer, the last Chapel Royal resident lutenist,2 and erstwhile secretary for an earlier club, Johann Christoph Pepusch's (1667–1752) Academy of Ancient Music (the Academy).3 At this time, there was an increase in formalised club meetings, especially with regards to music clubs.4 The LMS is of particular interest to this study due to its large library of artefacts contained within the British Library, where the Society’s library has been on loan since 1954. The collection contains both musical and non-musical sources, such as attendance records, rules of governance, programmes, and large amounts of copied music. The Society had a tradition of performing sixteenth-century madrigals in pubs and private homes/salons during the eighteenth-century, but by the nineteenth century the club grew into a more public organisation with public concerts, and in 1811 began composition competitions to solicit new madrigals. Also, by the nineteenth century, the Society meetings and concerts were more tolerant of singing works other than madrigals, such as motets, masses, glees, and catches.5 Early on, catches and glees were considered too vulgar for inclusion in regular meetings, and other genres were not allowed by virtue of their not being madrigals, but this 2 For more information on Immyns’s appointment as Chapel Royal lutenist, see Donald Burrows, Handel and the English Chapel Royal (Oxford and London: Oxford UP, 2005), p. 475, James C. Hume, The Chapel Royal Partbooks in Eighteenth–Century England (PhD thesis: University of Manchester, 2013), p. 164, and Ian Woodfield, ‘ “Music of forty several parts”: a Song for the Creation of Princes,’ in Performance Review Vol. 7: No. 1, Article 4. 3 This is documented in various articles on the London Madrigal Society, including Thomas Day, ‘A Renaissance revival in eighteenth–century England’ in The Musical Quarterly 57 (1971): 575–592; Percy Lovell, ‘“Ancient” music in eighteenth–century England’, in Music & Letters 60 (1979): 401–415; and Reginald Nettel, ‘The oldest surviving English musical club: Some historical notes on the Madrigal Society of London’, in The Musical Quarterly 34 (1948): 97–108. Fuller investigations are pursued throughout this literature review. 4 Brian Robins, Catch and Glee Culture in Eighteenth–Century England (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2006), p. 16. 5 See Robins, ibid. 9 changed in the nineteenth century.6 The LMS met in various public houses every Wednesday evening, which consisted of performances of Italian and English madrigals in three, four, and five parts, catches, rounds, and canons, ‘though not elegantly, with a degree of correctness that did justice to the harmony; and, to vary the entertainment, Immyns would sometimes read … a chapter of Zarlino translated by himself’.7 John Immyns, Founder of the LMS John Hawkins (1719–1789) mentions the founding member of the LMS, John Immyns, in A General History of the Science and Practice of Music:8 Mr. John Immyns, an attorney by profession, was a member of the Academy [Dr Pepusch’s ‘Academy of Ancient Music’], but, meeting with misfortunes, he was occasionally a copyist to the society… . Of [madrigals] he in a short time became so fond, that in the year 1741 he formed the plan of a little club, called the Madrigal Society; and got together a few persons who had spent their lives in the practice of psalmody … [and] became soon able to sing, almost at sight, a part in an English, or even an Italian madrigal. They were mostly mechanics … others of various trades and occupations …, and Immyns was both their president and instructor.9 Immyns’s penchant for early music most likely arose from his association with John Christopher Pepusch and the Academy of Ancient Music.10 Immyns and Pepusch were firmly of the opinion that Handel (G.F., 1685–1759) and other contemporary composers from the European continent were 6 Robins, ibid., p. 16. 7 Ibid. 8 Charles W. Hughes,‘John Christopher Pepusch,’ The Musical Quarterly 31 (1945): 66. 9 John Hawkins, A General History of the Science and Practice of Music (London, 1776), V. 349 f; cited in Reginald Nettel, ‘The Oldest Surviving English Musical Club: Some Historical Notes on the Madrigal Society of London’, in The Musical Quarterly 34 (1948), 97–108, at 100. 10 Charles W. Hughes, ‘Johann Christopher Pepusch,’ in The Musical Quarterly (1945): 65. 10 ‘corruptors of the science.’11 While Immyns disliked the music of contemporaneous continental composers, he appreciated that of their early continental counterparts. Immyns’s own manuscript copies and the LMS records and manuscripts show that he programmed and copied works by such composers as Luca Marenzio (c. 1553–1599), Orazio Vecchi (1550–1605), Carlo Gesualdo (1566–1613), and Orlande de Lassus (1532–1594).12 However, Immyns also held English composers in esteem, since he copied and performed works by William Byrd (1543–1623), Thomas Weelkes (1576–1623), and their contemporaries. The LMS library includes Byrd’s three-part mass, the entirety of the 1589 Cantiones sacrae, and copies of his 1605 and 1607 Gradualia and 1591 Cantiones sacrae, copies of Spem in alium, the 40-part motet by Byrd’s teacher, Thomas Tallis (1505-1585), as well as madrigals by Thomas Morley (c. 1557–1602), John Wilbye (1574–1638), George Kirbye (c. 1565–1634), and Orlando Gibbons (bap. 1583–1625). In fact, it seems that Immyns was the true antiquarian: although Pepusch founded the Academy for Ancient Music and influenced Immyns, Pepusch later programmed extensively from music of more fashionable and contemporaneous composers, such as Handel, Francesco Geminiani (1687–1762), and Giovanni Bononcini (1670–1747).13 A sale catalogue from the estate of Thomas Oliphant lists the efforts of John Immyns to transcribe early music for the use of the London Madrigal Society and future posterity: madrigals for five voices by ‘[Gesualdo], Mottetts, etc. by W. Byrd and other 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid., p. 66. 13 Ibid., p. 55. 11 celebrated composers … in the handwriting of John Immyns’,14 and a book of madrigals for four voices by Giulio Renati [Venice, 1583].15 ‘Ancient’ and ‘Amateur’ Hawkins emphasizes that the men active in the Society were not music professionals, but amateur music fans who bonded over their mutual love of ‘ancient music’ and dislike of the new musical styles. Immyns was adamant that the Society meetings be devoted to the singing of madrigals and other esteemed ‘Ancient’ music, and only allowed departure from this norm after the official ending of the meetings.16 The antiquarians were interested in classifying art and artifacts as ‘ancient’, although it is difficult to ascertain the exactly meaning of the term ‘ancient’ and exactly when sixteenth-century music began to be thought of as ‘ancient’, but it was definitely considered to be so by the 1720s.17 In the early days of the Academy, its founders insisted that a main goal of the organization would be ‘ “an attempt to restore ancient Church musick”.18’ In 1731, ‘ancient’ was described as ‘ “such as lived before ye end of the Sixteenth [the word ‘fifteenth’ is crossed out] Century”.19’ The eighteenth-century fascination with the ‘ancient’ art would later influence nineteenth-century Romanticism, when it would become the cultural fashion to be nostalgic and ‘dig 14 Ibid., p. 66. 15 Ibid. 16 Lovell, op cit., p. 411. 17 Lovell, p. 401–2. 18 Lovell, p. 402. 19 Ibid. 12 [sic] up the past’.20 Already, by the 1770s, Burney demonstrated more tolerance towards the music of early composers when he wrote: ‘In a general History of Ancient Poetry, Homer would doubtless occupy the most ample and honourable place; and Palestrina, the Homer of the most Ancient Music that has been preserved, merits all the reverence and attention which it is in a musical historian's power to bestow.’21 Indeed, as a copyist, Immyns has been described as ‘fanatical’, having copied a significant amount of works by English composers, including Tallis’s Spem in alium.22 It is clear from cathedral records that early music was not completely forgotten in the eighteenth century. Performances of early music can be inferred from descriptions in William Boyce’s Cathedral Music (1760–73), and in Burney’s history, and by other recorded performances, such as that of Morley’s Burial Service for George II’s funeral in 1760.23 The antiquarians viewed themselves as the protectors of a sacred tradition of elevated music-making from the past, which they defended from the perceived low tastes of the public. In a sermon delivered on 8 July 1784, The Bishop of Oxford, George Horne stated, Great care should therefore be taken to keep the style of [church music] chaste and pure, suitable to holy places, and divine subjects … The light movements of the theatre, with the effeminate and frittered music of modern ITALY, should be excluded, and such composers as TALLIS BIRD, GIBBONS and KING, PURCEL and BLOW, 20 Burney, History, ii.163; cited in Lovell, p. 403. 21 Lovell, p. 403. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 13 CROFT and CLARK, WISE and WELDON, GREEN and HANDEL, should be considered … always … as our English classics in this sacred science.24 Similarly, John Wesley recounts a meeting with Pepusch in 1748, wherein the founder of the Academy of Ancient Music reiterates points like those made by Horne. Pepusch was concerned that the ‘art of music is lost; that the ancients only understood it in its perfection; that it was revived a little in the reign of Henry VIII by Tallys and his contemporaries, and also in the reign of Queen Elizabeth … that after her reign it sunk for sixty or seventy years, till Purcell made some attempts to restore it; but that ever since, the true, ancient art … had gained no ground…’25 This seems to insinuate a widespread belief among antiquarians that early music was better than its modern counterpart, and that early music should therefore be preserved and upheld for future generations. As John Haines argues, The Western fascination with early music goes back to the sixteenth century and the phenomenon of antiquarianism. Antiquarians studied not only Greek and Roman antiquity, but the more recent Middle Ages, which they in fact also called 'antiquity'. They believed that ancient things, including ancient music, should be revived, resurrected from oblivion. Antiquarians also theorized about the connection between contemporary folk traditions and antiquities, musical or otherwise.26 24 George Horne, The Antiquity, Use and Excellence of Church Music, a Sermon Preached at the Opening of a New Organ in the Cathedral Church of Christ, Canterbury, on Thursday, July 8, 1784 (Oxford, 1784), pp. 8–9; quoted in Thomas Day, ‘A Renaissance Revival in Eighteenth–Century England’, in The Musical Quarterly 57 (1971): 575. 25 John Wesley, Journal, June 13, 1748; quoted in Reginald Nettel, op. cit., p. 106. 26 John Haines, ‘Antiquarian Nostalgia and the Institutionalisation of Early Music’, in (eds) Caroline Bithell and Juniper Hill, The Oxford Handbook of Music Revival (London, New York, and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), p. 74. 14 The London Madrigal Society is another example of such antiquarians, cultivating so-called ancient music, and connecting it to folk traditions, antiquities, and musical nationalism. However, another purpose of the antiquarian societies was to unite non-professionals in music through a mutual shared love of the art of early music and their united defence against foreign tastes. ‘Amateur’ was not used in the same way in eighteenth-century England, nor were musicians treated the same way. Rather, the word ‘amateur’ was a way of distinguishing the gentleman scholars from those engaged in the music profession, which was viewed as improper for the landed gentry and aristocracy.27 As Rebecca Gribble has shown, professional musicians had a precarious place in the social hierarchy of English society at the end of the eighteenth century and were usually from a lower social class, with volatile financial status.28 On the other hand, antiquarians were often men of stature. For example, one of the best-known British antiquarians was Francis Douce, who was on the staff of the British Museum. Douce joined the museum in 1807 as Keeper of Manuscripts but resigned after four years. Douce was certainly not from a lower social class. In 1828 he inherited a large part of the renowned British sculptor Joseph Nolleken’s fortune. Douce bequeathed a large percentage of his collection of books, coins, drawings, manuscripts, and medals to the Bodleian Library at Oxford, although he kept a collection of Nollekens’s prints and Dürer paintings.29 27 Rebecca Gribble, ‘The finances, estates and social status of musicians in the late-eighteenth century’, in Rosemary Golding, The Music Profession in Britain, 1780–1920: New Perspectives on Status and Identity (Abingdon: Routledge, 2018), p. 1. 28 Ibid. 29 C. Hurst, ‘Douce, Francis (1757–1834), antiquary and collector,’ Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 23 Sep. 2004 (Accessed 26 Aug. 2023), https://www.oxforddnb.com/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-7849. 15 Therefore, the participants of the LMS were by no means music professionals in the traditional sense: ‘The persons that composed this little academy were men not less distinguished by their love of vocal harmony, than the harmless tempers, and their friendly disposition towards each other.30 Reginald Nettel insists that Hawkins’s account is correct due to his participation in the Academy of Ancient Music, and suggests that the coming together and singing of early music was as a communal event that was an equalizer of social class. Immyns claimed to be part of the lower class, and Nettel suggests that he is from a weaving family, since the name ‘Immins’ is listed among weavers in 1712, when a ‘broadsilk weaver’ called Thomas Immins attempts to secure the position of arts master at Bridewell Hospital.31 The LMS and Repertoire The LMS is the first known gathering specifically devoted to singing madrigals, rather than the more popular practice, in the past, of coming together to sing psalmody.32 The group operated as a friendly society of men committed to intellectual and musical improvement, and membership was possible only after a part-singing audition. The only exception to this rule is if the prospective member was formerly or presently educated in a cathedral school or choir.33 The repertoire of the Society followed the pattern established by Immyns’s initial programming, for example, works by some of the 30 Sir John Hawkins, General History of the Science and Practice of Music, V. 349 f. (London, 1776), cited in Nettel, p. 100. 31 Bib. Bod. MS Rawl. D833 fol. 241, cited in Nettel, p. 100. 32 Nettel, p. 100. 33 Ibid., p. 102. 16 best composers of the 16th and 17th centuries: Byrd, Marenzio, John Bennet, Thomas Bateson, Victoria, Palestrina, Gesualdo, Weelkes, Kirbye, and Wilbye. The Academy of Ancient Music, which was the model for the Madrigal Society, was disbanded in 1792. The latter group, however, continues to this day. The most interesting aspect of the Society’s activities is its commitment to early music by English composers, especially the music of Byrd. As Percy Lovell suggested, the antiquarian societies were a vehicle of ‘counter–taste’ that worked against that of the general musical populace.34 Burney exemplifies the tastes of the majority of eighteenth-century English music listeners when he wrote, ‘ “There is doubtless more nerve, more science, and fire, in the worst of Handel’s choruses, than in the greatest efforts of these old madrigalists.”35 ’ In 1733, the Academy of Ancient Music performed the Palestrina motet ‘Sicut cervus’, and Marenzio’s madrigal ‘Dissi a l’amata’ from Immyns’s copies, and during the 1740s, the LMS sang many Italian and English madrigals, such as works by Rore, Wilbye, Morley and Gesualdo.36 The Society was instrumental in preserving music in manuscript copies for the enjoyment of future generations of antiquarians more than 150 years before Richard Terry became music master at Downside School in 1896 and later began programming early music, not to mention Byrd and Tallis, while active in his post at Westminster Cathedral in the 1910s. While it is unknown exactly how much 34 Percy Lovell, op. cit., p. 401. 35 Charles Burney, ii.112, cited in Lovell, ibid., p. 401. 36 Lovell, p. 401. 17 of it was performed for audiences, the act of the LMS and other antiquarian organizations coming together to sing and appreciate early music is tantamount to a performance and enabled a smaller group of individuals to familiarize themselves with these treasures. This act of coming together to sing the music of Byrd, Marenzio, Palestrina, Weelkes, and others in private could perhaps echo the conditions under which motets from the 1589 Cantiones sacrae were originally performed: in secret, closed–door gatherings under threat of discrimination and oppression.37 The LMS and Copying Practices The most intriguing aspect of the Madrigal Society is that in addition to singing and copying madrigals, the collection of manuscripts on loan to the British Library contains many sacred works by Byrd and other sixteenth- and seventeenth-century composers, which were copied from original prints or copies.38 John Immyns was a careful copyist who painstakingly reproduced many works for his Society; indeed, he made very few changes to the music and took very few editorial liberties. Similarly, Thomas Day has demonstrated that Henry Aldrich (1648–1710), Dean of Christ Church, Oxford in the 17th century, copied Palestrina’s doctor bonus as an English contrafactum changing the title to ‘We have heard with our ears’, among many other contrafacta, including Sicut cervus with the text ‘O God thou art my God’. The works were recopied with additional measures of Aldrich’s own compositions, 37 See Craig Monson, ‘Byrd, the Catholics, and the Motet: The Hearing Reopened,’ Hearing the Motet, ed. Dolores Pesce (London, New York, and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 348–73. 38 Throughout this PhD thesis, refer to the Appendices for full lists of the entire London Madrigal Society library on loan to the British Library. 18 and eighteenth-century versions of the Sicut cervus and its contrafactum exist in the British Library and the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge.39 Immyns is one of the music copyists in the LMS collection, but there are many other copyists, including music copied by Aldrich. The Fitzwilliam Museum also includes two manuscripts from the LMS that are products of Immyns’s copyist skills, featuring works by composers that are also represented in the collection at the British Library, as well as works by Antoine Brumel (c. 1460–1513), Michael Praetorius (1571–1621), and a few other Italian composers that do not appear in the British Library holdings. The Byrd three-part mass is present in both the British Library and at the Fitzwilliam Museum. Both collections contain madrigals and motets by a wide variety of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century composers, and the instances of duplication between manuscripts, which suggests that the Society had great enthusiasm for certain pieces and ensured that there were plenty of copies available. Additionally, notations in the copies themselves demonstrate aspects of what the copyists and arguably subsequent performers appreciated and valued about the music. In the Immyns manuscript at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Byrd’s three-voice mass is reproduced with added figures highlighting the suspensions (‘4-3’, ‘5-6’ and ‘7-6’ are enumerated), addition of musica ficta signs, and slurs. Immyns writes in his manuscripts that the madrigals are ‘originally compos’d in Italian the English words chose & made by J.J. [Immyns] as near to ye sense of the Original as ye Rithm & Quantity of ye Verse wou’d permit wehout [sic] any Alteration of ye Notes’.40 39 Thomas Day, op. cit., pp. 579–80. 40 John Immyns, Fitzwilliam Museum MS MU.MS.113 (30.G.6), p. 169. 19 A Summary of Music in the London Madrigal Society Madrigals make up the largest percentage of the LMS collection, but there is also a significant amount of sacred music, such as mass excerpts, motets and their contrafacta, and secular music from other genres, such as glees, catches, and rounds. There is no official, printed catalogue of the LMS holdings in the British Library, but the Appendix comprises of a catalogue with descriptions of each manuscript, both music copies and non-musical documents. This catalogue was originally prepared by Chris Banks in 2003, then an employee at the British Library, which I have gone through to verify its contents, with the catalogue and manuscript sources side by side. The music that forms the Madrigal Society’s collection are by composers such as the following (this is only a representative list):41 ● Madrigals by Bennet, Marenzio, Morley, Nanino, Scaletta, Dueto, Faignient, Cornet, Rore, le Jeune, Ferina, Giovanelli, Pevernage, de Wert, Phillips, Croce, de Monte, Weelkes, Farmer, Bateson, Kirby, Morley, Renaldi, Gesualdo, Vecchi, Ferrabosco, Lasso, Wilbye, Weelkes, Cavendish, Ford, Carissimi, Clemens non Papa, Dowland. ● Motets, Anthems, and Mass Movements by Palestrina, Byrd, Brumel, Victoria, Tallis, Barsanti, Lasso, Lobo, Blow, Gibbons, Arne, Anerio, Masera, Reading, Fuchs, Tye, A. Scarlatti, Croce, S. Wesley, Richafort, Obrecht, Morales. It is noteworthy that the three complete collections of Byrd’s music extant in the Madrigal Society library are of his sacred music, which were controversial in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, during the religious and political upheaval of the English Reformation and Civil War. Of the 41 For an exhaustive list, see the Appendix of this thesis, as well as its sixth chapter. 20 manuscripts, most were copied in part-books, although most of the music copied by Rev. John Parker (MSS C14, 15 and D16) is in score. The Appendix consists of an exhaustive list of the musical and non–musical holdings at the British Library, and holdings related to the Madrigal Society members at the British Library and at other libraries. The British Library collection of music from the Madrigal Society (LMS), shelf–marked as BL Mad.Soc.A–J in the British Library catalogue, is an expansive collection of music from the fifteenth through nineteenth centuries, all painstakingly copied by LMS members and other musical antiquarians in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. The first several volumes, A1–61, were copied in the eighteenth century by various hands. Volumes A1–15 are collections of Italian and English madrigals by numerous composers in part-book format, while A56–71 is an eighteenth–century copy of the entire Byrd 1589 Cantiones sacrae, also in part-books. B1–10 are nineteenth–century copies of motets and madrigals, many recopied as volume C5 in the collection, again in part-book format. B11–18 are more eighteenth–century copies of madrigals and motet in part-books, while B19–24 contains six part-books of Marcello psalms. B25–27 are part-book collections of madrigals for 2–3 voices, while B31–35 are five eighteenth–century partbook copies of Regolio Vecoli’s “Il secondo libro de madrigali a cinque voci”, 1586.” B28–30 and B36 are not madrigals but are instead anthems and a Pevernage Gloria in excelsis for nine voices, the latter in both score and part-book format. C1–C15 are nineteenth–century copies of madrigals in score, while C16–C27 are late–eighteenth–century copy of madrigals in score. C28 and C29 are late–eighteenth–century copies of Byrd’s two Gradualia books in score, while C30 goes 21 back to the eighteenth-century for 4-voiced motets in score. D17 and D18–20 are more eighteenth-century copies, with D17 as a collection of solo and verse–anthems and psalms by anonymous composers, and D18–20 are part-books of catches, canons, glees, and madrigals for three or four voices. D16 are madrigals in score copied in the early nineteenth century, while D21–27 are more nineteenth-century copies of glees, madrigals, and motets. F47–51 are again nineteenth–century copies of madrigals, these by Gesualdo from the editions of 1585-1611, and F55–57 are nineteenth–century copies of motets for four voices by Palestrina; D21–F57 are all in part-book format. F63–75 are again eighteenth-century copies, in part-books, of songs and madrigals, whereas F76–80 are eighteenth-century copies of anthems, psalms, madrigals, and motets in score. F81–85 are again eighteenth–century copies of madrigals in part-books, but F86–G8 are eighteenth-century copies of madrigals and motets in score. The volumes of G9–G42 are seventeenth-century copies of motets, masses, madrigals, canzonets, psalms, arts, fantasies, and ‘In nomine’ works in part-book format, while G43 returns to the eighteenth century with a Pieta’ crudele for SSB with basso continuo by Gigli in score and parts. G44–47, 49 and G55–59 return to the seventeenth century copies in part-books, of motets and madrigals, while H (MS114) is a missing nineteenth-century copy of Tallis’s Spem in alium in score, transcribed in 1834 by Thomas Oliphant (past president of the MadSoc) from a copy made by John Immyns in 1751, where the latter set it to the words ``O sing and glorify Heaven’s high majesty”. The final volumes, J1–18 are copies of madrigals and motets (J, in part-books, nineteenth century) and Italian 22 songs and arias (J81, in score, eighteenth century), English and Italian madrigals (J82, in score, eighteenth century), and madrigals and motets (J83, in score, eighteenth century). Non-Musical Sources in the London Madrigal Society Holdings On the non-musical side of the source material, the Madrigal Society’s collection contains attendance records and programmes from 1757–70, account books from 1750–78 and from 1790–1881, rules, loans, and forfeits from 1748–1770, two general indexes (one from 1816, one from 1817), and a minute book for 1916–55. The record books, while incomplete and not detailing every single meeting, demonstrate that certain composers were present more frequently and therefore suggest their favour: examples of composers that were at more meetings are Bennet, Byrd, Carissimi, Lobo, Palestrina, Weelkes, and Wilbye.42 The account books are detailed notes on money spent for the Society, mostly in the buying of dinner and wine, and in the paying of the boys who were hired to sing the top parts. The attendance books also include the rules for the governing of the Society,43 which detail procedures for removing or omitting new members and visitors, the dues, and how the society will be governed by the officers. The LMS holdings are also of interest as primary source documents of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century taste, although these are not authoritative in the least since they are highly opinionated based on the author and their choices of music and composers. 42 Both Chapter 6 and the Appendix include more detailed information on record books. 43 See also J. G. Craufurd, ‘The Madrigal Society,’ in Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 82 (1955): 33–46. 23 Table of non-musical sources in the MadSoc collection GB–Lms, Mad. Soc. Description with Title of Book in Manuscript F1 Attendance and programmes, 1744-57 F2 Attendance and programmes, 1757-70 F3 Account book, 1750-78 F4 Account book, 1758-78 F5 Attendance and transactions 1785-1828 F6 Rules, loans, forfeits, etc. 1748-59 F7 Forfeits, 1756-70 F8 Accounts, 1790-4 F9 Accounts, 1794-8 F10 Accounts, 1798-1802 F11 Accounts, 1802-11 F12 Accounts, 1811-19 F13 Accounts, 1820-25 24 F14 Accounts, 1826-28 F15 Accounts, 1828-30 F16 Accounts, 1830-32 F17 Accounts, 1832-39 F18 Accounts, 1839-49 F19 Accounts, 1849-81 F20 General Index to glees, etc., ca 1817 F21 Index (presented to the Society in 1816) F22 Minute Book; 1916-55 (one example is the Society’s ‘Regulations’, 1934) F23–25, F27–28 Not received F29 Thomas Oliphant, La Musa Madrigalesca, London, 1837 Other unnumbered books The Triumph of Oriana, ed. William Hawes, London, 1814 25 The old A book The old EP book The old PS book The old S book Programme for 12 December 1950 Special copy of the 12 December 1950 programme, a replica of the copy presented to the Queen. Visitors’ and Candidates’ Books (1900-29 of Visitors, 1900–1978 of Candidates) Among the non–musical sources is also a collection of papers, such as those relating to the Molyneux Fund (a Declaration of Trust from 1881, and a scheme altering the Declaration of Trust in 1937), as well as a typescript copy of the Declaration of Trust, incorporating the scheme after 1937. There are also three papers about the Society’s prize competition, including ‘The Madrigal Society: Prize Competition’ from April 1953, J. G. Craufurd’s ‘The Madrigal Society: The History of a Prize Competition’, from September 1964, and ’The Madrigal Society: The Prize Madrigal Fund of the Madrigal Society’ from 1977. Other documents give a more general history of the society, for example ‘The Madrigal Society: The Honorary Secretary & His Duties’ from 1965 (revised 1967), and J.G. Craufurd’s Memoirs, ‘A Hertfordshire Musician’ with a sheet containing 2 MS additions from 1971 and 1981. 26 The extant non–musical papers and records in the British Library holdings provide valuable information about the Society’s formation and governance as a club, its membership, and its repertoire, and there are parallels, in all three categories, to both the earlier Academy of Ancient Music, and to the Gentleman’s Catch and Glee Club (GC&GC). Governance organisation of music clubs was necessary, since these clubs often involved music performances (especially in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries), had membership requirements, and procedures for governance enabled these operations to run smoothly and allowed members to hold auditions and select only new members of appropriate talent.44 The structure of the LMS became more formalised in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when there were more official records and documentation kept for the club’s proceedings. The attendance books, while incomplete and not detailing every single meeting, demonstrate that certain composers recur frequently and are clearly favoured: examples are Bennet, Byrd, Carissimi, Lobo, Palestrina, Weelkes, Victoria, Morley, and Wilbye. The activities and rules of governance of the LMS are especially interesting when compared to those of the GC&GC, which was founded in London in 1762. Governance of the LMS The younger society, well-known as a vehicle for the support of singing and of composing glees and catches, also had a tradition of catch and glee competitions to encourage composers to 44 Brian Robins, op. cit., pp. 16–17. 27 produce new material, just like LMS. Brian Robins's 2006 book, Catch and Glee Culture in Eighteenth-Century England, features an analysis of the ten most popular catch and glee composers who provided catch and glees for the GC&GC. As Robins demonstrates, the top three composers produced roughly 27% of all the sung glees and catches, and the LMS paralleled this activity closely.45 The most popular composers from the Catch Club's collection were Samuel Webbe the Elder (1740–1816), John Wall Callcott (1766–1821), and John Danby (1757–98). These three composers were also popular with the Madrigal Society, once the Society got around to performing eighteenth-century works when they were sufficiently old enough by the nineteenth century (and therefore warranted inclusion by these antiquarians),46 as were the composers Benjamin Cooke (1734–93), Thomas Arne (1710–78), Francis Hutcheson (1721–80), and Luffman Atterbury (?–1796). Robins also notes that both the composers of catches and glees and the founding members of the Madrigal Society had ties to the Roman Catholic church. Official ties to the church is a possible explanation for why so much sacred music was copied, such as the entirety of the Byrd 1589 Cantiones sacrae and both books of Gradualia, and many other sacred works, notably by Palestrina, Victoria, Tallis, and Lobo.47 Samuel Webbe the Elder was a known Roman Catholic appointed organist of the Sardinian Embassy Chapel in 1775, and John Danby was a pupil of Webbe's, also Catholic and the organist of the Spanish Embassy chapel. John Danby is most likely the scribe of the Madrigal Society's copies of William Byrd's entire 1605 and 1607 Gradualia and 1589 Cantiones sacrae volumes. The LMS copy of the 45 Robins, ibid., p. 69 46 See Chapter 2 for information on how antiquarians defined terms like ‘ancient’. 47 Robins, ibid., pp. 69–70. 28 1605 Gradualia volume carries the following inscription: ‘From an ancient copy in score in the possession of Mr John Hawkins and purchased by him at the sale of Dr Boyce’s music, 1779,' copied by Mr Danby.' The 1607 book bears a similar notation: 'Made into a score by Mr Danby, from the MSS parts in the possession of Mr John Hawkins, 1780.' The records further indicate that John Danby was paid for his work. This seems to be a religious connection to the copying of these overtly Catholic works for the Madrigal Society, especially since Robins has shown that more founders of both the Academy and the LMS had ties with the church. As Fiona Palmer and Philip Olleson have shown, it is safe to assume that these copies were made in the nineteenth century, since the index of the society does not show these as being in their collection until 1816.48 Furthermore, there was a large degree of overlap between the membership and club governance customs of the Academy of Ancient Music, the Madrigal Society, and the Catch Clubs. Composers Cooke and Arne were members of the Academy and the LMS, and Webbe and his son Samuel the Younger were both frequent visitors to each society. John Stafford Smith, one of the most popular glee composers who was also active with the Catch Club, was also a great collector of 'old' music: he purchased, among other things, the Old Hall Manuscript, and the Ulm Gesangbuch of 1538. Smith also published an anthology of select works of his and other composers' collections, featuring pieces by Ockeghem, Obrecht, Wert and Morales. Cooke, another popular glee and catch composer, also had an extensive collection of early 48 Philip Olleson and Fiona Palmer, op. cit., p. 60. 29 music, with some examples being the Fayrfax Manuscript and works by Clemens non Papa and John Bull.49 Literature Review Primary sources The most important primary sources for this thesis are clearly the large manuscript holdings of the LMS, as detailed in the Appendix. Apart from these documents, other primary sources are newspaper and journal articles written in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, as well as letters and assorted personal papers, histories, and editions by members and associates of the LMS, such as Johann Christoph Pepusch, John Immyns, Thomas Oliphant, and more, but also critics, collectors, musicians, and composers, such as Charles Burney, Henry Aldrich, John Hawkins, Vincent Novello, George Grove, John Alexander Fuller–Maitland, Samuel Sebastian Wesley, Edmund Fellowes, and Richard Terry. I mention these more ancillary figures because of their involvement in antiquarian music movements and the influence of them upon members and associates of the Society. These personal documents provide important insights into the aesthetics of seventeenth-, eighteenth- and nineteenth-century English music critics and historians and offer useful comparisons and contrasts between the music antiquarians and the general concert-going public. Some of them are particularly humorous, and at times and in various ways engendered the negative opinions of both early music itself and the 49 Robins, pp. 70–1. 30 antiquarians, which are crucial to my study. However, they are not impartial, and their opinions seem to vacillate depending on what is fashionable, sentimental, or personally valued by them. Secondary sources Of the secondary sources that deal directly with the LMS, there are several scholarly articles, a PhD thesis from 2015, and other books and articles that mention the work of the LMS and other antiquarians. This encompasses the work of scholars who have previously discussed the Madrigal Society and other music antiquarian societies active between 1726–1832: a book on the early music revival by Harry Haskell, an article on the Madrigal Society and Vincent Novello by Philip Olleson and Fiona Palmer, and numerous other articles that focus on the London Madrigal Society. There is also a recent PhD dissertation from 2020 dealing with antiquarian editions of histories of music.50 More recently, there is an expansive article by H. Diack Johnstone on the Academy of Ancient Music.51 Johnstone’s article was published in 2020 in the Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle and is a book-length effort to share with the world the history, programmes, activities, and editing practices of the Academy of Ancient Music. It is an impressive piece of research and lays the groundwork to any research on the LMS, as its predecessor. The early history is thoroughly discussed, 50 Please note that when referring to a PhD dissertation instead of PhD thesis, I am briefly using US terminology because I am referring to a US degree at a US institution. This is what a PhD document is called at Indiana University at Bloomington, where that degree was completed. 51 H. Diack Johnstone, “The Academy of Ancient Music (1726-1802): Its History, Repertoire and Surviving Programmes.” Research chronicle – Royal Musical Association 51 (2020): 1–136. 31 including its name change from the Academy of Vocal Music to the Academy of Ancient Music, and informs the reader of various members, many familiar to eighteenth century music history. Many of the members of the Academy, like Immyns in the LMS, are active as musicians, but that does not prevent the academy from having a treble problem.52 As I will demonstrate in chapter 3, Johnstone’s article contributes a glut of significant information to reception studies, as he performed a huge amount of research on the Academy. From his research, it is evident that the two societies have many similar interests in repertoire, and similar forms of governance. However, what is missing from Johnstone’s research, and much of the literature on the topic of the LMS and eighteenth-century music history, is that there is no consideration on musical antiquarianism in relation to these clubs. Henry Haskell’s work on the early music revival focuses on the nineteenth-century contributions, and the often-discussed rise of early music and antiquarian societies in the nineteenth century, such as the Musical Antiquarian Society. Beginning with defining early music, the book starts by investigating the history of the term ‘early music’,53 mentioning the Academy of Ancient Music and its definition in 1731 as ‘such as lived before ye end of the Sixteenth Century’,54 and briefly surveys the evolving nature of the meaning of the term.55 Haskell points out that the growth of antiquarian-type interest in the nineteenth-century was built upon an earlier resurgence of interest in the eighteenth-century, thanks to the Madrigal Society and the Academy of Ancient Music.56 A key difference 52 Johnstone, op. cit., p. 9. 53 Harry Haskell, The Early Music Revival (Mineola, NY: Dover, 1996), p. 9. 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid. 56 Haskell, Ibid., p. 14. 32 between the present study and Haskell’s book is that the latter’s goal is to specifically study early music revivals, which he defines as ‘music for which a historically appropriate style of performance must be reconstructed on the basis of surviving instruments, treatises and other evidence’.57 While the book mostly concerns the early music revival outside of the time period of my project, it does include important historical data and methodology concerning the socio-cultural aspects of reception history and early music revivals in England. What the book does not do is thoroughly discuss these antiquarians and their contributions to the reception history of early music, as well as the impact of the antiquarian philosophy and method upon the early music revival. There are a few articles that provide important background information on musical antiquarians in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and with historical data upon which to build a picture of their activities. For example, Philip Olleson and Fiona Palmer have an article in the Journal of the Royal Musical Association about Vincent Novello’s purported editions of Byrd’s music, and the nineteenth-century copies of Byrd’s music. Olleson and Palmer give a proper dating for the Cantiones sacrae and Gradualia copies and explain Novello’s connection to the LMS in greater detail, as well as illuminate Samuel Wesley’s involvement in the Madrigal Society as a visitor and a competitor in its nineteenth-century madrigal composing competitions.58 The article even discusses a possible connection between the discrimination and persecution of English Catholics in the sixteenth- and 57 Ibid. 58 See Philip Olleson and Fiona M. Palmer, Publishing Music from the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge: The Work of Vincent Novello and Samuel Wesley in the 1820s, in The Journal of the Royal Musical Association 130 (2005): 38–73. 33 eighteenth-centuries, and their shared fascination with Byrd’s Catholic music, such as the Cantiones sacrae and Gradualia. With the work by Palmer and Olleson, as well as Brian Robins’ additional research showing Catholic connections to the members of the Madrigal Society and the Gentleman’s Catch and Glee Club, it seems safe to say that religious allegiances may have been at least a small factor in motivating their copying of Catholic sacred music. There will be more on the connections to Catholicism and English identity in chapter 5. Further articles on the LMS and the Academy expand on the personalities and activities of these antiquarians. For example, writing in the Musical Quarterly, Charles W. Hughes includes biographical information about the founders of the Academy and LMS, Johann Christoph Pepusch and John Immyns.59 A handful of scholars have written about the Madrigal Society and its sources, such as Reginald Nettel, Percy Lovell, J.G. Crauford, and Thomas Day. Many of these articles repeat the same information about the Madrigal Society’s origins, often citing how the Society is mentioned in Burney and Hawkins. Articles by Nettel and Lovell insinuate that the Madrigal Society members were part of the working class, and even hint at a possible burgeoning of the middle class in the eighteenth-century. However, there seems to be little historical evidence to suggest an early rise of the middle class, about which Christina Bashford has expressed doubt.60 Crauford’s article is especially helpful in discussing 59 Charles W. Hughes, ‘John Christopher Pepusch,’ The Musical Quarterly 31 (1945): 66. 60 See Reginald Nettel, ‘The Oldest Surviving English Musical Club: Some Historical Notes on the Madrigal Society of London’, in The Musical Quarterly 34 (1948), 97–108; and Percy Lovell, ‘ “Ancient” Music in Eighteenth–Century England’, in Music and Letters 60 (1979): 401–15. Christina Bashford expressed doubt and distrust in their characterization of the historical and social milieu portrayed by these articles in private communication to me in July 2010. 34 non–musical sources found in the LMS library, and in illuminating further the nineteenth-century activity and connections to this Society. Crauford begins by underscoring the long-standing activities of the LMS, mentioning its consistent activity from its inception in 1741 through the present day, stopping only temporarily from 1941-1946 due to the World War II bombings in London. Crauford also connects the LMS to earlier antiquarian traditions, describing their meetings as like the descriptions by Nicholas Yongue in the preface to Musica Transalpina (1588): ‘a great number of gentlemen and merchants of good accompt (as well of this realme as of forreine nations)' while singing madrigals in Yonge’s house. Crauford continues: ‘At the time of the Madrigal Society's foundation musical gatherings for the performance of other kinds of music were well known. They were arranged by an individual, who collected the guests at his house or, if they were too many, at a tavern’, adding that refreshments were offered, and the gathering might also allow for performers and auditors.61 Crauford gives other details about the activities of the LMS: using Hawkins, stating its first meeting place as 'The Twelve Bells', Bride Lane. It subsequently moved from one tavern to another and eventually, in I827, to 'The Freemasons Arms', now 'The Connaught Rooms', where it remained till 1882. Between the latter date and I919 it met at various London restaurants. In I919 it moved to the Carpenters' Hall. It remained there till April 1940, when meetings were suspended. On the resumption of meetings in 1946, the Carpenters' Hall having been destroyed by aerial bombardment, they were held in the Tallow Chandlers' Hall, where they have been held ever since.62 61 J.G. Crauford, ‘The Madrigal Society,’ in Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 83 (1955–6): 34. 62 Ibid. 35 Crauford discusses administrative changes in the history of the Society, amongst these decisions about frequency of the meetings, while in 1745 there were decisions to ensure the meetings ended by half past ten in the evening, unless members wished to sing catches until eleven in the evening. In 1750, the society voted to organise the meetings into two Acts, with four madrigals, and half an hour between each as a break, and further regulations to ensure that the singing was not interrupted by eating supper. In 1761, members elected the first Librarian to organise the Society’s great collection of materials, ‘who should also in some degree serve as Secretary of the Society by entering all the proper minutes, taking the account of absent members, discharging the reckoning and accounting for the same. By April 1802 the offices of Librarian, Secretary and Treasurer were [sic.] separated, and they were elected annually as they still are’.63 Crauford also gives important information about the gender membership of the Society: ‘The upper parts of the madrigals are now sung by ladies, who are not members of the Society, but arrive after dinner. They are successors of a long line of choir boys, who … are first mentioned in a minute of November 1756, when it was agreed that “two boys sufficiently skilled in music from the choir of St. Paul or elsewhere be procured to sing every night of performance”.’64 Crauford admits that he is unsure who sang upper parts before 1756, though before July 1750 treble voices were being procured for the members' assistance. Besides the boys from St. Paul's Cathedral, boys from Westminster Abbey choir and Children of the Chapel Royal sang for the Society. By the middle of the 63 Ibid., p. 35–36. 64 Ibid. 36 nineteenth century the Children of the Chapel Royal had become the Society's permanent sopranos and they continued to act as such until the Chapel Royal Choir School was closed in 1923- From that time until 1940 choir boys were obtained from various sources.65 I include so much information from Crauford’s article and so few from the others because Crauford’s article is one of the few that gives new information and does not merely repeat what other scholars have said but with a few new insights. Again, my main criticism with all these scholars is that no-one is engaging with the idea of antiquarianism before the nineteenth century. Thomas Day’s article, ‘A Renaissance Revival in Eighteenth-Century England’, is notable for critical engagement with sources of early music, and recognition of the historiographical significance of the eighteenth-century early music movements. ‘Somehow, against all laws of fashion, a few pieces of Renaissance polyphony had managed to stay in the repertory of many English cathedral choirs, at least until the last years of the eighteenth century.’66 Day continues, drawing parallels to Italy and the ‘remarkable longevity of Renaissance polyphony in Italy’, calling the eighteenth-century movement a ‘parallel phenomenon in England’.67 Day began in 1644 with the Long Parliament’s project to end ‘all vestiges of popery in England’, causing an ‘abrupt stop’ to the ‘whole tradition of English “cathedral music”.’68 Day’s article continues telling the story of the English reclaiming of ‘pomp and circumstance’, quoting Thomas Tudway (d. 1726), a chorister in the Chapel Royal shortly after the 65 Ibid., p. 37. 66 Thomas Day, ‘A Renaissance Revival in Eighteenth-Century England,’ in The Musical Quarterly 57 (1971): 575. 67 Ibid. 68 Ibid., p. 576. 37 Restoration: ‘the Standard of Church Music begun by Mr. Tallis & Mr. Bird, &c. was continued for some years after the Restauration, & all Composers conform'd them- selves to the Pattern which was set by them’69, arguing that the English masters such as Tallis and Byrd remained popular throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In fact, England experienced a miniature "Renaissance Revival." Between 1700 and 1801, for example, music by Byrd appears in no less than eighteen English publications; Tallis appears in at least fourteen. Elizabethan and Jacobean composers take up at least a quarter of the space in William Boyce's collection Cathedral Music (London, 1760- 78).7 For the funeral of George II in 1760 the choir sang Thomas Morley's Burial Service rather than a work by some fashionable contemporary. In 1771 William Randall found enough subscribers to issue a new edition of Morley's A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke (1597).70 Day’s article also contains many critical examinations of copies and editions by those associated with the LMS and earlier antiquarians, such as Henry Aldrich.71 While much of this information seems to repeat a previous article, without much correction or critical evaluation, most of the articles on the Madrigal Society do give new and helpful historical information about the early antiquarian societies, and a few-notably the Crauford and the Day-cover new ground and helped me to become better acquainted with and understand better the work and contributions of eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century antiquarians to the reception history of early English music. 69 Ibid. 70 Ibid., p. 577. 71 See J.G. Crauford, ‘The Madrigal Society,’ in Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 83 (1955–6): 34–46, and Thomas Day, ‘A Renaissance Revival in Eighteenth-Century England,’ in The Musical Quarterly 57 (1971): 575–92. 38 A second article by Day, ‘Old Music in England, 1790-1820’, investigates ‘How much “old music” could the average Englishman have heard during the years 1790-1820’?’ Day answers this question at the beginning of the article with the claim ‘A modest amount, probably.’72 Day’s claim is serious, with a nationalistic bent that emphasises the significance of English music revivals: ‘Europe's first Renaissance Revival may, in fact, have begun in England and in the eighteenth century. Between 1700 and 1790 our average Englishman probably heard more Renaissance music than anyone else in Europe - apart from the average Italian, who could still encounter a bit of Palestrina in his local church.’73 Day cites Charles Burney’s history as another example of the English devotion to the past: Notwithstanding the frequent complaints that are made of the corruption of Music, of public caprice, and private innovation, there is, perhaps, no country in Europe, where the productions of old masters are more effectually preserved from oblivion, than in England : for, amidst the love of novelty and rapid revolutions of fashion, in common with other countries, our cathedrals continue to perform the services and full anthems of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, by Tye, Tallis, Bird, Morley, Gibbons, Humphrey, Blow and Purcell; as well as those produced at the beginning of the present century. … The Crown and Anchor Concert, established in 1710, for the preservation of old masters of every country, has long endeavoured to check innovation; and the annual performances at St. Paul's, for the benefit of the Sons of the Clergy; the Madrigal Society, as well as the Catch-Club, and Concert of Ancient Music, are all more peculiarly favourable to the works of the illustrious dead, than those of living candidates for fame.74 The connection to the past and to reception history, which insinuates a connection to antiquarianism, is what is most laudable about Day’s scholarship. 72 Thomas Day, ‘Old Music in England, 1790–1820’, in Revue belge de Musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap, (1972/1973): 25–37. 73 Day, Ibid., 25. 74 Ibid., 25. 39 Percy Lovell’s ‘ “Ancient” Music in Eighteenth-Century England’, written in 1979, claims to improve upon previous articles about the significance of English musical antiquarians, by highlighting them both as a ‘strong current of counter-taste’, and for their interest in not only reproducing early music on paper, but also in performing it: [U]nlike (it seems) the activities of music antiquarians elsewhere in Europe, the enthusiasm of the English researchers into early music led them to relish their discoveries in performance as well as on paper. So, for instance, the Academy of Ancient Music heard sung on 31 January 1733 Palestrina's 'Sicut cervus' and Marenzio's 'Dissi a l'amata', while in the 1740s members of the Madrigal Society were performing an astonishingly wide repertory of English and Italian madrigals, such as pieces by Gesualdo and de Rore.75 Lovell makes important points about Marenzio and Palestrina, and indeed points to the necessity of considering earlier copies of the same works that the LMS enjoyed. Lovell also analyses many important and significant works in the LMS repertoire. In general, the articles that focus on the activities of the LMS (or ‘MadSoc’) are more detailed in their discussion of the society and its antiquarians as a particularly English phenomenon, a topic which will be explored more in chapter 5. Lovell also dissects the term ‘ancient’ or ‘antient’, claiming that ‘the difficulty about defining the word in terms of old music was that an appeal could hardly be made to Classical antiquity,’ since ‘no corpus of Hellenic or Roman music existed comparable to the works of Classical antiquity studied and admired by literary men and connoisseurs of fine art. For past excellence of this order musicians had recourse to a much later era-the polyphonic masterpieces of the 75 Percy Lovell, ‘“Ancient” Music in Eighteenth–Century England,’ in Music & Letters 60 (1979): 401–415. 40 Renaissance.’76 Lovell also examines the reception of Thomas Tallis’s motet from the 1575 Cantiones sacrae, ‘O sacrum convivium’, which was circulated as early as the sixteenth century under the text ‘I call and cry’, an English anthem also popular with the LMS.77 Lovell traces the anthem through the Barnard manuscript books of 1625 (London, Royal College of Music, MSS 1045–51), into Barnard’s own First Book of Selected Church Music, Tudway’s anthology, William Pearson’s Divine Companion ca 1730, and into Boyce’s 1768 Cathedral Music, volume 2.78 Lovell further inspects the musical changes of Tallis’s work, noting changes in accidentals in later versions and modification of typical Tudor cadences and false relations.79 There are two other works of scholarship in the secondary literature that dovetail nicely with my project. The first is a book by Tim Eggington, entitled The Advancement of Music in Enlightenment England: Benjamin Cooke and Academy of Ancient Music (2014), and the second is James Hobson’s 2015 PhD thesis from the University of Bristol, Musical Antiquarianism and the Madrigal Revival in England, 1726-1851. Neither work overlaps significantly with my thesis, but instead informs my own work. Tim Eggington’s book focuses on the activity of the Academy of Ancient Music, an earlier eighteenth-century sister society of the London Madrigal Society. Eggington argues boldly for the importance of this antiquarian group and its semi-public concert series, and its influence on ‘the emergence of the classical music tradition which would dominate western music 76 Lovell, p. 402. 77 Lovell, p. 403. 78 Ibid., p. 404. 79 Ibid., pp. 404–5. 41 from the late eighteenth century onwards’.80 This book connects with my research in that it lays the foundation of earlier antiquarian movements by giving a thorough history of the earlier antiquarian society that influenced the London Madrigal Society, which is the Academy of Ancient Music. Eggington includes a section on the Academy’s library, which as the earlier antiquarian society, must have served as an inspiration or model to the London Madrigal Society. As Eggington puts it, ‘In an age when earlier music was little known and copies of foreign works could be hard to come by, a crucial prerequisite for the Academy’s success was the procurement of music and the formation of a library’.81 Indeed, Joseph Doane’s history of the Academy, published in 1794, states that the library was ‘a very large Collection, complete for the Orchestra, of the best Music of almost every kind which the Countries of Italy, Germany, France, Spain, the Netherlands and England have produced in ancient or modern Times’.82 The volumes, which date from the 1690s until the 1760s, demonstrate the Academy’s preferences for Italian sacred music, such as ‘concerted psalm settings for soloists, chorus and orchestra, oratorios, and mass settings’, although it does lack sixteenth-century music, which may have been redistributed, most likely in the nineteenth century.83 The membership of the Academy of Ancient Music, according to Eggington’s research in Westminster Abbey library archives, consisted almost entirely of professional musicians, among them choristers from the Abbey, St Paul’s Cathedral, and the Chapel Royal.84 This aligns with William Weber’s claim that the English taste for 80 Tim Eggington, The Advancement of Music in Enlightenment England: Benjamin Cooke and Academy of Ancient Music (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2014), p. 4. 81 Eggington, p. 11. 82 Ibid., p. 11, cited in Doane, Musical Directory, p. 82. 83 Ibid., p. 12. 84 Ibid., p. 13. 42 ancient music originated from a tradition in English choral foundations of safeguarding old musical works after ‘the momentous events of the interregnum and before’.85 Hobson’s PhD thesis, ‘Musical Antiquarianism and the Madrigal Revival in England, 1726-1851’, is also relevant to expanding upon the decades preceding my project, and parallel movements within the history of antiquarian reception of early music. Hobson’s thesis focuses on the madrigal, however, which is both narrower and broader in scope to my focus on Englishness and sacredness and specific differences of antiquarian reactions to early music. Hobson’s research is concerned with secular music, and a later period, and especially the habits and musical lives of antiquarians in the long nineteenth century, and their involvement in madrigal singing, and their influence on the later resurgence of early music movements in the 20th century. Hobson’s introduction lays out his field of research and traces the English history of madrigal revivals and interest in the madrigal genre.86 Hobson investigates the historiography of the English madrigal, in both more recent scholarship, and also the earlier twentieth-century efforts of Edmund Fellowes and Joseph Kerman.87 Hobson focuses on nineteenth and twentieth century developments in scholarship and music reception.88 The contribution of my thesis centres on the long eighteenth century, and therefore deals more in depth with the earlier movements of antiquarianism and its 85 William Weber, The Rise of Musical Classics in Eighteenth-Century England: A Study in Canon, Ritual, and Ideology (Oxford, 1992), pp. 1–5; cited in Ibid., p. 13. 86 Hobson, pp. 1–8. 87 Ibid. 88 Ibid. 43 founding aesthetic, methodology, and historiography. Rather than focusing on madrigal movements writ large, my thesis looks at the London Madrigal Society in particular, and its relationship to the phenomenon of antiquarianism, without focusing solely on the madrigal genre. A more recent PhD thesis (completed 2020) is Devon Nelson’s at Indiana University, entitled ‘The Antiquarian Creation of a Musical Past in Eighteenth-Century Britain’. Nelson’s thesis is much more aligned with my research, but instead of investigating performances of early music by club societies and antiquarians, Nelson examines ‘music anthologies printed in London from 1760 through 1812, how it connected these anthologies to the larger antiquarian goal of preserving the past…’.89 Nelson’s PhD situates music anthologies within the wider context of antiquarian printing practices, such as old books and music, and also analyses editors’ ‘discussions about their musical source materials’, and ‘anthologists’ reception of the first two general histories of music in English’, which are of course the Burney and Hawkins.90 Furthermore, Nelson’s PhD establishes and legitimizes England’s deep and abiding commitment to antiquarianism, even beginning with an anecdote of Sir John Hawkins’s acquisition of madrigals and chant fragments.91 Early Music Reception An essential aspect of this study is that it aims to contribute to our understanding of the reception history of early music. The discipline of reception history has been an accepted part of 89 Devon Nelson, “The Antiquarian Creation of a Musical Past in Eighteenth–Century Britain”, PhD dissertation. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University, 2020, viii. 90 Devon Nelson, Ibid. 91 Nelson, Ibid., p. 1. 44 musicological study at least since Carl Dahlhaus’s Grundlagen der Musikgeschichte (1977) and became a widespread approach of 1990s musicology. For instance, Harold Marcuse comments: ‘Reception history is the history of the meanings that have been imputed to historical events. This approach traces the different ways in which participants, observers, historians and other retrospective interpreters have attempted to make sense of events, both as they unfolded, and over time since then, to make those events meaningful for the present in which they lived and live’.92 This definition works well because it demonstrates the core of reception history that is so important and so special, which is that it presents and appreciates history as a living phenomenon, and as a continually living phenomenon. Marcuse continues, writing of the ‘two aspects of reception: the ways a person or event was portrayed (by the “multipliers” and makers of public opinion), and the ways those portrayals were perceived (by the populace at large). The portrayals are easiest to determine—they make up the historical record. … [H]ow groups perceive historical events over time, which is reception history in a narrower sense, is much more difficult to determine’.93 The unfolding of early music reception—and the antiquarians’ particular contribution to it during the long eighteenth century—is the specific goal of this PhD thesis. Moreover, one special antiquarian group, the London Madrigal Society, birthed out of another group, the Academy of Ancient Music, was especially committed to keeping the musical performances—the lived experiences—of this ancient music alive. One of the neglected areas of study 92 Harold Marcuse, ‘Reception History’, 1 March 2018. https://marcuse.faculty.history.ucsb.edu/receptionhist.htm#hmdef. 93 Ibid. 45 is the reception of early English music in the eighteenth century, or in any century closer to the original era of this study. My research reveals that the antiquarians were important for laying the groundwork for later more well-known revivals of early music in England, as discussed by Haskell and others. The best-known studies of early music reception focus on early music received as performance, and usually in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. There are scholarly works that deal with reception of early music on the continent as well as of English music, and both are interesting and useful, but especially the work on English music is pertinent to this project: these include a book by Suzanne Cole, on the reception of Thomas Tallis’s forty-part motet, Spem in alium (an eighteenth-century copy of which once existed in the Madrigal Library but is now lost), and articles by Elizabeth Roche and Timothy Day, as well as articles by Suzanne Cole. This body of work and other articles that focus on the reception history of early music, and English music, often focus on the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which is traditionally discussed as the English Musical Renaissance. Associated with Sir Richard Terry, whom Cole, Day, and Roche write about extensively in their works, I discuss the roots of this enduring fascination with England’s Tudor musical heritage in chapter three. The term, originating in regular scholarly usage in 2001 with Meirion Hughes and R.A. Stradling, has been criticised by many British music scholars, especially in the early 2000s.94 94 See Elizabeth Roche, ‘“Great Learning, Fine Scholarship, Impeccable Taste”: A Fiftieth Anniversary Tribute to Sir Richard Terry (1865–1938),’ Early Music 16 (1988): 231–236; see also Meirion Hughes and R.A. Stradling, English Musical Renaissance, 1840–1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001) and Timothy Day, ‘Sir Richard Terry and 16th-Century Polyphony’, Early Music 22 (1994): 297–307. See also Suzanne Cole, Thomas Tallis and His Music in Victorian England, (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2008); see also Suzanne Cole, ‘Who’s the Father? 46 Richard Turbet also wrote articles about Sir Richard Terry’s activities, although from a performance and music editing standpoint, as Terry was appointed to the editing board of Tudor Church Music with Sylvia Townsend Warner and Edmund Fellowes. This reveals a fascinating take on the continued life of early music as a written phenomenon, through editions, as an accompaniment to Terry’s performances at Westminster and Downside. Musical Taste The primary study of musical taste in eighteenth-century England is William Weber’s 1992 influential book, The Rise of Musical Classics in Eighteenth Century England: A Study in Canon, Ritual and Ideology. A historian and music critic, Weber’s central argument is for England as the birthplace of the idea of the musical canon, the place that ‘invented the idea of musical classics’. Moreover, he focuses on the eighteenth century in England as ‘the first place where old musical works were performed regularly and reverentially, where a collective notion of such works—“ancient music”—first appeared. […] [B]y the 1780s we can speak of a musical canon in England, a corpus of great works from Tallis to Handel that was studied, performed systematically, and revered by the public at large’.95 A brief glance at the Appendix of this thesis demonstrates the recurring interest in certain canonical composers: Tallis, Byrd, Palestrina, Weelkes, Gibbons, and other early composers in eighteenth-century London. This work expands Weber’s idea of the canon in London musical culture. Changing Perceptions of Tallis and Byrd in Late Nineteenth Century England’, in Music & Letters 89 (2008): 212–226. 95 William Weber, The Rise of Musical Classics in Eighteenth-Century England: A Study in Canon, Ritual and Ideology (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), vii. 47 There are also references to early English music and antiquarians from various sources, such as both The Spectator (1711–12 and 1714) and The Spectator (1828), histories of Burney and Hawkins, and books and articles written by the music historians and scholars, commentary in their scholarly editions, and other quotations from primary source documents: these quotes all demonstrate how scholars conceived of English musical taste in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In general, eighteenth- and nineteenth-century critics were negative and disapproving of early music and particularly English music of all eras. John Hawkins writes about ‘… the compositions of Tye, Tallis, Bird, Farrant, Gibbons, and some others, all that variety of melody, harmony and fine modulation are discoverable, which ignorant people conceive to be the effect of modern refinement…’96 Here Hawkins, defender of music, argues for the hidden possibilities of early music, and for its importance and excellence over other types of music. Hawkins discusses the Madrigal Society at length, asserting its origins to be with the Academy of Ancient Music, and explains his connections to John Immyns, the Madrigal Society founder, and Pepusch, the founder of the Academy of Ancient Music. It seems that these antiquarians had an influence upon Hawkins and Burney, because by the 1770s, Burney demonstrated more tolerance towards the music of early composers when he wrote: In a general History of Ancient Poetry, Homer would doubtless occupy the most ample and honourable place; and Palestrina, the Homer of the most Ancient Music that has 96 Sir John Hawkins, General History of the Science and Practice of Music (1776), new edn., London, 1853 (repr. New York, 1963), ii.575; cited in Percy Lovell, Ibid., p. 401. 48 been preserved, merits all the reverence and attention which it is in a musical historian's power to bestow.97 And yet, even at the end of the eighteenth century, the antiquarians viewed themselves as the protectors of a sacred tradition of elevated music-making from the past, which they defended from the perceived low tastes of the public.98 Musical antiquarians were concerned about the preservation of early English music and felt excluded by those who did not have the same interests. This continued, to an extent, into the nineteenth century, where in the late 1880s there is a record of Sir Richard Terry’s choristers at Downside Abbey complaining about Byrd’s music, stating that it ‘precipitated, if not caused, the Reformation’, due to the unusually high treble parts.99 Primary source documents reveal what contemporary eighteenth- and nineteenth-century historians and critics thought about early music and English music, and take into account the similar negative opinions against the antiquarians, and thereby paint a picture of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century English aesthetics and musical taste that is less black and white than what has been discussed previously. It is important to at least bring the antiquarians into the discussion, and other domestic or small performances of early music. On the antiquarian side, primary source newspapers and databases from the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries illustrate negative opinions about antiquarians and deem their 97 Burney, History, op. cit., ii.163; cited in Lovell, op. cit., p. 403. 98 See Hyun-Ah Kim, Humanism and the Reform of Sacred Music in Early Modern England: John Merbecke the Orator and the The Booke of Common Praier Noted (1550) (Routledge, 2016). 99 Cited in Elizabeth Roche, ‘ “Great Learning, Fine Scholarship, Impeccable Taste”: A Fiftieth Anniversary Tribute to Sir Richard Terry (1865–1938), in Early Music 16 (1988): 232. 49 preoccupation with ancient things to be very strange, which affected how later historians respected their work and whether it was taken seriously. In chapter two, I investigate primary source documents from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and consider whether or not the antiquarians were disregarded or taken seriously as true scholars. Sir Thomas Kendrick states that ‘previously attempts had been made to study the past ‘through the intelligent use of archives and visible monuments,’ and he characterises the antiquarianism of mediaeval England as fanciful and prone to fiction.’100 Another major facet of this study ascertains what the societal opinion was of antiquarians in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and then to compare and contrast this to the general opinion of early music. I have a suspicion that there is a larger cultural trope about whether things perceived as ancient were valuable, and that the dislike of ancient music extended to other ancient artefacts and the people who studied them. As Percy Lovell suggested, and as will be discussed further in subsequent chapters, the antiquarian societies represented a vehicle of ‘counter-taste’ that worked against that of the general musical populace: 'There is an element in the antiquarian spirit (not entirely absent from present-day preservationist activity) that is glad to use the supposed perfection of a past epoch as a stick to beat the alleged shortcomings of its own time’.101 100 See Antonia Gransden, Legends, Traditions, and History in Medieval England (New York: Continuum, 1992), p. 299. 101 Percy Lovell, op. cit., p. 401. 50 A similar sentiment is expressed by John Milford in his travel diaries during 1814–1815, wherein he describes two gondoliers in Venice who agreed to perform a song. Milford describes the encounter as such: On one occasion I was conducted by an old hoary-headed gondolier and his son, who immediately complied with the request I made them to sing me a song. The voice of the latter was delightful, and though uncultivated, he had wonderful taste, whilst his venerable father formed a most correct second. Their voices harmonized so finely, the little abellimenti (or graces) they introduced were so soft and exquisitely performed; and the pleasing effect so increased on the water, that I made them repeat their duet, which was more agreeable to my ear than many of the difficult bravura songs I had heard at the theatres, and I left them fully convinced that they deserve the [credit] the world has given them, of having an innate taste for music. Indeed it is well known that the Venetians, in this respect, excel most other Italians; and that nothing can exceed the perfection to which they have brought this delightful science. The little simple Venetian canzonette are universally admired for originality and simplicity, and breathe the sweetest harmony and expression imaginable.102 In this account, Milford expresses value judgments about the aesthetics of the song he hears in Venice and assigns greater value to the gondoliers as Venetians than to other Italian musicians from other cities. It is related to Lovell's account of antiquarians due to its binary quality, and assertion of sentiment rather than logic. It is known that Venetians are better at music than others; it is known that antiquarians appreciate early music because it is better than contemporaneous music. These twin binaries of early music versus modern or present-day music and Italian music versus English music are common assumptions in music historiography that are overly simplistic and unhelpful, and disproved 102 John Milford, Observations, Moral, Literary, and Antiquarian: Made During a Tour Through the Pyrennees, South of France, Switzerland, the Whole of Italy and the Netherlands in the Years 1814–1815, Volume 2 (London: Davison & Whitefriars, 1818), pp. 138–139. 51 in anything more than a surface-level examination of musical as social practice in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Issues of Identity and Englishness A central question of this study from its inception was the issue of copies and changes to music. Music history clichés, a la Linda Shaver-Gleason,103 are often so ingrained that society often does not even consider whether they are the truth—rather, their truth or status as canon is merely accepted outright. As Shaver-Gleason has demonstrated, many of these clichés are dealing with the canon, which relates to the eighteenth-century due to its formation at this period.104 One of Shaver-Gleason’s original goals with the blog is ‘debunking myths about composers that have been repeated so many times that they're accepted as truth’.105 In an entry on Tuesday, 7 June 2016, Shaver-Gleason debunks the myth that Bach’s music was only rediscovered because of the efforts of Felix Mendelssohn, and draws attention to the truth that is known by any well-read musicologist: Instead of marking the beginning of the Bach revival, Mendelssohn's performance was part of a larger Bach appreciation movement that was already underway. The first biography of Bach was published in 1802 by Johann Nikolaus Forkel. Beethoven himself proclaimed that Bach (German for "brook") should have been named Meer ("sea") because his music was so great. … As Christoph Wolff pointed out in 2004, 103 Linda Shaver-Gleason, PhD, was a musicologist who completed a PhD in musicology and reception history at the University of California at Santa Barbara, and then pursued a career as a public musicologist with her blog, Not Another Music History Cliché at https://notanothermusichistorycliche.blogspot.com/ . Before her tragic death from Stage IV metastatic breast cancer at the age of 35, she was converting this blog into a book, which had been contracted for publication at Clemson University Press. 104 See Weber, The Rise of Musical Classics in Eighteenth-Century England, op. cit., for more on canon formation. 105 Linda Shaver-Gleason, ‘What is a “Masterpiece”?’ Not Another Music History Cliché!, 24 June 2016, https://notanothermusichistorycliche.blogspot.com/search?updated–max=2016–06–30T07:19:00–07:00&max–results=5&start=40&by–date=false . 52 Bach's music continued to circulate among two different groups: professional musicians (for example, Haydn, Mozart, and Beethoven) and middle-class intellectuals.106 This reads similarly to the assumptions about early music revivals, antiquarians, and music societies like the Madrigal Society, as well as the state of early music in the eighteenth century in general. Conventional wisdom turned up by cursory internet searches, Wikipedia discoveries, and learned from reading textbooks—from which the seeds of myths are sprung—is much aligned with Henry Haskell’s 1996 book, The Early Music Revival: A History. In this book, although Haskell begins by mentioning the eighteenth-century Academy of Ancient Music, he then focuses on the standard narrative of early music reception: Mendelssohn, Bach, Dolmetsch, Fetis, Brahms, chant revival, Richard Terry and Edmund Fellowes, Wanda Landowska, the Schola Cantorum Basiliensis, Stravinsky, Hindemith, Stokowski, Boston’s Handel and Haydn societies, The American Society of Ancient Instruments and other ensembles, The New York Pro Musica and David Munrow, Noah Greenberg, the BBC and the mass media, the Baroque opera revival, Harnoncourt, Thurston Dart, HIP (an acronym for historically informed performance) and authenticity, and period instruments. All of this is fascinating, and all of this is relevant, but the book begins with quoting the eighteenth century and then proceeds to ignore their efforts. Why is this? What is less compelling about the revival in the eighteenth century? What does this say about the scholars who write about early music reception, particularly of early English music societies like the London Madrigal Society? It seems very strange indeed to leave them out of the conversation, especially because the eighteenth century is such a crucial moment in the 106 Linda Shaver-Gleason, ibid. 53 development of English history: it is the time of the Enlightenment, the formation of the United Kingdom of Great Britain in 1707 and the unification of the two parliamentary systems, the installation of the empire and the slave trade (which, although certainly a terrible part of the history, is nevertheless important to understanding English and British identity), and the influence of the loss of the American War of Independence. The efforts of the eighteenth-century antiquarians, especially their role in the formation of the canon of early music, have been notably underplayed by historians of the ‘early music revival’. It is this unwillingness to investigate the roots of the movement in the eighteenth century, and particularly in eighteenth-century London society, that this study seeks to correct. This thesis will answer these questions, and advance important arguments to demonstrate the necessity of their inclusion in the narrative of the early music revival. One reason is because of their contributions to a fuller understanding of British and English identity in the eighteenth century and in relationship to early music revival: their collections, especially that of the London Madrigal Society, demonstrate that the eighteenth century was not a time that diminished English music. Despite Haskell’s recognition of the importance of the eighteenth-century antiquarians, he maintains this narrative in his influential early music book, and explains it as a twentieth-century phenomenon on pair with Hughes’s English Musical Renaissance: The musical ‘renaissance’ embodied by Elgar and Vaughan Williams was fuelled by a new appreciation of the nation’s cultural patrimony. Thanks to such scholarly publications as Godfrey Arkwright’s Old English Edition and the Fitzwilliam Virginal Book (edited by Fuller Maitland and his brother-in-law, William Barclay 54 Squire), more attention than ever was being directed to early English composers, from Dunstable to Purcell.107 Haskell continues by citing other efforts to support early English music at the turn of the twentieth century, such as the 1895 performances of Purcell’s music at Westminster Abbey, an anthology of English madrigals by Barclay Squire, and the founding of the Oriana Madrigal Society in 1904 by Charles Scott Kennedy and Thomas Beecham.108 There are strong parallels here between the activities of the eighteenth-century antiquarians and the activities of the early twentieth-century early music revivalists: both groups were active making editions or compiling collections of early music, especially large collections of early English music, and both groups founded societies that performed English madrigals. The main differences are the size and scope: in the eighteenth century, these performances were smaller, and not open to the public—they were only for the members. Similarly, most of the eighteenth-century copies are collected in a private library, as opposed to being published, as at the turn of the twentieth century. It seems that the foundation of the turn of the century efforts were in the eighteenth-century antiquarians. According to Haskell, Richard Runciman Terry and Edmund Fellowes were the ones ‘largely responsible for the Elizabethan fever” that swept across the country in the wake of the First World War’. ‘ “England—for the first time—is really learning her own music’…”,109 or at least for the first time since the ongoing antiquarian societies, from the eighteenth century until the present. 107 Haskell, The Early Music Revival, p. 36. 108 Ibid. 109 Ibid., p. 37. 55 The important scholarly literature on issues of identity and Englishness include Suzanne Cole’s book on Thomas Tallis in Victorian England, where she investigates ‘the claim that the harmony with which Tallis ‘clothed’ the plainsong was, in some sense, inherently English’ and ‘the implications of the belief that the reign of Elizabeth was a golden age, particularly for church music, which was followed, more or less inevitably, by a period of corruption and decline’.110 Cole also mentions the Madrigal Society and other antiquarian societies and their formation in the eighteenth century (1726, 1741, 1776), and also draws attention to Weber’s point that madrigals by Byrd and Wilbye were performed at the Concerts of Ancient Music instead of sixteenth-century sacred music (despite the fact that they had large amounts of sixteenth-century sacred music in their collections).111 Cole also notes that there is ‘evidence that both the Academy of Ancient Music and the Madrigal Society occasionally performed pieces by Tallis, although information about their programmes is limited’, and the Madrigal Society library confirms this evidence.112 Conclusion Citing other examples of early music appreciation by those involved with antiquarian societies, the main thesis research question will disprove the assumption that early music suffered a blow of appreciation in London during the long eighteenth century. While the public mostly enjoyed contemporary music, antiquarians were active in music societies, such as the Academy of Ancient 110 Suzanne Cole, Thomas Tallis and His Music in Victorian England (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2008), p. 171. 111 Ibid., p. 31. 112 Ibid. 56 Music and then the London Madrigal Society, in which the primary activities were the preserving-through making copies of and caring for manuscripts-and the performing of early music. This does constitute a reception of early music and is important and necessary for producing a complete reception history of London antiquarian societies, club societies, and reception of early music in the Enlightenment. In the third chapter, I also demonstrate the similarities between madrigal clubs, catch clubs, and antiquarian societies of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, to reveal the place of these societies within the larger cultural framework and aesthetic of London club activities during this period. I argue in the third and fourth chapters that these club societies are part of a larger phenomenon of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century English social history and reception history of early music in London. While investigating the influence of antiquarians and their societies upon the reception of early music, from ca 1726–1832, I include examples in the form of case studies of the music of William Byrd, Thomas Tallis and other sixteenth-century composers, especially other English composers contemporaneous with Byrd and Tallis, who were also popular with the antiquarian societies. In the following chapters, I will further demonstrate how antiquarians affected the reception history of early English music in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and how their work might reform our assumptions of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century English aesthetics of music. Further, I hope to contribute to our understanding of the reception history of Byrd’s music and the music of other early composers. 57 Chapter 2: Antiquarianism Introduction to Antiquarianism The purpose of this chapter is to introduce the reader to the phenomenon of antiquarianism in Britain and especially to musical antiquarianism and its influence on the historiography of English music. Even though England and the British Isles have a long history of antiquarianism, it has not yet been thoroughly explored with respect to early music genres. To answer these questions, this chapter examines antiquarians and antiquarianism during the long eighteenth century in London: their societies, their customs, and the artefacts of early music produced by them, with two primary goals. The first goal is to contextualize the London Madrigal Society’s work within the shared tastes and aesthetics of the long eighteenth century, towards an understanding of why early music appealed to the demographic of London’s club societies. The second goal is to establish the relationship of London’s club music societies-with the London Madrigal Society, the Academy of Ancient Music, and Gentlemen's Catch and Glee Club as examples- to the phenomenon of antiquarianism. The third and final goal is to then demonstrate how antiquarian musical taste and eighteenth-century club culture are rooted in English national identity. The term ‘antiquarian’ is a peculiar one, fraught with semantic baggage that often recalls a vague set of associations. However, a basic definition of an antiquarian or antiquary (from the Latin antiquarius or pertaining to ancient times) is an individual who is especially interested with artifacts 58 from the past.113 As Sir Richard Colt Hoare (1758–1838), antiquarian and author of The Ancient History of Wiltshire, stated: ‘We speak from facts not theory.’114 Unfortunately, the term has a history, which continues today, of a pejorative usage that favours short-sighted focus on facts and trivia, without the proper historical context.115 Antiquarians were considered amateurs, not scholars: they had the brick and mortar and corporeal trappings of history, but knew nothing about the objects’ relationship to philosophical, metaphysical, or historical contexts. Antiquarians are intimately related to the history of collecting in the UK and elsewhere in Europe.116 This was true in Britain in the nineteenth century, even though antiquarianism is also associated with established antiquarian clubs and societies. A nineteenth-century example of this pejorative view of antiquarianism is in The Antiquary, a novel written by Sir Walter Scott in 1816, includes the following description of the workspace of the story’s main protagonist and namesake: A large old-fashioned oaken table was covered with a profusion of papers, parchments, books, and nondescript trinkets and gewgaws, which seemed to have little to recommend them, besides rust and the antiquity which it indicates. In the midst of this wreck of ancient books and utensils, with a gravity equal to Marius among the ruins of Carthage, sat a large black cat, which, to a superstitious eye, might have presented the genius loci, the tutelar demon of the apartment. The floor, as well as the table and chairs, was overflowed by the same mare magnum of miscellaneous trumpery, where it 113 See dictionary definitions in the Oxford English Dictionary and others. 114 See Sir Richard Colt Hoare, The Ancient History of Wiltshire, Volume 2 (Wiltshire County Library: EP Publishing, 1975), p. 7. 115 See Wikipedia article, ‘Antiquarian’, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antiquarian (accessed 15 June 2011). I cite Wikipedia as a source that while not scholarly is indicative of public opinion of how to define antiquarian. 116 See, for example, Kristian Jensen, Revolution and the Antiquarian Book: Reshaping the Past, 1780–1815 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011). 59 would have been as impossible to find any individual article wanted, as to put it to any use when discovered.117 Into the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, antiquarians were regarded as curiosities and oddities due to their pursuit of and the value they placed upon ancient-ness. Culturally, antiquarians are often regarded similarly to the picture painted by Scott: the antiquated and anachronistic collector of old things that seem irrelevant and outdated to the fashion of the times. As the above quotation illustrates, the antiquarian in Scott's novel possesses a table with ‘trinkets and gewgaws’ with ‘little to recommend them, besides rust and ... antiquity’. Scott's protagonist also possesses a large black cat, and Scott insinuates that a superstitious observer might possibly link this cat to devil worship. The picture of the antiquarian's study is completed by underscoring that the messy table is not the only space covered with clutter: the floor, another table, and the chairs are also covered with items, called ‘mare magnum of miscellaneous trumpery’, to the extent that ‘it would have been as impossible to find any individual article wanted, as to put it to any use when discovered.’ Hence, an unnecessary collection of useless objects, fetishised to the quantity of pointless clutter. The popular conception of antiquarians, not solely a nineteenth-century phenomenon, which views them as strange and pedantic collectors of artefacts with dubious value, has meant that antiquarians are oftentimes not taken seriously by academics and the intellectual establishment. Yet, antiquarians have contributed to knowledge and have at times helped scholars' intellectual inquiries with their collections of historical objects, books, the corporeal ‘stuff’ of ideas. Already in the 117 Sir Walter Scott, The Antiquary, Complete, Project Gutenberg, 17 August 2004, http://www.gutenberg.org/files/7005/7005–h/7005–h.htm; see also Rosemary Sweet, Antiquaries: The Discovery of the Past in Eighteenth-Century Britain (London: A&C Black, 2004). 60 seventeenth century, antiquarians in England were caricatured for their obsession with the past, which diminished their reputation with their contemporaries. As John Earle wrote in 1660, antiquarians are ‘[men] strangely thrifty of Time past, and [enemies] indeed to this maw, whence he fetches out many things when they are now all rotten and stinking. Hee is one that hath unnaturall disease to bee enamour’d of old age and wrinckles, and loves all things (as Dutchmen doe Cheese) the better for being mouldy and worme-eaten.’118 This quote is in stark contrast to a 1693 letter from William Nicolson to the Yorkshire Antiquarian Ralph Thorseby, in which Nicolson states, ‘I wish we had in this kingdom, as they have in Sweden, a society for the collecting and preserving [of] antiquities. This would do something for us. But if particular men engage in burdens beyond their [sic.] strength we have millions of great matters attempted, and nothing performed to any purpose.’119 In 1694, Nicolson again writes of his desire for a society which cultivates history and antiquities, giving examples of such organizations elsewhere on the continent in France, Italy and Sweden. Nicolson: ‘And why should not we have the like in England?’ … ‘We have the best stock of true remains of antiquity of any nation, perhaps, in Europe; and yet our histories hitherto have been most lazily written.’120 Nicolson clearly has a positive view of antiquarians 118 John Earle, Micro–Cosmographie: or A Peece of the World Discovered (7th edn., London, 1660 [first print 1628]), p. 33; cited in Rosemary Sweet, ‘Antiquarianism and history,’ Making History: The Changing Face of the Profession in Britain, the Institute for Historical Research, <http://www.history.ac.uk/makinghistory/resources/articles/antiquarianism.html> (accessed 12 October 2010). 119 Joseph Hunter (ed.), Letters of Eminent Men, Addressed to Ralph Thoresby, FRS, Now First Published from the Originals, 2 vols (London, 1832), i, p. 138, William Nicolson to Ralph Thorseby, 23 June 1693; cited in Rosemary Sweet, Antiquaries: The Discovery of the Past in Eighteenth–Century Britain (New York: Hambledon and London, 2004). 120 Ibid., p. 162, Nicolson to Thoresby, 7 May 1764; cited in Ibid. 61 and views their work in a possibly nationalistic light: England has great antiquities, and there should be a society in England that is preserving and writing about antiquities. The music societies, those that are either blatantly or opaquely antiquarian, in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Britain provided music academia with documents that give information about club music societies and what scholars can now identify as a multifaceted reception history of early music. John Earle was not alone in his contempt (or at least suspicion) of the usefulness of antiquarians’ work. A seventeenth commonplace book in the Pierpont Morgan Library contains another caricature of antiquarians, which again connects their work as moth-eaten, ancient, and dusty: Hee loues no Libraries but where are more spiders volumes, then Authors: and lookes with great admiration on the Antiq[u]e worke of Cobbwebs. Printed bookes hee contemns as a noualtie of this latter age, but a manuscript hee pores on euerlastingly especially if the couer bee moath eaten & the dust make a parenthesis betweene euery sillable. Hee will giue all the bookes in his studdie (which are rarities) for one of the Romane bindinge or six lines of Tully in his owne hand.121 The author describes the antiquarian as so focused on relics from the past, in this case manuscripts, that the antiquarian cannot appreciate the new technology available, the book. The antiquarian is missing out, and even worse, the antiquarian is not contributing to the rise of new technologies of the present. Those caricaturing and critiquing antiquarians often stylized themselves as historians, in contrast to the pedantry and parochial nature of antiquaries. The historians were interested in artistic 121 Pierpont Morgan Library, MA 1057, pp. 314–15, cited in Heidi Brayman Hackel, Reading Material in Early Modern England: Print, Gender, and Literacy (New York and Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 33. 62 objects of aesthetic beauty or in writing great histories, not the ancient objects and relics of the antiquaries.122 Antiquarians were even considered to be nostalgic, which was another trait that distracted them from the present. In 1638, Meric Casaubon observes that, Antiquaries are so taken with the sight of old things; not as doting (as I take it) upon the bare either form or matter (though both oftentimes be notable in old things); but because those visible surviving evidences of antiquities represent unto their minds former times, with as strong an impression, as if they were actually present, and in sight as it were: even as old men look gladly upon those things, that they were wont to see, or have been otherwise used unto in their younger yeares, as injoying those yeares again in some sort, in those visible and palpable remberances.123 Casaubon implies that there is a tension between the antiquarian’s fetish for ‘old things’ and the impression the old things given to the antiquarian: that they create a sort of nostalgia, ‘as injoying those yeares again in some sort, in those visible and palpable remberances’.124 London, as an acknowledged centre both of antiquarianism and of English musical society in the long eighteenth century, is at the hub of the story of reception of early music in the period. Conventional ideas regarding the Enlightenment, and the aesthetics that accompanied it, have tended to obscure the crucial role played in it by the preservation and circulation of cultural artefacts from earlier times, including music. While the consumption primarily of contemporary music in theatres 122 See Sudeshna Guha, Artefacts of History: Archaeology, Historiography and Indian Pasts (Sage Publications India, 2015), p. 58. 123 Meric Casaubon, A Treatise of Vse and Custome (London, 1638), p. 97; cited in Alicia Marchant, ‘A Landscape of Ruins: Decay and Emotion in Late Medieval and Early Modern Antiquarian Narratives’, in (ed.) Susan Broomhall Gender and Emotions in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Destroying Order, Structuring Disorder (London: Routledge, 2016), pp. 113–14. 124 Op. cit. 63 and the gradually emerging public concerts is undeniable, at the same time there was a thriving interest in early music within London club culture, leading to the emergence of the Madrigal Society, the Academy of Ancient Music, and the Gentlemen’s Catch and Glee Club, among others. These clubs must be understood as a branch of antiquarianism, the movement that provides the context for their total activities, including performances both informal and formal, copying and preserving of manuscripts and printed editions, and the organising of concerts, including subscriptions, and music composition competitions (in this case, by editions, I mean that the antiquarians’ copies are a kind of edition). The frequent complaints of musical antiquarians concerning the perceived neglect of home-produced English music should also be seen as part of a larger impulse towards curation and preservation which included such typically Enlightenment projects as the foundation of the Royal Society (1660) and the British Museum (1753). Antiquarian Musical Taste An important aspect of all three sections of this chapter—antiquarian musical taste, London club culture, and English national identity—is to take the ample evidence of an earlier period of early music reception history in London from c. 1660 until 1832 and rectify that with traditional understanding of the Enlightenment and its history of taste and aesthetics. This evidence exposes major preconceptions of music aesthetics and how music was appreciated in London during the Enlightenment and demonstrates how part of the Enlightenment aesthetic included the important relationship of early music and its reception history to antiquarianism. One notable example of antiquarian musical practice involves the works of the sixteenth-century English composer, William 64 Byrd, whose Cantiones sacrae 1589 and Gradualia 1605 and 1607 are copied down for the Madrigal Society library with faithfulness to the original prints. One of the assumptions about music aesthetics and musical taste in the long eighteenth century in London is that English music (including its early music, and principally in London) was unfashionable. This is connected to the club culture in London, including the assumption that the English society of this period did not fully appreciate the music of their country, since it was considered more stylish to prefer music from the continent. As Stanley Sadie wrote in the Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association in 1958, The period following Purcell’s death has long been looked upon as one of the Dark Ages of English music. It is unquestionably true that Britain took a long time to produce her next really great composer, but our readiness to accept a musical back seat and our refusal to make unjustifiable claims on behalf of British music have tended to blind us to the true facts of musical life of eighteenth-century England. The fact that Handel prospered here, that Haydn wrote some of his finest music for London audiences, and that whole hosts of minor masters settled here—J.C. Bach and Geminiani, for example—surely tells us a good deal about the standards of taste pertaining among London audiences. In fact, concert life in eighteenth-century England as a whole had a variety and vitality to which it would be hard to find a parallel. Not only were concerts held in the fashionable London salons, but in the ‘Great Rooms’ of taverns in villages which today are barely large enough to find a place on a map.125 Sadie, writing this in 1958, is imposing a much later prejudice, which is the favouring of genius composers, about English music upon the earlier period of the eighteenth century, one prejudice that is 125 Stanley Sadie, ‘Concert Life in Eighteenth Century England,’ in Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 85 (1958–9): 17. 65 often identified as the English Musical Renaissance. Evidence of such historiographical assumptions are found in many history textbooks of English music, including books published as recently as this decade. One example (although published in 1992, so definitely not this decade) is the Encyclopaedia of Romanticism: Culture in Britain, 1780s-1830s, which states the following: Throughout the 18th century, the English venerated the works of Handel, whose influence dictated their musical tastes well into the 19th century. Eventually the interest in music shifted from the Italian to the German, resulting in a revival of the music of Bach. The music of Haydn and Mozart also received acclaim in England... In 1823, Rossini came to England with his wife, ... . Impressed by the exoticism of foreign tongues, the British enjoyed Italian, German, and French operas…126 This is part of a long historiographical tradition concerned with the popularity of Handel and other non-English composers who visited and then lived in London and gained notoriety there. While there is ample evidence that Handel was held in great esteem during his time in England, that does not mean that the English society did not also enjoy the music of their peers. Furthermore, as I will demonstrate, Handel’s reception in England was more as an English composer than a German one: he did, in fact, create music for the English audiences and naturalised as a British citizen. Donald Burrows has written extensively about the history of Handel’s musicking and performances of Handel’s operas and other music in London and has contributed to correcting the many cliched notions of the composer’s popularity in England.127 As Burrows explains in detail in chapter 4 of his Handel biography, the early years of the composer’s career did not guarantee 126 Laura Dabundo, Encyclopedia of Romanticism: Culture in Britain, 1780s-1830s (London and New York: Routledge, 2009), p. 394. 127 See numerous works by Donald Burrows, including Handel (London, New York, and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). 66 immediate success, as he spent his first decade securing his place in the London musical establishment. While he did acquire royal patronage due to performing for the birthday celebration for Queen Anne in 1711, he won the public with the monarchy’s support with his opera Rinaldo (1711).128 As the years went on, the English were successful in aiding Handel severance from his service in Hanover, Germany, as the letters that Burrows produces evidence: 3 July 1713 I am pleased that you have written to me about Mr Handel. I had not expected that he would remain in His Highness’s service, nor was I considering that, but merely the manner of his dismissal; I have done it in such a way that he is quite content, giving him to understand that he is by no means in disgrace with His Highness, and dropping a few words to the effect that he will be quite all right when the Elector comes here. He will continue to tell me all he knows.129 After the Queen’s death, as Burrow’s documents demonstrate, the new King George I continued to support Handel’s Italian opera. They grew to be ‘loyal and regular supporters of London’s successive Italian opera companies’, and evidence demonstrates that ‘King George I normally attended at least half of the performances in each London opera season’. Furthermore, his son and daughter-in-law were frequent attendees at the 1714‑15 season, which began on 23 October 1714 and included pasticcios as well as a revival of Handel’s Rinaldo after Christmas. Rinaldo ran for 11 performances, the last in June 1715, and then alongside Handel’s new opera Amadigi di Gaula (premiered on 25 May 1715).130 While not an antiquarian musical taste, this does support the evidence that Handel was fully 128 Donald Burrows, Handel (London and New York: Oxford UP, 2012). 129 Ibid. 130 Ibid. 67 enculturated into his adopted country of England. As we see from the repertoire of the Madrigal Society and other clubs, the English music of Handel and his contemporaries had a significant presence for the antiquarians. The connection between Handel and the British royalty indicates a partnership and a support for his art. Furthermore, the popularity of his works in London indicates that the British public enjoyed his art. However, it is helpful to remember that present-day, twenty-first-century notions of popularity and aesthetics in music do not easily mesh with nor do they necessarily correlate with the reality of music appreciation in the eighteenth century. As David Hunter claims, author of the provocative The Lives of George Frederic Handel, ... [T]he claim made by biographers that Handel and/or his music were popular during his lifetime must appear extraordinary to us. The man is accurately described as famous, as prodigiously talented: but popular? No. The first half of the eighteenth century was not a time when popularity, with the meaning "of importance to or loved by the popular at large", was welcome, except to military heroes. Fear of "the mob" is frequently expressed in correspondence and journals. To yoke the restricted senses of either "preferred over other musicians by the elite, art-music-loving-audience" or "well-known among the elite social circles from which his audiences derived" to "popular" is deceitful. Indeed, biographers provide their own counter-evidence: financial loss, the establishment of rival opera companies, the employment of other musicians as composers or teachers, the events supposedly organized to oppose him; all these demonstrate disdain of Handel in certain quarters. Being "well-known" hardly constitutes "popular" ... . Popularity is double-faced; it characterises the object of attention and the audience that provides the attention.131 131 David Hunter, The Lives of George Frideric Handel (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2015), p. 18. 68 The historiographical preoccupation with non-native composers within histories of English music translates into a similar preoccupation with present-day composers, rather than with composers of the past. As Peter Holman writes, ‘The most persistent observation on musical life in eighteenth-century England is that it was dominated by Handel and other immigrant composers, the implication being that native composers were too feeble, parochial or conservative to offer them much competition.’132 Holman continues to explain reasons for the general misunderstanding and mischaracterisation of English music-making, including the emphasis on local musicking in Georgian culture (instead of more centralised centres of music) and the differences of nationalism in the eighteenth century versus the nineteenth century.[20] The local club culture of the eighteenth century did much for English musical life, and the antiquarians such as the London Madrigal Society were intimately associated with it, and are another additional example of the thriving musical life in England during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Chapters 4 and 5 delve further into the specifics of club culture and its influence on eighteenth-century English aesthetics and identity. An understanding of historical context through defining antiquarianism and its role in England during the long eighteenth century demonstrates that the London Madrigal Society and the Gentleman’s Catch and Glee Club are in fact examples of antiquarian societies, or in the very least, examples of societies that place great value on early music. While there was a lack of interest in early music by the wider public in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, this period of relative disinterest 132 Peter Holman, ‘Eighteenth–Century English Music: Past, Present, Future’, in (ed.) David Wyn Jones, Music in Eighteenth–Century Britain (Abington and New York: Ashgate, 2000, repr. 2017), pp. 3–4. 69 was neither universal nor long-standing. Furthermore, the London Madrigal Society and the Gentleman’s Catch and Glee Club had many parallels, such as shared characteristics evocative of antiquarianism and shared membership. The interest in early music by members of these club societies represents a microcosm of British culture that speaks volumes about how English identity evolved throughout the Enlightenment era. This demonstrates that the club societies and antiquarian societies were like-minded folks, both in aesthetics and musical goals. Musical Antiquarianism and Club Culture First, both societies, the LMS and the Academy, accumulated large libraries of music and performed concerts of canonical early music, as well as other Italian and English music; secondly, members of these societies did not generally engage with theorising about the music, nor did they generally edit or alter the music beyond merely copying and performing it. There are notable exceptions, as Owen Rees as shown with the London Madrigal Society’s reception of Duarte Lobo’s Audivi vocem motet and selected additional liturgical music,133 but mainly copyists wrote down the works faithfully from the source and either performed them outside of their original context or did not perform them at all. In many cases, the pieces were not performed at all, but left as a monument of a past musical lineage. These editions of ‘ancient’ music, then, are like the monuments of musical works or Denkmäler that make up the M3 or ‘musical monuments’ section of a library using the Library of Congress catalogue. These are supposedly ‘critical’ editions or ‘Urtext’ editions, complete with 133 Owen Rees, ‘Adventures of Portuguese “Ancient Music” in Oxford, London, and Paris: Duarte Lobo's “Liber Missarum” and Musical Antiquarianism, 1650–1850,’ in Music & Letters 86 (2005): 42–73. 70 commentary to explain alternative interpretations of the manuscripts. A recent edition of J.S. Bach’s works, the Neue Ausgabe Sämtlicher Werke published in 2016, includes scores based on manuscripts from collections such as those of Anna Magdalena Bach, copies by organist Johann Peter Kellner (1705–1772), and that of anonymous scribes in the possession of contemporary artists like the horn player Johann Nicolaus Schober (ca 1721–1807).134 While the comparison is not perfect, there is a desire to preserve the works for future use, particularly for singing by the madrigal club. This musical practice echoes that of the museum tradition, where artefacts from the ancient world are displayed outside of their original context with goals of preservation and public appreciation. ‘The romance of archaeology inspired antiquarian-adventurers such as the members of the London-based Society of Dilettanti (f. 1732) to fund increasingly far-flung collecting expeditions to Turkey and Greece, while professional ciceroni (antiquarian tour guides) and art dealers such as Francesco Ficoroni (1664–1745) lined their pockets providing Grand Tourists with mementos of their voyage into the past.’135 Johann Joachim Winckelmann (1717–1768) published a series explaining the origins and purpose of art with thorough analysis of antiquities, especially the Greek statues that exemplified his idea of aesthetic perfection. This and similar endeavours influenced the British envoy to Naples 1764–1800, Sir William Hamilton (1730–1803), who acquired many painted vases, some later purchased by the British Museum in 1772. In the nineteenth century, collecting antiquities became highly political, 134 See Gisele Schierhorst, ‘Music Monuments and Critical Editions in the Library’, Stony Brook University Libraries (accessed June 8, 2019), https://library.stonybrook.edu/2018/05/03/music-monuments-and-critical-editions-in-the-library/. 135 Anthony Grafton, Glenn W Most, Salvatore Settis, The Classical Tradition (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010), p. 210. 71 and European powers competed with one another as to which nation state best furthered the legacy of ancient Greece and Rome, and may have been part of nation-building and empire-building.136 Such activity echoes theories of nineteenth musical practice by scholars including Lydia Goehr, who reveals that in the nineteenth century, E.T.A. Hoffmann purported a theory of [c]omposition, performance, reception, and evaluation should no more be guided solely by extra-musical considerations of a religious, social, or scientific sort... These activities should now be guided by the musical works themselves. 'The genuine artist', [Hoffmann] wrote, ‘lives only for the work, which he understands as the composer understood it and which he now performs. He does not make his personality count in any way. All his thoughts and actions are directed towards bringing into being all the wonderful, enchanting pictures and impressions the composer sealed in his work with magical power’.137 Goehr argues that since 1800, serious or classical music has been packaged in terms of works. ‘Several general transitions are described to demonstrate the emergence of an effectively imaginary museum of musical works: (1) The move from extra-musical to purely musical criteria of value and classification; (2) The emancipation of the music language from its dependence on poetic and religious texts; (3) The rise of so-called purely instrumental music or absolute music; (4) The articulation of the concepts of fine art and the autonomous work of art and the inclusion of music under these categories.’138 While these categories may not wholly apply to long eighteenth-century musical practice (since Goehr is speaking specifically about the nineteenth century), according to Goehr’s theory, the practices of revering and codifying and collecting artefacts from antiquity is part of the practice of antiquarians, 136 Ibid. 137 E.T.A. Hoffman, cited in Lydia Goehr, The Imaginary Museum of Musical Works: An Essay in the Philosophy of Music (Oxford: Clarendon, 1992), p. 1. 138 Goehr, Ibid., p. 89. 72 and certainly they were able to contribute to the museum tradition by producing copies of great masterworks. While the Madrigal Society began in the eighteenth-century as a conglomerate of inexperienced amateurs who, as Hawkins described them, were like-minded, middle-class (i.e., not gentlemen or professional musicians) appreciators of the madrigal,139 it grew into a nineteenth-century organisation that included gentlemen and professional musicians and attracted composers and performers. Indeed, in his memoirs, Edmund Fellowes describes a Madrigal Society concert as enjoyable.140 The London Madrigal Society and the Gentlemen’s Catch and Glee Club are essentially a group of individuals united in a similar interest in early music and English music, just as other antiquarian societies were united under similar interests in ancient artefacts, history, or archaeology. The collection of Byrd manuscripts in the LMS library seems to indicate a marked lack of interest on the part of members of the Society in changing or adapting the musical text in any way. Across the collection, there is little accommodation of eighteenth-century notions of harmonic propriety in revision of these originals, for instance. On the contrary, the original style of this ‘early music’ seems to have been perfectly in accord with the eighteenth-century taste of its new performers. This may seem unremarkable, but it can be contrasted with their attitude to the original texts of the 139 For a fuller discussion of this characterisation, see the Introduction and Chapter 1 of this thesis. 140 See Edmund Horace Fellowes, Memoirs of an Amateur Musician (London: Methuen, 1946), p. 126. 73 works, which includes the wide acceptance of contrafacta. While it was perfectly reasonable to change the words, the music must remain intact. This leads to the conclusion that the antiquarians of the London Madrigal Society did not seem particularly interested in changing the music to suit their tastes. It seems that the original style of the early music was perfectly suitable, and as antiquarians interested in preservation of the ancient, there would be no motivation to alter it from the original. It would be against the antiquarian aesthetic to change the music to fit current preferences, since antiquarians were not desiring to collect or preserve contemporary tastes. Furthermore, an examination of the works that proliferate through their performances and meeting account books demonstrates that their tastes tended towards a more conservative sixteenth-century style. Byrd’s Music Below are examples of a modern edition of a Byrd motet compared with one of the LMS eighteenth-century copies. The motet is Byrd’s Defecit in dolore, which is in the Cantiones sacrae Vol. 1, 1589.141 The reproduction of the tenor and bassus are from the manuscripts at GB-Lms.Mad.Soc.A57–61 in the LMS library. They are copied into part-books, with lovely script and high accuracy. The versions copied by the LMS that follow below are an example of Goehr’s monuments of musical works, packaged and protected for prosperity and for the use of future generations. 141 William Byrd, Liber primus sacrarum cantionum (Cantiones Sacrae I) (1589). 74 Modern edition, Byrd’s motet, Defecit in dolore, from Cantiones sacrae 1589, Music Example 1: 75 Tenor reproduction of the same motet from abovementioned part-book, Music Example 2: 76 Bassus reproduction of the same motet, same part-book by MadSoc, Music Example 3: 77 Although beautifully copied, from what we know, these Byrd pieces were not performed by the Madrigal Society and were probably rarely sung even in their meetings. But as a testament to a great English composer of the so-called ‘Golden Age’ of English polyphony, they certainly do stand as a monument. It seems that these works were preserved rather than performed, so that they could serve as this relic of the past, almost too precious to perform, like museum pieces of beloved artefacts are in the British Museum not to be used but to be appreciated. The LMS collection is significant partially because Byrd is the only composer for which entire collections of music were copied, and these were all full collections of sacred music. It also demonstrates that while the Society began as an organisation dedicated primarily to the singing of madrigals, by the nineteenth century the Society's interests had broadened and came to include interest in other genres. This constitutes a reception—albeit small—of Byrd’s music. Of the manuscripts listed in the Appendices of this PhD thesis, most were copied in part-books, although much of the music copied by Rev. John Parker (MSS C14, 15 and D16) is in score. While the incomplete and unofficial catalogue lists the 1589 motets as being reproductions from the eighteenth-century (supposedly because the hand looks very similar to the eighteenth-century copies of the Gradualia 1605 and 1607), it seems strange that Byrd’s 1589 motets would be left out of the Index entirely. The music copies themselves are interesting as examples of reception history: Presumably, one would not take the time to painstakingly copy large collections of music—and that in part-book form, as is the case with the 1589 Cantiones sacrae copies—unless the music was valued very highly. Furthermore, handmade reproductions, or copies, bring in issues of editing and musical consumption. 78 In a 2005 Music & Letters article, Owen Rees demonstrated peculiarities in how the Madrigal Society copied and consumed early Portuguese music and took liberties to change the music in terms of expression markings, dynamics, accidentals, and even went so far as to rewrite entire cadential passages, such as at the end of the often-performed Audivi vocem by Duarte Lobo.142 I have gone through every copy of Byrd’s motets and contrafacta in the LMS manuscripts, and they are faithful to the original. In that comparison, I noted that there were a few incorrect semibreves in a few instances, and a few expression markings differ, but overall, they are very accurate editions that are nearly identical to the modern editions. The copyists—either Immyns or an unnamed nineteenth-century scribe—were very careful to faithfully render the music and did not take any liberties with respect to accidentals, or to change any part of the music to appeal to nineteenth-century aesthetic sensibilities. This can be seen in the manuscript reproductions above, which compare to the nineteenth-century copy of the first page of Byrd’s 1589 motet, Defecit in dolore, with its modern edition. As you can see, from the earlier music examples, the copy is very accurate. Furthermore, in the case of Byrd and other neglected English composers, while it is true that there exist few examples of printed music and concert programmes of Byrd’s music for nearly three hundred years, what remains in the Madrigal Society collection is an impressive body of manuscript copies that demonstrates the appreciation of a select group of interested lay performers and historians, otherwise known as antiquarians. There is a binary opposition that lies within the term ‘antiquarian’ 142 See Owen Rees, ‘Adventures of Portuguese “Ancient Music” in Oxford, London, and Paris: Duarte Lobo's “Liber Missarum” and Musical Antiquarianism, 1650–1850,” Music and Letters 86 (2005): 42–73. 79 and the unnecessary semantic baggage it carries, as there was and continues to be a prejudice against antiquarians within the scholarly community. Connection to Club Culture The following section illuminates antiquarian club culture by looking at shared regulations of the LMS and other societies that have antiquarian connections, like the Gentleman Catch & Glee Club. In looking at the cultural milieu of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century England, it is evident that the Madrigal Society is not so very odd after all but connected to a larger English tradition of antiquarianism and club societies. Interesting as well, according to Brian Robins, there seems to also be a deeper connection to the Catholic church, which possibly answers the question of why the Madrigal Society has copied so much Catholic music that lacks any liturgical place in Protestant England, and why these antiquarians were specifically interested in performing Catholic music (albeit out of context).143 It also leads to the conclusion that genre is less important than musical style, and the glees—which were much more prevalent than catches—are so common in the Madrigal Society repertoire because of their similar style to the beloved madrigal. However, it also opens a very interesting question about the Englishness of the glee and the club society. William Alexander Barrett, member of the Catch Club and author of English Glees and Part-Songs, published in 1868, wrote in this volume, 'The glee is essentially and individually English.'144 143 For more information on Brian Robins’s argument on Catholicism and antiquarianism, see his book Catch and Glee Culture in Eighteenth-Century England (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2006). 144 William Barrett Alexander, English Glees and Part–Songs (New York: Longmans, 1886). 80 In Brian Robins’ study on the eighteenth-century London catch and glee, there is a chapter on the London Madrigal Society. In the beginnings of the LMS there were rules about which genres were allowed for singing during official meetings, and it was required that a certain number of madrigals were sung first, before masses, motets, glees, catches, or other genres followed.145 However, in an in-depth study on the catch and glee culture in eighteenth-century London, Brian Robins demonstrates that after the Society had existed for around forty or so years, catches and glees were no longer marginalised to during the end of the Society’s meetings; instead, these were now features of the main evening entertainment.146 Robins claims that catches and glees were part of the increasing conviviality of the Madrigal Society meetings, and the growing number of their publications purchased by the Society demonstrate its members’ increased interest in these genres. Indeed, towards the end of the seventeenth century, and certainly flourishing in the eighteenth century, there was a great proliferation of clubs and societies, of which the Madrigal Society is one example. Noted historian of English club life, Peter Clark, insists that this rise in gentleman's club society is in great part due to the clubs’ connection with inns and taverns, which included increasingly attractive alcoholic amenities: nine out of ten clubs met in public houses towards the end of the eighteenth century.147 Indeed, the London Madrigal Society functions even still today as a club for highly musically trained amateurs to come 145 This information is detailed in the Madrigal Society record books, Madrigal Society manuscripts F1–F6, as well as in James Hobson, Musical Antiquarianism and the Madrigal Revival in England, 1726-1851 (PhD thesis, University of Bristol, 2015), and Suzanne Cole, Thomas Tallis and His Music in Victorian England (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2008). 146 Brian Robins, Catch and Glee Culture in Eighteenth–Century England (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2006), p. 24. 147 Peter Clark, British Clubs and Societies, 1580-1800: The Origins of an Associational World (Oxford and London: Oxford UP, 2000), as quoted in Brian Robins, ibid. 81 together and sing early music of various genres, including madrigals, motets, masses, part-songs, glees and catches. The modus operandi of Robins' study is to flesh out the eighteenth-century London socio-historical context of the catch and glee with the Madrigal Society sources, which has been extremely useful to my study.148 I am indebted to the parallels Robins draws between the LMS and the GC&GC; his work supports my theories about the clubs’ special status as antiquarians and explains why the catch and glee became so popular within a late-eighteenth-century madrigal society club. However, my work also demonstrates that these societies all have antiquarian underpinnings.149 This discussion will challenge common misconceptions of the 'antiquarian’ and demonstrate the significant role this Society played in the reception history of early music. When I use the term ‘reception history’, I invoke the meaning of the ‘afterlife’ of a musical work, as used by Jim Samson: In its afterlife a work threads its way through many different social and cultural formations, attaching itself to them in different ways, adapting its own appearance and in the process changing theirs. The work remains at least notionally the same object— at any rate it is the product of a singular creative act— but its manner of occupying the social landscape changes constantly. In locating and describing these changes, a reception study can light up the ideology concealed in the corners of music history.150 148 Christina Bashford first acknowledged this in her review article, ‘Catch and Glee Culture in Eighteenth–Century England, by Brian Robins,’ review article in Music and Letters 89 (2008): 411–413. 149 Again, it was Christina Bashford, in the book review, who first noticed the absence of ‘why’ questions in Robins’ study. 150 Jim Samson. ‘Reception,’ in Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online (accessed 29 September 2010). 82 As mentioned earlier, by the nineteenth century, the LMS had grown into an organisation with public concerts and madrigal competitions. The Madrigal Society's competition began in 1811, and Samuel Sebastian Wesley was an unsuccessful competitor several times. A striking number of these singing clubs were instigated in the early eighteenth century, when societies such as the Academy of Ancient Music grew from ad hoc meetings into the formalised clubs that they were by the mid-eighteenth century and the nineteenth century and influenced clubs such as the LMS.151 Organisation of music clubs was necessary to include performances, and procedures for governance enabled these operations to run smoothly and allowed members to hold auditions and select to include only new members of appropriate talent.152 The Academy of Ancient Music held its first meeting on 7 January 1726 at the Crown Tavern, near St Clement’s on the Strand.153 Since Immyns was its secretary and involved in copying much of the Academy and the Madrigal Society's materials, it would seem he adopted much of the customs of the Academy into the procedures of his Madrigal Society. As time went on, and the club's inner workings became more formalised into the nineteenth century, there were more official records and documentation for its proceedings. Anyone seeking admission to the Society could only be admitted if voted in by at least seven members, and paid dues of one guinea upon membership and fifteen shillings per quarter, in addition to the cost of their supper. The Society’s officers, consisting of President, Secretary, Treasurer, Librarian and Wine Steward, served on a rotating basis, so that every member of the Society could participate. Visitors were 151 Robins, op. cit., p. 16. 152 Robins, Ibid. pp. 16–17. 153 Robins, Ibid. p. 20. 83 admitted only when in company with another member, and visitors that were not considered gentlemen could only attend four times a year without becoming a member. The membership of the Society was restricted to a total number of 30 at a meeting on 1 November 1814. Members were expected to pass auditions and participate in the copying of materials to expand the Society's library, or they were forced to drink the 'small beer'. These Madrigal Society activities are especially interesting when compared to that of the Noblemen and Gentlemen's Catch Club of London, founded in 1761–2, two decades after the LMS and nearly 40 years after the Academy. The younger society, which is well-known as a vehicle for the support of singing and composing glees and catches, also had a great tradition of catch and glee competitions to encourage composers to produce new material. Brian Robins' book includes an analysis of the ten most popular catch and glee composers who provided catch and glees for the Catch Club, the top three composers produced roughly 27% of all the sung glees and catches, and the Madrigal Society paralleled this activity closely.154 Antiquarianism and the Madrigal Society Antiquarians have been traditionally viewed as dilettantes when compared to scholars and have had their expertise diminished because of their interest in fact-gathering and positivism. I posit that these antiquarians should be celebrated for their preservation of the raw materials upon which a historical narrative is based: their acquisition of facts often augments historians’ knowledge, and 154 Robins, Ibid. p. 69. 84 without it the scholar’s subsequent narrative would be lacking the facts and figures possible for academic synthesis. Rosemary Sweet argues that historians often imbue the word ‘antiquarian’ with negative connotations. ‘Antiquarian scholarship may be meticulously researched, but there is often an assumption that the subject matter is recondite, of little interest to anyone except the specialist, and that in the midst of empirical detail, the argument is lost’.155 In England, negative views of antiquarianism have a long tradition. Scholars as early as the fifteenth century were criticised for what today might be termed as ‘fetishizing’ the past: even at this early stage, negative assessments were applied to antiquarians. Antiquarians' work of collecting valuable artefacts preserves basic facts and details of history, from which scholars can create a narrative and flesh out a fuller understanding of the period or the artwork within its context. While empiricism is less popular in the postmodern study of history, the influences of antiquarianism are evident in the work of present-day social scientists and their methodical fact-gathering and benefit the study of social history and local history at least. The London Madrigal Society, as an organisation, was responsible for collecting, gathering, and reproducing a large quantity of music, and although they were not representative of the majority tastes of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century London concertgoers, is a microcosm of the greater phenomenon and peculiarities of antiquarianism. Furthermore, in the case of Byrd and other neglected English composers, while it is true that there exist few examples of printed music and concert programmes of Byrd’s music for nearly three 155 Rosemary Sweet, ‘Antiquarianism and history,’ Making History: The Changing Face of the Profession in Britain, the Institute for Historical Research, <http://www.history.ac.uk/makinghistory/resources/articles/antiquarianism.html> (accessed 12 October 2010). 85 hundred years, what remains in the Madrigal Society collection is an impressive body of manuscript copies that demonstrates the appreciation of a select group of interested lay performers and historians, otherwise known as antiquarians. There is a binary opposition that lies within the term ‘antiquarian’ and the unnecessary semantic baggage it carries, as there was and continues to be a prejudice against antiquarians within the scholarly community. In England, negative views of antiquarianism have a long tradition. Scholars as early as the fifteenth century were criticised for what today might be termed as ‘fetishising’ the past: even at this early stage, negative assessments were applied to antiquarians. Sweet argues that such unfair characterizations of antiquarians as both prone to fiction, and yet overly empirical, results in there being few scholars who wish to associate themselves with such a label. This is although many societies active even today use the word ‘antiquarian’ in their titles: The Society of Antiquaries of London and the Cambridge Antiquarian Society are two such examples. Sweet’s conclusion is that ‘[A]ntiquarians of today are still associated with an object-oriented approach to the past and with the excavation and preservation of its material remains’.156 Antiquarians have been responsible for delivering the basic facts and other materials from which historians might construct a feasible and intellectual narrative: antiquarians preserve the artefacts from history, and then the scholar takes over, by creating a narrative, theorising and colouring into the basic sketches provided by antiquarians. Sweet argues that while empiricism is less popular in the postmodern study of history, the influences of antiquarianism are 156 Rosemary Sweet, op. cit. 86 evident in the work of present-day social scientists and their methodical fact-gathering. While possibly mundane, scholars today should recognize the benefit of such artefacts for the study of social history, local history and family history. Conclusion As I mentioned at the start of this chapter, the purpose of it is to argue for the relevancy of antiquarianism as an important aspect of reception history. The London Madrigal Society, as an organisation, was responsible for collecting, gathering, and reproducing a large quantity of music for the consumption and appreciation of future listeners. This group, although not representative of the majority tastes of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century London concertgoers, is a microcosm of the greater phenomenon and peculiarities of antiquarianism. Yet, a few queries remain. Firstly, why did the Madrigal Society copy the entirety of Byrd's Gradualia books and 1589 Cantiones sacrae, and why in the combination of both part-book and score format? Indeed, what is the method for selecting one format over another, and then to decide on the combination of both part-books and score formats together? Secondly, what was the Society's position on genre—what does the inclusion of both various sacred and secular genres amongst madrigals say about their, and perhaps the English, conception of one genre over another? The following chapters will begin to answer these questions and demonstrate how a fuller understanding of antiquarians and their musical activity illuminates our understanding of the ‘afterlife’ of early music. 87 Chapter 3: Early Music Reception Introduction This chapter is about how early music reception was affected by antiquarianism, and the type of contribution made to reception history by antiquarians, specifically the London Madrigal Society. One composer that it focuses on is William Byrd, who has a large quantity of music in the society’s library. The chapter also goes into further detail on the difference between reception and antiquarianism, and how historiography and antiquarianism can benefit our understanding of early English music and English identity during the long eighteenth century. The way to figure out the relationship between early English music and English identity, however, is through musical aesthetics, specifically of the London antiquarian societies, and chiefly of the London Madrigal Society and its founder, John Immyns (1700–1764). Immyns is significant because of his close relationship to three separate antiquarian and club societies: the Academy of Ancient Music (ca. 1730–1735), the London Madrigal Society (which he started between 1741 and 1744), and the Gentleman’s Catch and Glee Club (around its founding in 1764). The aesthetics of musical antiquarianism answer the important questions about what constituted a reception history of early music in the long eighteenth century by demonstrating what the antiquarians appreciated about earlier music, and further, what others would appreciate in the long tradition of historical performance and early music in England. For example, the following quotation, from Sir John Hawkins’s ‘scientific’ history of music, discusses five prominent English composers of the sixteenth century: Tye, Tallis, Byrd, Farrant, and Gibbons. Each of these men had significant notoriety in their own day and were regarded highly in the eighteenth century and 88 beyond. Further, their music is set apart as having the right qualities of melody, harmony, and modulation that would escape modern listeners: ‘… [I]n the compositions of Tye, Tallis, Bird, Farrant, Gibbons, and some others, all that variety of melody, harmony and fine modulation are discoverable, which ignorant people conceive to be the effect of modern refinement…’157 Hawkins groups these composers together most likely because of his assessment of them as great English composers who have achieved a highly evolved musical style (‘melody, harmony and fine modulation’), and esteemed reputation (‘which ignorant people conceive to be the effect of modern refinement’). Hawkins’s grouping of these composers together could explain why the London antiquarians might have collected so much of Byrd’s music and might answers the larger question of the role of early English music in formulating the identity of Englishness in the long eighteenth century. In addition, the other four composers—Tye, Tallis, Farrant, and Gibbons—are also featured in the Madrigal Society archives. I argue for the importance of the Madrigal Societies and antiquarians’ contribution to the reception history of early music in England, and its inclusion in the canon of musical historiography, as further evidence to refute the idea of England as ‘Das Land Ohne Musik’. I will give an account of the Madrigal Society’s sources with comparison to the original printed music, focusing on the copies of Byrd’s 1589 Cantiones sacrae and both Gradualia books (1605/7) as case studies. Next, I contextualise 157 Sir John Hawkins, General History of the Science and Practice of Music (1776), new edn., London, 1853 (repr. New York, 1963), ii.575; cited in Percy Lovell, ‘ “Ancient” Music in Eighteenth–Century England’, in Music and Letters 60 (1979): 401. 89 the activities of the Madrigal Society in late eighteenth- and nineteenth-century London by describing the historical data I have gleaned from examining the Society’s programmes, attendance records, and account books. I also deconstruct and challenge common misconceptions and marginalisation of the 'antiquarian’ and demonstrate the significant role this Society played in the reception history of early music. Reception History and the LMS By the term ‘reception history’, I mean that I aim to investigate the ‘after-life’ of Byrd’s motets and masses as musical works, based on the term as invoked by scholars such as Carl Dahlhaus and Mark Everist; namely, how later communities engaged with and consumed Byrd’s sacred music, and instilled it with cultural value.158 Jim Samson describes musical reception as the ‘after-life’ of a musical work,159 and so this study is in part about how Byrd’s music, and the music of other early composers, lives on through subsequent centuries and cultures after its creation. Ultimately, though, I am also using the term ‘reception history’ differently than Dahlhaus, Everist, and Samson, as what the antiquarians are doing constitutes a different kind of reception history. For antiquarians, their reception history is not necessarily a public performance history, or a published history, but a private history. Instead, antiquarian reception history constitutes keeping and preserving, in line more with a museum history, except not on display for everyone to witness and consume. It is about preserving for future 158 See Mark Everist, ‘Reception Theories, Canonic Discourses, and Musical Value,’ in (eds) Nicholas Cook and Mark Everist, Rethinking Music (London, New York, and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 379. 159 Jim Samson. ‘Reception,’ in Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online (accessed 29 September 2010). 90 generations, but in private collections, and in libraries, for certain interested parties. It is a more selective history. As was established in chapter 2, London antiquarian societies such as the LMS are examples of a reception history of Byrd’s music, including his sacred music, during the long eighteenth century. Another aspect of this thesis focuses on the role of London antiquarian societies in the reception history of Byrd’s sacred music, as an exemplar of the aesthetics of musical antiquarianism. Byrd’s music is a useful case study because a great quantity of it appears in the LMS collection, including unaltered, unannotated, unchanged, and reproduced faithfully, copies of the Cantiones sacrae II (1602), the Gradualia Books I and II (1605 and 1607), and the Mass for 3 Voices (c. 1593–4). Despite this large collection of Byrd’s music, many scholars assumed that Edmund Fellowes was correct in his statement that ‘Byrd and his music had been forgotten for the greater part of the (then) three hundred years since his death’.160 Reception of Byrd’s Music Considering the work of antiquarian societies, the large libraries of copied music and records of performances, it is illogical to then claim that Byrd’s music or the music of many other early composers was virtually unperformed or unknown in England for 300 years. This chapter suggests answers to these questions and investigates further the history and reception of Byrd’s music in the eighteenth century and gives an account of the London Madrigal Society with data accumulated from 160 See Richard Turbet, ‘Three Glimpses of Byrd’s Music During Its Nadir,’ in Consort 65 (2009): 18. 91 researching that institution, from its inception in 1741, until the rise in popularity of early music during the English musical renaissance, ca 1900, effectively the long eighteenth century. I argue that Byrd’s music was not entirely unsung before the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-centuries: the Madrigal Society’s efforts generated interest in Byrd’s early music for later 19th-century antiquarian and academic societies, such as the Plainsong and Medieval Music Society and the Musical Antiquarian Society, and LMS along with other antiquarian societies were important precursors in the so-called English Musical Renaissance long before the revival of early music credited to Richard Terry. Richard Turbet has demonstrated that Byrd scholars of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, namely Fellowes and Sir Richard Terry, diminished the role played by previous scholars in reviving Byrd’s music,161 Terry was celebrated for resurrecting William Byrd in the 1920s, and in his 1948 study of the composer, Fellowes derides William Barclay Squire’s editions of Byrd’s music and does not give him sufficient credit for his pioneering research.162 The two men, Edmund Fellowes, a titan in early music research, and William Barclay Squire, an amateur musician and antiquarian, are opposites in music scholarship and great examples of how the English history of antiquarianism fell from grace after the long eighteenth century. William Barclay Squire (1855–1927) was a British musicologist, librarian, and librettist. ‘A keen musical amateur’ … ‘Squire joined the British Museum in 1885, taking charge of the music room and its collections; he retired in 1920. He organized a huge backlog of acquisitions, added many 161 Richard Turbet, op. cit. 162 Ibid. 92 antiquarian publications, and prepared its Catalogue of Printed Music before 1801.’163 He also contributed articles to the 1911 and eleventh edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica, including entries on William Byrd and Thomas Morley, and provided a libretto for Charles Villiers Stanford’s opera The Veiled Prophet.164 By contrast, Edmund Fellowes (1870–1951) spent his life affiliated with Oxford and the Church of England, at Oriel College, Oxford, then Bristol Cathedral and St George’s Chapel, Windsor, the position he held until his death. He dedicated his life to improving cathedral music, founding the Church Music Society and the Royal School of Church Music, and writing several influential books: The English Madrigal School (36 volumes, 1913–24), The English School of Lutenist Song Writers (32 volumes, 1920–32), Tudor Church Music (with Buck, Ramsbotham and Warner, 10 volumes, 1922–9) and The Collected Works of William Byrd (20 volumes, 1937–50). In addition, he published widely on musical history and scholarship, including the ground-breaking books: The English Madrigal Composers (1921), William Byrd (1923), Orlando Gibbons (1925), English Cathedral Music from Edward VI to Edward VII (1941). Fellowes was also part of the influential (and infamous) Tudor Church Music series, a collection of ten volumes published from 1922—1929 on behalf of the Carnegie United Kingdom Trust via Oxford University Press. The collection includes photostat copies and transcriptions of manuscript and printed music from the Tudor and Jacobean 163 ‘William Barclay Squire’. https://www.royalacademy.org.uk/art–artists/name/william–barclay–squire. 164 See Squire’s entries in the Encyclopedia Britannica, as well as his work with Stanford: https://www.thestanfordsociety.org/the–veiled–prophet/. 93 periods, with approximately twenty-thousand sheets of photostats, as well as transcripts of both choral and instrumental works collected from various places, such as Peterhouse, Cambridge, Durham Cathedral, the British Library, the Bodleian Library, Oxford, Christ Church, Oxford, and Windsor Castle. The main collectors of the works while the series was being put together were Alexander Ramsbotham (transcripts), as well as the rest of the editorial committee: Sir Percy Buck, Edmund H. Fellowes, Sylvia Townsend Warner, and at times R. R. Terry. In fact, as Turbet has also demonstrated, Buck, Fellowes, and Warner come together to ‘oust’ Terry as the general editor of Tudor Church Music, due to their dissatisfaction with his overall performance.165 Clearly, Fellowes had standards for his musical editions, and it could be that the amateur librarian Barclay Squire was not up to the trained eye of the Oxford-educated Fellowes. Turbet does give credit to ‘three glimpses’ of Byrd’s music during the 300 years of 1623 and 1923: John Barnard’s 1641 The first book of selected church musick, with Byrd’s two Preces and three Services, copies of Byrd by the composer Henry Purcell, as a well as a 1653 catalogue by John Playford with ten items by Byrd.166 Turbet goes on to detail three other examples of Byrd’s music resurfacing during his supposed ‘nadir’: one of which is another publication, one of which is a manuscript collection, and a final which is a performance. The publication is that of Robert Clavel’s catalogues, 165 ‘Edmund Fellowes.’ https://www.stgeorges–windsor.org/image_of_the_month/e–h–fellowes–clergyman–musician–scholar/ and https://www.oriel.ox.ac.uk/edmund–fellowes–1870–1951. See also Richard Turbet, ‘An Affair of Honour: “Tudor Church Music”, the Ousting of Richard Terry, and a Trust Vindicated’, in Music and Letters 76 (1995): 593–600. 166 Richard Turbet, Byrd’s Music During Its Nadir, p. 18. 94 entitled ‘A catalogue of all the books printed in England since the dreadful fire of London in 1666, to the end of Michaelmas term, 1672 together with the titles of publick acts of Parliament, the texts of single sermons, with the authors names, playes, acted at both the theatres, and an abstract of the general bills of mortality (extant since the year 1660) / collected by Robert Clavel.’ As Turbet indicates, while music was not listed in the first edition, subsequent editions do include the works of Byrd and his fellow composers. The second edition of 1675, p. 99, lists the following works by Byrd: Kyries in 3, 4, 5 voices; ‘Bird’s 5 parts wherein is Lullaby’; ‘Bird’s 3, 4, 5, 6. parts, English’; Byrd’s Ne Irascaris and Infelix ego; Byrd’s Gradualia (5, 4, 3 parts and 4, 5, 6 parts); and ‘Bird’s 2 set. English’.167 The 1680 and 1695 editions have the same works listed, but differently, on pp. 85 and 112, respectively.168 The second example given by Turbet in his article is that of the Academy of Ancient Music, the mother society of the London Madrigal Society. Turbet mentions their publication of 1761, The Words of such Pieces that most usually performed by the Academy of Ancient Music, which include five pieces either by or attributed to Byrd: ‘Bow, thine ear’, Civitas sanctitatis, Non nobis (spurious), ‘O Lord, My God’, and ‘The eagle’s force’. The edition of 1768 includes the same pieces, but a reissue of this edition ca 1775 includes nothing else by Byrd not already in the 1761 and 1768 editions.169 The third example is a performance by Antonio Lotti, the principal organist at St Mark’s, Venice from 1704, who, according to John Hawkins and Turbet, received a copy of Tribulationes civitatum 1731, 167 Ibid., p. 19. 168 Ibid., pp. 20, 21. 169 Ibid., pp. 21–22. 95 and a copy of Tallis’s unpublished Domine quis habitabit from the Academy of Ancient Music.170 Turbet concludes that there is a ‘continuum of interest in Byrd’s music’ during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. He goes on to cite other examples from the nineteenth century, including the Musical Antiquarian Society and the Motett Society, which were much earlier than the work of Fellowes and Terry in the twentieth century.171 Where I diverge from Turbet’s opinion is to recommend that scholars consider the work of the antiquarians, instead of focusing only on so-called serious scholars. If antiquarians are considered, this opens a world of possibility, since England is rich with antiquarian activity, including in music, through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and means that Byrd’s music is much more alive than Turbet thought. Indeed, antiquarianism has played an important role in British intellectual life since 1572, when Bishop Matthew Parker and several other gentlemen founded a society for the preservation of national antiquities.172 The Academy of Ancient Music (Academy) and the London Madrigal Society (LMS) are relatively well-known institutions, and their musical repertories and other records should be considered when studying the reception of Byrd and his contemporaries.173 First, a word about the Academy, which had its first meeting at the Crown and Anchor Tavern in the Strand on Friday, 7 January 1726, as the Academy of Vocal Music (renamed the Academy of 170 Ibid., p. 23. 171 Turbet, p. 26. 172 See Joan Evans, ‘Antiquarianism in the English Renaissance I’, in A History of the Society of Antiquaries (London: Society of Antiquaries, 1956), p. 1. 173 Fellowes mentions performances of the Madrigal Society in his book, Memoirs of an Amateur Musician (London: Methuen, 1946). 96 Ancient Music in 1731). Alongside its founding member, Pepusch, were other members such as Signors Bononcini, Carbonelli, Geminiani, Sammartini, and Nicola Haym, as well as many who also sang in the foundations of the Chapel Royal and St Paul’s. Many of these members later were also members of the Madrigal Society, or had their musical works sung by the members of the LMS. At a meeting held on 26 May 1731, it was resolved not only that ‘the Ancients’ were to be defined as ‘such as lived before ye end of the Sixteenth [replacing fifteenth crossed out] Century’ but also ‘That Mr : Galliard & Mr Needler do make a Catalogue of all ye Musick & put the Library in order’. At the same time, the current secretary, Hawley Bishop, was ‘desir’d to write an Historical Account of the Academy & that Dr Pepusch & Mr : Galliard do supply him with Materials’, while Pepusch was additionally charged ‘to demand of Dr Green the Six Mottetts ye Bishop of Spiga sent the Academy’.174 This is an excellent, often cited quote about antiquarians and club societies in general, as it shows how the formation of the clubs evolved and became more fixed and focused on terms of repertoire and purpose. It also demonstrates the membership of Henry Needler, a great amateur musician and antiquarian, who was an early member of the Academy of Ancient Music and whose great quantity of transcriptions also found their way into the LMS library (see chapter 6). He was born in 1685, towards the end of the great flourishing of seventeenth century antiquarianism, and despite entering the excise office and reaching the post of account of the candle duty in 1710, he consistently pursued ‘his only pleasure’ (according to Hawkins), which was music, alongside his professional career.175 His earliest 174 See H. Diack, Johnstone, "The Academy of Ancient Music (1726–1802): Its History, Repertoire and Surviving Programmes." Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 51 (2020): 1–136, at pp. 1–2 and 5–6. 175 Louisa M. Middleton, ‘Needler, Henry’, Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900 (accessed 28 December 2020), https://en.m.wikisource.org/wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography,_1885-1900/Needler,_Henry. 97 music instruction was from his father, an accomplished violinist, while he learned harmony from Daniel Purcell, and pursued further study with the younger John Banister, first violin at Drury Lane Theatre. Needler eventually performed for Thomas Britton and at weekly private concerts in various nobleman’s houses, and even knew Handel, who called upon him in Clement’s Lane, behind the church in the Strand. At the Academy and its activities in the Crown in the Strand, he led the violins, performed duties as librarian and secretary, and catalogued music.176 The above quotation also introduces the reader to Dr Pepusch, who is a giant in antiquarianism. Dr Pepusch is Johann Christoph Pepusch, born 1667 in Berlin, Germany, and died 1752 in London, England. Pepusch was an influential musical figure in London at the same time as George Frederic Handel, and known as one of the original members of the Academy of Ancient Music. Pepusch was also a mentor of John Immyns and an editor of music by Corelli, as well as a composer of original works, such as cantatas, concerti, and chamber music. He received a doctorate in music from Oxford in 1713,177 and in the 1720s was music director at Lincoln’s Inn Fields Theatre, where he wrote several masques as well as arranging the tunes and composing the overtures for John Gay’s Beggar’s Opera (1728) and the sequel Polly (performed in 1777). Pepusch, a talented teacher, in turn had many famous pupils who appreciated early music, such as William Boyce, another collector, especially of music from the Renaissance, ancient Greece, and Rome. Boyce influenced early music 176 Ibid. 177 ‘John Christopher Pepusch’, https://www.britannica.com/biography/John–Christopher–Pepusch. 98 antiquarianism with his anthology Cathedral Music, consisting primarily of music from sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England.178 Another person mentioned in the earlier quotation, according to H. Diack Johnstone’s 2020 RMA article, is ‘The Bishop of Spiga’, who is the composer Agostino Steffani (1654–1728). Steffani was a Roman Catholic priest, diplomat, and composer, who composed chamber duets and cantatas beloved by the eighteenth-century English music audience. While living in Hanover, Germany, in 1727, he was unanimously elected (in absentia) President of the Academy, possibly due to a suggestion by Galliard (his one time student).179 Another possibility for a recommendation as president was Giuseppe Riva, who wrote to Steffani in 1726, asking him to send one of his compositions so it would be preserved as a ‘relic’ in the society’s archive.180 The Academy did know Steffani’s music, having sung his five-part madrigal ‘Gettano i re dal soglio’ at their first meeting on 7 January 1726. Five months later, but before he was elected as President, Steffani sent the Academy a manuscript copy of his Sacer lanus quadrifrons (now GB-Lcm MS 1023), and later of his theoretical treatise Quanta certezza (1695) and the madrigal ‘Al rigor d’un bel sembiante’ for SAT and continuo, as well as several duets.181 In 1734, a ‘Hurlothrumbo Johnson’, who is ‘an ardent Handelian’, wrote in a pamphlet Harmony in an Uproar: A Letter F-D-K H-D-L, Esq.: 178 Ibid. 179 H. Diack Johnstone, Ibid., p. 6. 180 Ibid., p. 6. 181 Ibid. 99 As for that indefatigable Society, the Gropers into Antique Musick, and Hummers of Madrigals, they swoon at the Sight of any Piece modern, particularly of your Composition, excepting the Performances of their venerable President [Pepusch], whose Works bear such vast Resemblance to the regular Gravity of the Antients, when dress’d up in Cobwebs, and powdered with Dust, the Philharmonick Spiders could dwell on them, and in them, to Eternity.182 This quotation also demonstrates the commitment to Handel, and a mixture of modern and ancient music. As H. Diack Johnstone has demonstrated, the Academy’s first printed programmes (originating from 31 January 1734) were ‘octavo-sized pamphlets normally containing between 8 and 12 pages of text’, ‘evidently issued for the benefit of the audience at what would appear to have been an annual “Publick Night” held once each season’.183 In the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, there is a handwritten list of the music performed by the Academy between September 1768 and May 1773, filed as MS Res, F. 1507. After 1774, there are printed books off and on until about a decade later, when the Academy turned into a concert promotion society like the Concert of Ancient Music. At this time, the membership consisted of auditors and performers who were paid professionals who were not involved in the daily machinations of the society.184 The next several pages of Johnstone’s article include summaries of the repertoire lists of many of their programmes. The lists of works are striking, as many of the composers and works listed are also beloved and frequently performed by the London Madrigal Society and the Nobleman and 182 Ibid. 183 Ibid., p. 17. 184 Ibid. 100 Gentleman’s Catch and Glee Club. Johnstone lists meetings from the years 1726–7, 1729–40, 1742–7, 1749–53, 1755–9, 1761, 1763–4, 1766–77, 1779, 1781, 1784–97, 1802.185 The works most often performed are also listed, starting with a table of works by ‘Composers unspecified’, many of which appear in the London Madrigal Society, such as 1. Anima mea [liqueafacta est], 2. ‘Burial Service’ (variously named as by Morley and Croft), 3. Confitebor [tibi, Domine], 4. Dixit Dominus, 5. Gloria in excelsis, 6. Gloria Patri, 7. Jubilate [in Latin], 8. ‘Jubilate’ [in English], 9. Lauda, anima [mea Dominum], 10. Laudate Dominum [omnes gentes], 11. Laudate pueri [Dominum], 12. ‘Nunc dimittis’, in English, 13. O sacrum convivium as ‘Victoria, and others’, 14. Salve regina as ‘Pergolese [sic] and various’, 15. Stabat mater as ‘Pergolesi and D’Astorga’, 185 Ibid., pp. 17–19. 101 16. Te Deum [in Latin: 1768] as ‘Bonocini and various’; Bonocini, Graun and various’.186 There is also a list of ‘The words of such pieces as were most usually performed are arranged here alphabetically by the composer’, including works by Allegri, Bassani, Battishill, Bennet, Bonocini, Boyce (William), Byrd, Carissimi, Cooke (Benjamin), Colonna, Converso, Croft, Este/East, Farmer, Gibbons, Graun, Greene, Handel, Hutchinson (Francis), Lassus, Lobo (Duarte, known as Lupi), Lotti, Marcello, Marenzio, Morley, Mouton, Negri, Palestrina, Pepusch, Pergolesi, Petti, Purcell, Ruffo, Steffani, Stradella, Tallis (only 2), Travers, Victoria, Webbe, Weelkes (1), Wilbye, and others. Of all the composers mentioned in this list, the composer who easily wins out is Handel, with 27 unique pieces from various long-form works such as Acis and Galatea, a Masque, Alexander’s Feast, Esther; an Oratorio, Israel in Egypt, Messiah, L’Allegro, and also various anthems such as ‘Have mercy upon me O God, O sing unto the Lord a new song, I will magnify thee, O God, Zadock the priest, and funeral anthems for Queen Caroline. Palestrina is also well-represented with seventeenth works, as is Purcell with nine, including masques such as King Arthur, Indian Queen, Oedipus, Macbeth (spurious), and Dido and Aeneas, and many by Benjamin Cooke (19 in total). William Byrd has several works, as do other early music composers, but certainly not to the level of these more modern composers. The ‘ancient’ music represented by early composers includes that of Byrd (5 works, all of which are beloved by the Madrigal Society: ‘Bow thine ear, O Lord’, Civitas sanctitatis, Non nobis, Domine [thought to have been written by Byrd at the time], ‘O Lord, my God’, and ‘The eagle’s 186 Ibid., pp. 109–10. 102 force’), John Farmer (2), Orlando Gibbons (3, all of which are in the LMS library), Orlando Lassus (7), Duarte Lobo (4, including the beloved Audivi vocem and Asperges me, Domine), Luca Marenzio (6, including the perpetually sung ‘Dissi a l’amata mia’), Thomas Morley (5, such as ‘Say gentle nymphs’), Jean Mouton (1), Palestrina (17), Tallis (2, but the popular ‘I call and cry to thee O Lord’ appears), Victoria (8), and two works by John Wilbye. How the LMS defined ‘ancient’ music was constantly in flux and changing with the tastes of the societies. The list of pieces, from a book printed in 1761, The Words of such Pieces As are most usually performed by The Academy of Ancient Music, with the description, This collection contains such pieces as are MOST USUALLY performed by the academy. The words of every piece in the academy’s catalogue, would have made a volume too large to be useful; yet it must sometimes happen, that a piece to be performed may not be found in any smaller collection: It is hoped that, IN GENERAL, this will answer the purposes for which it was undertaken’.187 There is an alphabetical index of first lines (titles), followed by texts organised by genre: ‘Motets’, ‘Latin Pieces with Instruments’, ‘English Pieces with Instruments’, ‘English Motets; or, Anthems without Instruments’, ‘English Madrigals’, ‘Italian Madrigals’, and the last section features ‘Masques’ by Purcell and ‘Oratorios’ by Handel. The volume ends with the words of the anthem ‘O give thanks unto the Lord’ (Pepusch), the anthem ‘The souls of the righteous’ (an anthem for George the II’s funeral, by Boyce), as well as the Gloria Patri and the Non nobis, Domine.188 The second edition from 1768 adds 38 pieces new from the first edition, and in some copies of the second edition, there is another 187 Ibid., p. 107. 188 Ibid., p. 108. 103 Appendix that adds a further 30 pieces. Of these 30 pieces, most are by Benjamin Cooke, and the words of pieces as amended by Dr Cooke, such as Galliard’s ‘Morning Hymn from Milton’s Paradise Lost’, Benjamin Roger’s madrigal ‘Come, come all noble souls’, and Arne’s elegy on the death of Shenstone, ‘Come, shepherds, we’ll follow the hearse’, as well as Thomas Morley’s ‘Fair Phillis I saw sitting all alone’ (a favourite also of the Madrigal Society).189 The similarities between the LMS and the Academy demonstrate a shared set of antiquarian interests and musical style, as well as a shared interest in English music. Another way to look at the list of frequently performed works by the Academy is to examine their repertoire considering the number of English composers and English-desired composers. That list includes Gregorio Allegri (the famous ‘Miserere’), John Bennet (3), William Boyce (3), William Byrd (5), Carissimi (2), Cooke (19), William Croft (2), John Farmer (1), Gibbons (3), Maurice Greene (2), Handel (26), William Jackson (5), Thomas Morley (5), Palestrina (17), Pepusch (6), Pergolesi (6), Purcell (9), Tallis (2), Webbe (1), Weelkes (1), and Wilbye (2).190 The inclusion of Palestrina is interesting from both an antiquarian perspective and an Englishness perspective, as Palestrina’s style was desirable not only to antiquarians but also many composers as a hallmark of the Golden Age of Polyphony. The activities of antiquarian societies in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are more evidence of why the terms ‘English Musical Renaissance’ and ‘Das Land Ohne Musik’ are problematic, and a broader understanding of the reception of English music must include an examination of the 189 Ibid., p. 108. 190 Ibid., 119–120. 104 antiquarians. Many scholars in the late twentieth and currently in the twenty-first centuries argue for the musical activities of England that refute any sort of later ‘English Musical Renaissance’, pointing to the vast records of musical clubs, musical performances, and musical writing throughout the period of so-called ‘Das Land Ohne Musik’, a term invented for a book dating from 1914 and penned by polemical, anti-English writer Oskar Adolf Hermann Schmitz. The term, as Bennett Zon writes, is a common epithet bestowed upon a generally unrecognising Victorian musical public. Although the phrase was coined by ... Schmitz to entitle Das Land Ohne Musik (1914) it had subsisted in the anti-British imagination for almost two centuries (and possibly earlier) and continues today to be a source of grim fascination. By the early part of the nineteenth century it formed a frustratingly unyielding maxim, exciting British defensiveness across a range of popular British and Continental musical and general magazines.191 Nicholas Temperley, when writing in the 1950s, argued for the active presence of British instrumental music in the early nineteenth century,192 which is what I demonstrate for antiquarians and British choral music. As Megan Prictor writes of a 'vision [...] for the renewal of English composition, intimately connected to a sense of national musical pride',193 the interest in English musical products fed into an increased British nationalism during the industrialisation of the nineteenth century. 191 Bennett Zon, Evolution and Victorian Musical Culture (New York and Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2017), p. 237. 192 See Nicholas Temperley, 'Instrumental music in England 1800–1850', 3 vols, PhD dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1959; cited in Jürgen Schaarwächter, ‘Chasing a Myth and a Legend: “The British Musical Renaissance” in a “Land without Music”,’ in The Musical Times 149 (2008): 53–60. 193 See Megan Prictor, ‘ “Bach and Beethoven … are Gods”: the role of the German composer in English music appreciation, 1919–1939’, in Christa Brüstle and Guido Heldt, eds, Music as a Bridge: Musikalische Beziehungen zwischen England und Deutschland 1920–1950 (Hildesheim: Olms Georg Ag, 2005), p. 17; cited in Schaarwächter, ‘Chasing a Myth and a Legend: “The British Musical Renaissance” in a “Land without Music”,’ op. cit. 105 However, it is more accurate to see a continuous history of English music appreciation throughout British history, and this is connected to the British tradition of antiquarian societies. Scholars have traditionally viewed Terry as a socially isolated island of influence and focused on the tremendous impact he made on London’s religious and concert life through his advocacy of early music. Research on the LMS has brought to light various eighteenth-century manuscripts from the Society and its founder, as well as other documents from the long eighteenth century, and demonstrates the contribution of earlier antiquarians, over one hundred years before Terry’s twentieth-century reception of interest in Byrd’s music. The LMS participated in the reception history of Byrd’s sacred music and the later period of so-called English Musical Renaissance (EMR), when Terry’s revival of early music for Catholic cathedrals in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries brought this music to greater awareness.194 Examination of the LMS documents demonstrates that these antiquarian communities of scholars and early music enthusiasts have continuously appreciated Byrd’s music. Richard Turbet and William Weber have discussed music by Byrd (including eight anthems and three Services) contained in The first book of selected church music (London, 1641), which was a staple of the Anglican tradition.195 In their article on Vincent Novello and Samuel Wesley, Philip Olleson and Fiona Palmer briefly 194 Richard Turbet, ‘Three Glimpses of Byrd’s Music During Its Nadir,’ Consort 65 (2009): 18–28. 195 Ibid. 106 discussed the significance of the London Madrigal Society196, and also mention the music manuscript copies of Henry Aldrich, which are found amongst the holdings of the LMS, including arrangements of music by Palestrina and Carissimi set to English words for the Anglican service.197 This reveals that other scholars have established the connection between the use of early music in Anglican cathedrals, Madrigal Society copies and later editions of early music. However, there has not been a connection made between these copies, editions of early music, and the English phenomenon of antiquarianism. Repertoire and the Reception of Antiquarians In Chapters 1 and 2, I outlined the early history of the London Madrigal Society, argued for the importance of the Society within the reception history of early music, and especially early English music, and argued for the society as further evidence to disprove the misconception of ‘Das Land Ohne Musik’. In the next section, I give further evidence for the reasons why the eighteenth century brought an early music revival, and why so much Catholic music was included in the Madrigal Society library. Since the LMS is a madrigal society, it is curious that there is so much sacred music in their collection. However, English Catholic history in this period sheds light on this issue. The end of the eighteenth century was not a favourable time to be Catholic; there was still some prejudice against Catholics, and until the Papists Act of 1778 Catholics were officially excluded from public life and did 196 Philip Olleson and Fiona M. Palmer, ‘Published Music from the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge: The Work of Vincent Novello and Samuel Wesley in the 1820s,’ Journal of the Royal Musical Association 130 (2005): 38–73. 197 Ibid., p. 49 107 not enjoy the same freedoms as Protestants. There were several Acts passed in the seventeenth century that banned Catholicism, and as late as 1767 until 1768, Catholic priests were sentenced to prison for celebrating Mass. While in many instances the enforcement of such anti-Catholic laws were not always carried out, the official stance of England from 1700 was that Catholics who did not take the ‘Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy and subscribe to the Declaration against Popery,’ could not be landowners (and any land he did own would be given to a Protestant next of kin who would also enjoy any profits from the land), and recusants were ‘also incapable of purchasing, and all trusts on his behalf were void.’198 Acts were passed in 1778 and 1791 that gave Catholics increased freedoms, but full emancipation was not granted until 1829 with the Catholic Relief Act. At this point, Catholics were included in society and were able to sit in Parliament, vote in elections, and otherwise serve a full and open public life, with a few exceptions.199 While there is no concrete evidence that any member of the Madrigal Society was Roman Catholic, Catholics were held in great suspicion, and I find it interesting that a society otherwise dedicated to performance of secular music would have in its collection so much sacred music, and so much of it in Latin. As was the case in the 16th century when Byrd composed his Latin music, in the 18th century there were no real public venues for performing the Latin music. Even if there were, much of England did not care to hear early music, and especially not that of their countrymen. According to Roger Fiske, ‘The belief that foreigners were better at music than Britons 198 Butler, Historical Account of the Laws Respecting the Roman Catholics, and of the Laws Passed for Their Relief, etc. (London, 1795); Butler, Historical Memoirs of the English, Irish, and Scottish Catholics from the Reformation to the Present Time, 4 vols (1812–1821); and Amherst, History of Catholic Emancipation (London, 1885). 199 Ibid. 108 was widespread even in Purcell’s day, when we had arguably the best composer in Europe, and it survived well into the twentieth century.’200 Even if the men of the Madrigal Society were not Catholic, they were certainly out of step with the musical tastes of their countrymen, and felt a responsibility to preserve ancient manuscripts, just as sixteenth-century recusants had done. Since Catholic music had very few sanctioned and truly safe venues, Catholic antiquarians in the eighteenth-century seem to be compelled to preserve Catholic music through their preservation and recordkeeping work as antiquarians. In this way, the dearth of public Catholic music-making and music practice in general served as a sort of backdrop to why there was so much Catholic music, such as the complete volumes of Byrd’s music often associated with musical recusancy in the sixteenth century. J.A. Fuller Maitland, eighteenth-century British music critic and scholar, recounts the attitudes against early music demonstrated by the Cambridge lecturers in the seventies: ‘The professorial lectures which often admitted the existence of madrigals, virginal music, and such things, nearly always took it for granted that there was no beauty such as could appeal to modern ears, so that the respect with which we were encouraged to approach them was purely due to their antiquity’.201 The final pieces of the puzzle in the Madrigal Society history are the tendencies of scholars and performers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century to insist that they were the re-discoverers 200 Roger Fiske and H. Diack Johnstone, editors. The Blackwell History of Music in Britain: The Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd., 1990), p. 4. 201 Henry Haskell, The Early Music Revival (Courier Dover, 1996), p. 27. 109 of William Byrd’s music, and of many scholars to insist that Byrd’s music was not truly appreciated until the work of Terry and Fellowes. If performances and the aesthetic appreciation and celebration of Byrd’s music for the public are the only determining factors in whether a composer’s music is valued and in need of resurrection, then perhaps Terry and Fellowes were correct. However, the initial efforts by members of the Madrigal Society and other London antiquarian societies were a milestone in the preservation of the music of Byrd and his English and continental contemporaries, and these antiquarian societies illustrate that there was an appreciation of early music before the English Musical Renaissance and the work of Terry and other nineteenth- and twentieth-century antiquarians. Although the Madrigal Society and other antiquarian societies were not very active in performing early music in a conventional sense, they did participate in educating interested folk about early music, and in performing for small crowds at pubs, and in encouraging widening participation in early music and in the challenging of contemporaneous tastes. Conclusion So, what then of William Byrd? As an English composer, he has been compared to Shakespeare, Shostakovich, and other great luminaries of literature, music, art, and culture. In 2007, Jeremy Smith writes provocatively that William Byrd was the Shostakovich of his political climate and cultural epoch: Was Byrd the Shostakovich of his time? Surely the aptness of this analogy has occurred to others. Few matters in musicology were more widely discussed not too long ago than the premise that Dmitry Shostakovich had a close if, as some fervently argued, essentially dissident relationship with Josef Stalin, the de facto leader of the Soviet Union for nearly a quarter century (c.1929–53). Evidence of a similar political 110 relationship between Byrd and England’s long-reigning ruler Elizabeth I (r.1558–1603) is mainly confined to discussions in the traditional musicological literature. But readers of the widely distributed New York Review of Books have lately been exposed to claims that Byrd’s great contemporary William Shakespeare had strong ties to the Catholic cause during a time when England was under statutory Protestant rule. Thanks to a seminal essay Joseph Kerman had placed in those same pages some time ago—that has now been complemented and furthered by Kerman himself, Philip Brett, David Mateer, Craig Monson, and others—the NYRB audience at least has been alerted to the circumstance that if there were indeed a dissident platform on which Shakespeare stood, Byrd stood alongside him, and on a much surer footing.202 Similarly, Philip Brett, writing in 2001, argues that As a musician, Byrd was both a product and a shaping force of the Elizabethan age. His contemporaries regarded him as the country’s leading composer even after his influence had waned. At his death in 1623, the administrative record of the Chapel Royal, in which he had held a post since 1572, named him “a Father of Musick.” Another admirer echoed the sentiment by calling him “Brittanicae Musicae parens.” … Joseph Kerman has illuminated his general position in the period by saying “he belonged to the generation of Sidney, Hooker and Nicholas Hilliard, not that of Shakespeare, Dowland and Bacon. He was as impervious to late Elizabethan elegance, Euphuistic or Italianate, as he was to the subsequent Jacobean ‘disenchantment’.” To my mind an equally important Elizabethan literary figure with whom Byrd can be compared is the poet Edmund Spenser (1554–99).203 As a cultural figure, Byrd's reputation in music is paramount, especially in the twentieth century. Joseph Kerman's historiography of Byrd's music evokes the traditional historiography of 202 Jeremy Smith, ‘William Byrd’s Fall From Grace and his First Solo Publication of 1588: A Shostakovian “Response to Just Criticism”?’ in Music & Politics I (2007), https://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/mp/9460447.0001.104/––william–byrds–fall–from–grace–and–his–first–solo–publication?rgn=main;view=fulltext . 203 Phlip Brett, ‘ “Blame Not the Printer”: William Byrd’s Publishing Drive, 1588–1591,’in (ed) Richard Turbet, Lectures at the William Byrd Festival, Portland, Oregon, 1998–2008 (Richmond, VA: Church Music Association of America, 2008), p. 17. See also online version at https://media.musicasacra.com/books/byrd–online.pdf . 111 Beethoven, including the traditional early, middle, and late periods.204 Byrd's reputation crosses the Atlantic with Kerman, where in the Pacific Northwest of the United States, in the larger vicinity of where Kerman taught at University of California at Berkeley, there is a Byrd Festival every August. At this festival, academics and performers gather to sing and discuss Byrd's music.205 The unchanged, pristine copies of the complete Cantiones sacrae and Gradualia in the Madrigal Society library foreshadow the composer’s place in the history of English music, and in the imagination of musical historiography on Byrd to come, and the antiquarians of the London Madrigal Society were early instigators in this project. 204 See Joseph Kerman, The Masses and Motets of William Byrd, Volume 1 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981). 205 The previous citation from Richard Turbet is from a published proceedings of lectures at the annual Byrd festival. 112 Chapter 4: Musical Taste in the London Madrigal Society Introduction to Musical Taste and Englishness The London Madrigal Society (LMS) is part of the social history of English music and Englishness, as well of music history-making and historiography in the Enlightenment, and the goal of this chapter is to investigate the musical style and the tastes of the antiquarians in the Society. This is important for this study because the musical style preferred by the group demonstrates the connection of musical antiquarians and club societies in the long eighteenth century to the canon formation and the building of a museum of musical works: see chapters 2 and 3 for more details. The Madrigal Society’s connection to this sort of reifying and fetishizing of their culture and canon-formation in the long eighteenth century was to collect and maintain large quantities of music, and yet very little of their collection was altered to suit eighteenth-century aesthetics. This chapter explores the aesthetics of musical antiquarianism to situate the role of London antiquarian societies on the reception history of early music, including analysis of primary documents, biographies of antiquarians, and analysis of the music and the manuscript copies. The goal of these analyses is to shed light on what happened to Byrd’s sacred music, and the music of other early composers, in eighteenth-century London: how it was received, why it was collected, and how it was appreciated. Therefore, there are sections on various aspects of reception history, including musical taste, aesthetics, identity, and the particularities of antiquarian reception. 113 Canon Making in the Long Eighteenth Century One scholar that has discussed extensively the canon making of the eighteenth century is William Weber. Weber explains the changes that spanned musical history from the sixteenth until the nineteenth centuries: One of the most fundamental transformations in Western musical culture has been the rise of a canon of great works from the past. At the end of the sixteenth century, it was unusual for music to remain in circulation for more than a generation; those works that did persist remained isolated from each other, or formed part of pedagogical traditions known by a small group of learned musicians. By the end of the nineteenth century, old music had moved from the musician’s study to the concert-hall: it had become established in repertoires throughout concert life, dominating programmes, and was legitimated in critical and ideological terms in which the society as a whole participated.206 This means that the LMS was born and came into its own during the exact time of the crucial canon-building period: the long eighteenth century, from the mid-eighteenth century onwards. It was during the time of the creation of antiquarian societies that old music started to become looked to as important relics of the past that should be preserved and performed again and again for future generations. Another interesting view on the eighteenth century, advocated by James Webster, is to challenge popular periodisation and view the entire century as its own period. In his article ‘The Eighteenth Century as a Music-Historical Period?’ Webster argues for periodisation as readings, constructions, ways of ‘making sense of complex data;’ that … ‘serve the needs and desires of those who 206 William Weber, ‘The History of Musical Canon’, in Nicholas Cook and Mark Everist, Rethinking Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2001), p. 336. 114 make and use them’.207 The article continues with a succinct and concise description of the problems of traditional periodisation, and why and when scholars started to resist the nineteenth-century assumption of a break in the mid-century between the ‘baroque’ and the ‘classical styles’. The article then illuminates why it is important to recognise that stylistic trends might not exactly conform with the beginning and end of centuries: This is an example of how history does not fit into neat boxes, and how antiquarians and other outliers can contribute to the messiness of history. A consequence of historical multivalence—to come to this obvious point at last—is that a ‘century’ need not coincide with the calendar. Depending on which characteristics are taken to be defining, a century can be construed as having either begun or ended before or after the centenary, and also as having been shorter or longer than one hundred years. Many general historians have written of the ‘long’ nineteenth century, beginning with the French Revolution (or even earlier) and lasting until the outbreak of the First World War, and the ‘long’ twentieth has recently made its appearance. The same holds for European music: for example, in Dahlhaus’s parsing of music history the seventeenth century lasted from around 1600 to around 1720; the nineteenth, oddly (or interestingly), exactly one hundred years, from 1814 to 1914.208 Webster continues by arguing that the years 1720–1780 were a historical period, adhering to the values of the Enlightenment aesthetically and stylistically, the twin ideals of neoclassicism and the galant. Neoclassicism here refers to the intended renaissance of the values and ideals (not any supposed reality) of classical antiquity, as manifested for example in tragédie lyrique, opera seria and Gluck; it has been argued plausibly that these repertories incorporate classical ideals far more than does the Haydn-Mozart instrumental style after 1780.209 207 James Webster, ‘The Eighteenth Century as a Music–Historical Period?’, in Eighteenth–Century Music 1 (2004): 47–60. 208 Ibid., p. 52. 209 Ibid., pp. 53–54. 115 Webster then continues with arguing for a ‘long’ eighteenth century in music history, starting in the late seventeenth century and extending well into the nineteenth century, with 1720–1780 as the epicenter. This matches perfectly with the period of activity of the antiquarians in my study, from the late 17th century through the 19th century: In principle, this would be no more radical than the widely accepted long nineteenth century in general European history. The ‘central’, enlightened Galant eighteenth-century period, 1720–1780, if accepted, guarantees continuity across the former baroque/ classical divide at mid-century. But this is merely a prerequisite; for a period c1670 to c1815, three additional conditions must be satisfied: 1) there must have been a watershed in the later seventeenth century, a network of newly arisen and pervasive conditions that persisted well into the eighteenth; 2) analogously but oppositely, there must have been a comparable watershed after—not around—1800; and 3) the resulting continuities across 1700 and 1800 must be sufficiently strong to override, or at least to complement, the putative divides within the eighteenth century around 1720 and 1780, as posited for the ‘central’ eighteenth century.210 Conversely, Weber details the long eighteenth century with the following criteria and descriptions: 1. The late Baroque, beginning in the late seventeenth century, analogous to the early antiquarians, copying and making replicas and contrafacta of motets and madrigals, Henry Aldrich’s examples in the Christ Church, Oxford library,211 and extending to the early eighteenth century, during which the ‘political-musical genres of opera in Italy and French tragédie’ and the ‘establishment of long-lived instrumental genres and the major-minor tonal system’ dominated. 210 Ibid., p. 55. 211 For more information, see Thomas Day, ‘A Renaissance Revival in Eighteenth–Century England’, in The Musical Quarterly 57 (1971): 575–592. 116 2. the central eighteenth century, from ca 1720–1780, a time focused on the international (or cosmopolitan) system of Italian opera, ‘Enlightened-Galant aesthetics and, later, the culture of sensibility’, and 3. 1780–1815 or 1780–1830, which was when the ‘Viennese-modern style conquered the continent, and the dynamic sublime (and the Revolution) transformed a fading Enlightenment into the dawn of romanticism’.212 Weber’s conclusions are then that each of these periods is of roughly the same length of time, and he argues that they are all coherent of themselves. A more concrete example given is the works of J.S. Bach after 1723, which were not as significant in their own time as the music of Telemann. However, they also ‘represented the final stage … of a vital German Protestant tradition reaching well back into the seventeenth century; … On the other hand, as a phenomenon of reception beginning at the close of the eighteenth century with Forkel and especially in the nineteenth, they not only entered the canon but became a decisive element in grand historical narratives that have only recently been relativized.’213 Webster’s claims demonstrate, once again, that the traditional historical narrative is not the only possibility, but that alternative narratives are equally defensible. The Enlightenment style is not only about the fashionable, nor is it only about the ‘now’, but it is also about repertories, and for our antiquarians, the significance is repertories of past knowledge, preserved for the future generations of English people. This is the antiquarians’ unique contribution to English knowledge and to English 212 Ibid., p. 59. 213 Ibid. 117 canons. With these two scholars’ arguments in mind, the antiquarians’ contributions become much more significant. The antiquarians are not oddities, peculiarities, or merely pedants with little to offer musical history. Instead, the antiquarians were active in the canon-making of Weber and Webster. The Case of William Byrd in Canon-Making One particularly well-known English composer who appears repeatedly in the collection, and who is honoured with especially large amounts of copied works, is William Byrd. The reasons for this, according to the argument of Chapter 5, are issues of identity and Englishness. As discussed in the literature review, this PhD thesis is not the first social history of music on the LMS.214 Earlier contributions include an article by Owen Rees on the Society’s reception of Portuguese music, James Hobson’s dissertation situating the Society within the history of madrigal clubs in Britain at large, and several articles that describe details of the Society, its membership, repertoire, provenance, and connection to the Academy of Ancient Music.215 Another article by Robert Shay connects the Society to a history of copying and borrowing, using the example of Henry Aldrich (1647–1710), Dean of 214 See, for example, the following articles: Owen Rees, ‘Adventures of Portuguese “Ancient Music” in Oxford, London, and Paris: Duarte Lobo’s “Liber Missarum” and Musical Antiquarianism, 1650–1850’, in Music & Letters 86 (2005), pp. 42–73; Thomas Day, ‘Old Music in England, 1790–1820’, in Revue belge de Musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap 26/27 (1972/1973), pp. 25–37; John A. Parkinson, ‘More Wealth of Music’, in Early Music 12, no. 4 (1984): 591; Thomas Day, ‘A Renaissance Revival in Eighteenth–Century England’, in The Musical Quarterly 57, no. 4 (1971): 575–92; Percy Lovell, ‘ “Ancient” Music in Eighteenth–Century England’, in Music & Letters 60, no. 4 (1979): 401–15; James Hobson, Musical Antiquarianism and the Madrigal Revival in England, 1726–1851 (Ph.D. thesis, University of Bristol, 2015). 215 Articles including J. G. Crauford, ‘The Madrigal Society,’ PRMA 82 (1955–6), pp. 33–46; and Reginald Nettel, ‘The Oldest Surviving English Musical Club: Some Historical Notes on the Madrigal Society of London’, The Musical Quarterly 34 (1948), pp. 97–108. See also Owen Rees, ‘Adventures of Portuguese “Ancient Music” in Oxford, London, and Paris: Duarte Lobo’s “Liber Missarum” and Musical Antiquarianism, 1650–1850’, in Music & Letters 86 (2005), pp. 42–73 and James Hobson, Musical Antiquarianism and the Madrigal Revival in England, 1726–1851 (PhD dissertation, University of Bristol, 2015). 118 Christ Church, Oxford.216 Aldrich is particularly interesting for the contributions and the influences he makes on later antiquarians in the eighteenth century. The copies and reconstructions he made in the seventeenth century are echoes of what the Madrigal Society did in the eighteenth century and demonstrate an even earlier canon-making such as what Weber describes. Musical Taste and the Case of William Byrd The question of why so much of William Byrd’s music would be present in a Madrigal Society collection is a very interesting one. While the historiography of Byrd is littered with considerations of his political and religious role and in Service to Elizabeth I despite being a Catholic musician, and the antiquarians did collect a large amount of his sacred music, Byrd was also a composer of secular song and madrigals, many of which appear in the LMS library. Furthermore, performing music would not necessarily be the point of having a collection of music for an antiquarian society. Instead, antiquarians would merely just appreciate having the music for study, read throughs, and as tools for future work that they might not possibly be able to imagine or predict. One such collector and copyist is Henry Aldrich. The Madrigal Society collection includes many of Aldrich’s original compositions, as well as contrafacta of Latin-texted motets that were popular with Aldrich and other antiquarians at Christ Church, Oxford. Aldrich matriculated at Christ Church in 1662, and soon demonstrated a predilection for the hobbies of architecture, engraving, and music. By the 1670s, many considered Aldrich a fine amateur composer, and disseminated his music 216 Robert Shay, ‘ “Naturalizing” Palestrina and Carissimi in Late Seventeenth–Century Oxford: Henry Aldrich and His Recompositions’, in Music & Letters 77 (1996): 368–400. 119 widely within the cathedral and college, where his music was a prominent fixture within the repertoire into the eighteenth century. Furthermore, he is legendary for leaving his large music book collection to Christ Church Library in his will.217 According to William Weber, Aldrich’s collection influenced the tastes of later seventeenth-century antiquarians in Oxford, and the parallels in repertoire with the London Madrigal Society suggest that he influenced their tastes as well.218 Similarly, as Brian Robins and others argue, and as I discussed in earlier chapters, the LMS is connected to the larger tradition of club societies, including shared membership, repertoire, and organisation.219 Reception History and Musical Taste The Appendix to this PhD thesis includes the complete catalogue to date, which was created by Chris Banks at the British Library, and verified by me and other scholars, including James Hobson in his 2015 PhD thesis.220 The pieces are largely in Italian, but there are also significant numbers of works by English composers. James Hobson lists the ten most popular pieces performed by the Madrigal Society between 1744 and 1770, recorded in the Society’s minute book labelled as F2: 1. Marenzio’s ‘Dissi a l’amata mia lucida stella’, 2. Ruffo’s ‘Prima che spunt’il’, 217 Ibid. The music collection was originally from the library of the Hatton family. 218 William Weber, The Rise of Musical Classics in Eighteenth-Century England: A Study in Canon, Ritual and Ideology (London, New York, and Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1992), pp. 32–36; cited in Tim Eggington, op. cit., f.n. 27, p. 14. 219 See Brian Robins, Catch and Glee Culture in Eighteenth–Century England (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2006); see also Peter Holman, Life After Death: The Viola da Gamba in Britain from Purcell to Dolmetsch. Suffolk: Boydell & Brewer, 2010. 220 James Hobson, Musical Antiquarianism and the Madrigal Revival in England, 1726-1851 (PhD dissertation, University of Bristol, 2015). 120 3. Victoria’s ‘Veramente in amor’, 4. Bennet’s ‘Come Shepherds Follow Me’, 5. Farmer’s ‘Ye Restless Thoughts’ 6. Farmer’s ‘Thyrsis, Sleepest Thou’ 7. Bennet’s ‘Flow O My Tears’ 8. de Wert’s ‘O che splendor de lumino’ 9. Wilbye’s ‘As Fair as Mom’ 10. Antonio Duetto’s ‘Chi salira per me’ 221 An analysis of the programmes and meeting records demonstrates that certain works are more prominent and more-frequently performed than others. Five of these works from the period applicable to this thesis (1726–1832) are ‘Dissi l’amata mia lucida stella’ (Marenzio), the spurious Non nobis (thought to be composed by William Byrd, but proved otherwise by Philip Brett222), ‘This sweet and merry month of May’ (Byrd), a contrafactum of Tallis’s O sacrum convivium (refashioned as the English anthem ‘I call and cry’), and Aldrich’s contrafactum of Palestrina, refashioned as ‘O God, Thou Art my God’. These works are featured in programmes in the late eighteenth century and early 221 Hobson, Ibid., p. 57. 222 See Philip Brett, ‘Did Byrd write Non nobis Domine’, in Musical Times 113 (1972): 855–857. 121 nineteenth century meetings of the Madrigal Society. The pieces are all staples of the early music repertoire from the sixteenth century and have enjoyed popularity since their creation. As Hobson demonstrates, the Society’s endeavours during the eighteenth century are preserved in the books F1 to F6 from the Madrigal Society library.223 The Honorary Secretary to the Madrigal Society from 1950–1972, H. Patrick Finn, gave his own initial to the collection in 1975, after years spent cataloguing the archive. The books pertaining to the eighteenth century are designated as such: 1. F1, attendance and programmes, July 1744–December 1757; 1. F2, attendance and programmes, December 1757–March 1770; 2. F3, account book, 1750–1758; 3. F4, account book, 1758–1778; 4. F5, attendance and transactions, December 1785–1828; 5. F6, rules, loans, forfeits, etc., 1748–1759.224 James Hobson draws attention to a programme from the Academy of Ancient Music, a society which shares repertoire and membership with the Madrigal Society, including the Madrigal Society founder John Immyns, and strongly influenced its selection of repertoire. The programme, from 24 April 1746, entitled “Motets, Madrigals, and Other Pieces, Performed by the Academy of Ancient Music, …” included the following pieces: 1. Palestrina’s Motet for five voices, ‘Angelus Domini’ 223 Hobson, Ibid., p. 47. 224 Ibid. 122 2. John Travers’s Canzonet for three voices, ‘Old I am, Yet Can, I think’ 3. Purcell’s Fifth Act in The Indian Queen, ‘While Thus We Bow before Your Shrine’ 4. Lobo’s Kyrie Eleison for four voices 5. Morley’s Madrigal for four voices, ‘Say, Gentle Nymphs’ 6. Pepusch’s Magnificat 7. Victoria’s Motet for four voices, ‘Quam Pulchri Sunt’ 8. Byrd’s Madrigal for three voices, ‘The Eagle’s Force’ 9. Handel’s Te Deum 10. The spurious canon, Non nobis domine, thought in the eighteenth century to be composed by Byrd.225 Hobson further demonstrates that the Academy programmed music they considered ‘ancient’ alongside modern music, even contemporaries such as Handel, Greene, Bononcini, and Pergolesi. The pieces programmed above were like other programmes from the time, and to records from the later Madrigal Society: both included diverse genres, such as motets together with madrigals and a canzonet.226 Bennet, Morley, Wilbye, Marenzio, and Farmer remained popular for both the Academy 225 From Hobson, op. cit., pp. 39–44. 226 Hobson, Ibid., pp. 40–41. 123 and the Madrigal Society, and each favoured the canon wrongly attributed to Byrd, ‘Non nobis domine’.227 Antiquarianism and Reception History Like the Byrd Gradualia and Cantiones sacrae, these mainstays from the LMS library from the sixteenth-century repertoire were not edited or altered, despite their altering of Duarte Lobo’s Audivi vocem, as Owen Rees argues and I discussed in Chapter 2.228 It seems that the alterations to the Lobo motet were an anomaly: it is more keeping with the antiquarian aesthetic to preserve works, rather than change them. Antiquarianism has more in common with natural history and science than the study of history through the lens of letters and the humanities. Like naturalism studies, antiquarians were fascinated with collecting and cataloguing objects.229 In this method, one would prefer to have the object exist as closely to its original state, rather than alter it to suit different or changing needs or demands. Rosemary Sweet demonstrates that the popular opinion of antiquarians as merely fact-finding and data-collecting is incomplete. Richard Gough (1735–1809) is an antiquarian who was active in England after the ‘Golden Age’ of antiquarianism is traditionally seen as over by 1730. Despite bestowing extensive antiquarian and topographical collections to Oxford and earning a Bodleian shelfmark to be named after him, he received few accolades from his contemporaries: ‘Mr Gough is 227 Hobson, Ibid., pp. 42–44. 228 See Owen Rees, ‘Adventures of Portuguese “Ancient Music” in Oxford, London, and Paris: Duarte Lobo’s “Liber Missarum” and Musical Antiquarianism, 1650–1850’, in Music & Letters 86 (2005): 42–73. 229 Rosemary Sweet, Antiquaries: The Discovery of the Past in Eighteenth–Century Britain (London: A&C Black, 2004), pp. 8–9. 124 apt, as antiquaries are, to be impatient to tell the world all he knows, which unluckily is much more than the world is at all impatient of hearing’.230 Sweet ignores Walpole’s harsh criticism and reveals that Gough is another antiquarian exception to traditional historiography, and never advocated collecting materials without criticism.231 According to Sweet, antiquaries often complained that ‘pedants’ (those who ‘gloried only in the indiscriminate collection of the relics of the past’) ruined the reputation of antiquarianism.232 Gough insisted that intelligent and scholarly prose on the collected material was important and valuable. Gough writes, ‘[T]he dryness of the subject and the scantiness of the materials required decoration and anecdote to set them off’.233 Gough sought to redeem the antiquarian against the caricature of pedantry while insisting that antiquarian material not be diminished or ‘dumb[ed] down’, thereby inadvertently jeopardizing antiquaries’ academic status. It was dangerous to pander too much to the public’s desire for easily digestible writing.234 Gough wrote, ‘There is a worse evil to be complained of in these cultivated times—that the style of those who treat of the subject of antiquities becomes embellished and frivolous in expression, and we seek in vain for information in these desultory and superficial compositions’.235 It was the antiquarian’s charge to balance what Sweet calls a 230 Walpole to Cole, 14 May 1782, The Yale Edition of Horace Walpole’s Correspondence, ed. Wilmarth Sheldon Lewis, 48 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1937–83), 2: 292; cited in Rosemary Sweet, ‘Antiquaries and Antiquities in Eighteenth–Century England’, Eighteenth-Century Studies 34 (2001): 183. 231 Sweet, ‘Antiquarians and Antiquities in Eighteenth-Century England’, p. 190. 232 Ibid. 233 Gough, Sepulchral Monuments, 1:5; cited in Sweet, Ibid., p. 190. 234 Sweet, Ibid., p. 190. 235 Bodl. Gough Gen. Top. 363, f. 27; cited in Sweet, Ibid. 125 ‘perilous path between the dry scholarship that afforded intellectual [sic] credibility and the literary flourishes that would stimulate the latent interest in antiquities among the reading public’.236 While the above antiquarian examples are literary antiquarianism, the musical antiquarians are not far off. Their repertoire choices are evidence of the musical antiquarian’s obsession with collecting relics of the past, but further give details of what the antiquarian valued in the past, including musical taste, and demonstrate that musical antiquarians occupied a precarious space similarly to Gough. The choices antiquarians made demonstrate their constructions of ‘ancient music’, and obliquely reference their connection to the Enlightenment, despite being outside of the mainstream. Programming, Englishness, Aesthetics and Reception History On 23 January 1830, The Spectator featured an article entitled ‘The Madrigal Society’, which opens with a fitting characterization of the group: THE Madrigal Society is a kind of phenomenon. Its motto is "Qualls ab incepto." Time and fashion make no impression upon it. It knows nothing of such musicians as ROSSINI or MERCADANTE it regards even HANDEL and BACH as moderns. Talk to a Madrigalian of the Italian school, and he will join with you to extol it ; but he knows no school of Italy except that of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Of CIMAROSA or PAESIELLO he never heard ; but he will dissolve in extacies at the names of FERRABOSCO, LUCA MARENZIO, or GIOVANNI CROCE. The constitution of the society, too, is unique. It is a perfect republic. To be able to sing your part in a madrigal from a single copy at sight, is the test of membership. Lacking this, all other excellencies are unavailing.237 236 Ibid. 237 The Spectator archive, http://archive.spectator.co.uk/article/23rd–january–1830/8/the–madrigal–society . 126 The quote is apt and very expressive of the antiquarian’s musical taste. The article continues, describing the membership of the Society, and a celebration of the club’s anniversary. The fact is, that, when its members enter the room of the Madrigal Society, they live as in another age—the age of GIBBONS and MORLEY and WILBYE, the age of lozenge notes and barless music. It is a company over which the world has no control; and is just what Madrigal Societies must have been in the reign of good Queen Bess, when poets clubbed their rhymes and musicians their harmonies to celebrate in the Triumphs of Oriana," the &lo-ries of their Sovereign.238 The description of this article is very evocative, and reminiscent of early music aficionados from other eras and times-perhaps even a Renaissance Faire, or an early music notational sing through. The article also describes the music programmed at the LMS anniversary celebration, and the performers, who included all the society’s professional singers. More than seventy singers performed the Weelkes anthem ‘Hosanna to the Son of David’, which began the programme, and was followed by the following pieces from the Society’s library: "Sweet Love" WILBYE. "Phillis, farewell" BATESON. "Come fuggir " L. MARENZIO. "0 clap your hands" GREEN. "Our bonny boots" MORLEY. "Thou art but young " WILBYE. 238 Ibid. 127 '"Sweet honey-sucking bees" WILBYE. "Roundabout her chariot" O. GIBBONS. "Sweetheart, arise" WEELKES. "Mills, go take thy pleasure" WEELKES. The list includes several favourites, such as ‘Phillis, farewell’ and ‘O clap your hands’, which along with ‘Hosanna to the Son of David’ appear as numerous copies in the LMS manuscripts. The only complete collections of music in the LMS library are by English composer William Byrd, his 1591 Cantiones sacrae and Gradualia books I and II. The pieces were copied exactly from the original sixteenth-century prints. While it might seem perplexing that an eighteenth-century society would copy out ancient music by hand and not alter it to fit their aesthetics or tastes, upon further reflection it suits the antiquarian sentimentality for collection and safekeeping of relics from the past. Antiquaries were usually amateur scholars, including wealthy gentlemen and country clergymen, with the means to collect, research, and write. The destruction of mediaeval art and artefacts during the Reformation, along with the dissolution of the monasteries in the 1530s and 1540s, influenced the rise of antiquarianism in England and stimulated a desire to preserve and understand as much of the past as possible.239 The musical works they preserved, including the collections of Byrd, are indicative of this 239 John A. Wagner and Susan Walters Schmid, ‘Antiquarianism’, in Encyclopedia of Tudor England (Santa Barbara: ABC–CLIO, 2011) http://pmt–eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/44OPN_VU1:EVERYTHING:TN_credo10767708 . 128 preoccupation with what was lost in the Reformation.240 As demonstrated in Chapter 2, the copies are free of expression marks, including dynamics. Collections of ancient music were popular in the English book trade since the sixteenth century, and the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century activities of the London Madrigal Society members were part of this tradition. Charles Burney, the famous eighteenth-century traveller, diarist, and music historian, discussed the issues involved in acquiring rare publications. Burney collected catalogues from booksellers, and visited specialised music dealers, as well as general booksellers in famous musical cities, such as Venice, to locate items of interest in ancient music.241 Robert Pearsall (1795–1856), another antiquarian with an interest in reviving Renaissance music, was a founding member of the Bristol Madrigal Society. Pearsall took seriously the mastery of strict counterpoint and viewed it as an ecclesiastical tradition handed down from the sixteenth-century masters. Pearsall composed music modelled closely on Thomas Morley’s balletts, initially limiting his work to four parts and working to recapture the spirit of Elizabethan compositional style. Nicholas Temperley observed that Pearsall extended the ancient madrigal style in his new compositions, using special effect chords like the triad on the flattened 7th, which were unremarkable to Elizabethan ears and yet surprising in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The secular madrigal pieces did not observe the strict rules of the sixteenth century but expanded the principle of suspensions beyond that achieved in the early- 240 See also David Alvarez, ‘ “Poetical Cash”: Joseph Addison, Antiquarianism, and Aesthetic Value’, Eighteenth–Century Studies 38 (2005), pp. 509–531; Donald Burrows, Handel (London, New York, and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); see also (eds) Martin Myrone and Lucy Peltz, Producing the Past: Aspects of Antiquarian Culture and Practice, 1700–1850 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999). 241 Lenore Coral, ‘Music dealers and antiquarians’, Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press (accessed May 23, 2017). 129 modern era, combining the earlier style with the phrase structure of Classical music models. Conversely, the church music aligns closer to the rules of the old contrapuntal style. In this regard, Pearsall remained a respected member of the Catholic German-speaking community and spent energies in reforming English church music. Pearsall was devoted to the ideals and manners of chivalry, and admired the musical style of the sixteenth century due to how it seemed sufficiently removed and disconnected from the present.242 Another important antiquarian and writer in the eighteenth century was Charles Burney. Often misunderstood by scholars, Burney was especially devoted to contemporary music, and yet maintained an interest in counterpoint and ancient music practice. Burney’s history is also relevant due to his cultivation of history to be well-suited for an eighteenth-century English audience. In his history, Burney clearly had an agenda, demonstrated by his focus on Handel in the fourth volume, a composer who appealed to many English music enthusiasts, and which Burney was able to cater to after acquiring access to the king’s collection of Handel manuscripts. Burney was also mindful of how his audience might react to his history, and how its publication and their reception of it might affect his prospects. The opinions he expresses cannot be taken as authoritative, nor as indicative of the musical tastes of many, but rather as indicative of what Burney thought most English readers and appreciators of music might want to read.243 242 Nicholas Temperley. "Pearsall, Robert Lucas." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press (accessed May 23, 2017). 243 Kerry S. Grant. "Burney, Charles." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press (accessed June 5, 2017). 130 Burney’s history does not discuss the music of William Byrd, but he does discuss the music of other English composers, including Tallis and Fayrfax. Burney also demonstrates his antiquarianism in his preoccupation with ancient music and with building up a history of music for the English—what is almost a nationalist preoccupation. ‘... why I entered on so arduous a task, knowing the disadvantages I must labour under … but merely to fill up, as well as I was able, a chasm in English literature. I knew that a history of music was wanted by my countrymen, and was utterly ignorant that any one else had undertaken to supply it, …’244 Burney includes many references to England and English music in his history, and while he seems to favour modern music, his interest and careful account of early music is dedicated and thorough. Burney’s musical analyses should be contextualised, with an understanding of his cultural milieu and the rules of analysis he followed.245 Another influential antiquarian (especially of sixteenth-century music) in the eighteenth century was John Hawkins, who was a member of antiquarian music clubs, including the Academy of Ancient Music (he joined sometime between 1743 and 1748) and the Madrigal Society (joining in November 1748). Hawkins’s magnum opus is the General History of the Science and Practice of Music, the culmination of his research at the British Museum from October 1761 until May 1775 and libraries at Oxford and Cambridge, private libraries of John Stafford Smith and William Boyce, and his own extensive collection of manuscripts, including artefacts acquired from his mentor Johann Christoph Pepusch. Hawkins completed the five-volume history in full in 1776, after sixteen years of 244 Charles Burney, A General History of Music from the Earliest Ages to the Present Period, Volume II, ed. Frank Mercer (London, 1935; reprint New York, Dover, 1957), p. 14. 245 Grant, op. cit. 131 work.246 He bequeathed important artefacts to the Madrigal Society and to the larger musical antiquarian movement, as well as influenced it with his history. As Hobson argues, Hawkins’s history shaped the subsequent histories (and narratives) of the Madrigal Society.247 Hawkins provided early accounts of the Madrigal Society’s activities in his 1776 history and was an early member after election to the Society on 19 October 1748.248 Hawkins gifted the Society with music and supported it with his regular attendance. The famous passage in his history on the Madrigal Society, and reprinted in many other scholarly works on the Society, including Hobson’s dissertation and early articles on the British Library holdings, reads as such: In the year 1741 [Immyns] formed the plan of a little club, called the Madrigal Society; and got together a few persons who had spent their lives in the practice of psalmody; and who, with a little pains, and the help of the ordinary solmisation, which many of them were very expert in, became soon able to sing, almost at sight, a part in an English, or even an Italian madrigal. They were mostly mechanics; some weavers from Spitalfields, others of various trades and occupations; they met at first at the Twelve Bells, an alehouse in Bride Lane, Fleet Street, and Immyns was both their president and instructor: their subscription was five shillings and sixpence a quarter, which defrayed their expenses in books and music paper, and afforded them the refreshments of porter and tobacco . . . The meetings of the society were on Wednesday evening in every week; their performance consisted of Italian and English madrigals in three, four, and five parts; and, being assisted by three or four boys from the choir of St. Paul’s, they sung compositions of this kind, as also catches, rounds, and canons, though not elegantly, with a degree of correctness that did justice to the harmony; and, to vary the entertainment, Immyns would sometimes read, by way of lecture, a chapter of Zarlino translated by himself. The persons that composed this little academy were men not less 246 Percy A. Scholes. "Hawkins, Sir John (i)." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press (accessed June 14, 2017) 247 Hobson, op. cit., p. 9. 248 Ibid., p. 20. 132 distinguished by their love of vocal harmony, than the harmless simplicity of their tempers, and their friendly disposition towards each other.249 Hawkins’s account is misleading, as scholars have interpreted it to mean the possible rise of a middle-class interest and activity in music. Reginald Nettel argues that Hawkins’s description must be authentic, since he was there at the time, but Hobson rightly counters that Hawkins’s account could be affected by nostalgia.250 Hawkins is accurate in his account when he describes the absence of women, who were not accepted as members in the early days of the music-making clubs. According to Tim Eggington, ‘Club culture being largely confined to men, women had their own sociable spaces in assemblies, neighbourly circles and, later on, in concerts.’251 Hawkins’s account also speaks to the musical proficiency of the Society, which would be required to comprehend passages of the music theorist and contemporary of Palestrina, Zarlino.252 Hawkins describes John Immyns, the founder of the Madrigal Society who was also a loyal copyist and amanuensis to Pepusch and active in the Academy of Ancient Music, as having ‘taste was altogether for old music, which he had been taught to admire by Dr Pepusch; and this he indulged to such a degree, that he looked upon Mr Handel and Bonocini as the greatest corrupters of the science. With these prejudices, it is no wonder that he entertained a relish for madrigals and music of the driest 249 John Hawkins, General History of the Science and Practice of Music (1776), introduction by Charles Cudworth, 2 vols, p. 887. 250 Reginald Nettel, ‘The Oldest Surviving English Musical Club: Some Historical Notes on the Madrigal Society of London’, The Musical Quarterly 34 (1948): 97–108. See also Hobson, op. cit., p. 21. 251 Tim Eggington, The Advancement of Music in Enlightenment England, p. 8; cited in Hobson, op. cit., p. 23. 252 See Hawkins, op. cit., and Hobson, Ibid., p. 23. 133 style.’253 According to Maria Semi, ‘The secondary literature in the musicological area that addresses the British tradition of writing on music between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries does indeed reflect the dichotomy that has arisen in thinking about music following the advent of the modern system of the arts. Thus we find a polarization in two main channels: on the one hand, the studies that deal with music within the speculations of natural philosophy (comprising fields now separate such as physics, acoustics, chemistry, biology, and so on); and, on the other hand, the studies in the philosophical-aesthetic context.’254 This is demonstrated in the tensions between antiquarians and scholars, with the rhetoric of antiquarians leaning more towards the sciences, and the work of the scholars leaning more towards the philosophical and aesthetic. Hawkins’s work lies somewhere between the two extremes. Semi argues that Hawkins sets himself apart from Burney’s project in his introduction by situating his account of musical traditions within the arts and humanities, using terms such as pleasure, imagination, and beauty: Initially, Hawkins addresses the ‘pleasures of the imagination’, of what kind they are and which are the arts that relay them. Hawkins’s references in this connection seem to be above all to James Harris (who is explicitly cited) and to Francis Hutcheson. With regard to the former, Hawkins harks back in particular to his argument that music diverges from painting and poetry in respect of the role played in them by imitation. The efficacy of painting and poetry may be ascribed to imitation, but music is a different matter. ... [W]hile Harris had emphasized sympathy and association of ideas in explaining the efficacy of music, Hawkins takes up an argument of Hutchesonian kind: in music there is little beyond itself to which we need, or indeed can, refer to 253 Hawkins, General History of the Science and Practice of Music, 887; cited in Hobson, op. cit., p. 44. 254 Maria Semi and translated by Timothy Keates, Music as a Science of Mankind in Eighteenth–Century Britain, Taylor and Francis, 2012. 134 heighten its charms. If we investigate the principles of harmony, we learn that they are general and universal; and of harmony itself, that the proportions in which it consists are to be found in those material forms, which are beheld with the greatest pleasure, the sphere, the cube, and the cone, for instance, and constitute what we call symmetry, beauty, and regularity; but the imagination receives no additional delight; our reason is exercised in the operation, and that faculty alone is thereby gratified. Since the effects of music do not derive from the mimetic principle, it has no need to seek justification outside itself; the pleasure it conveys is founded in nature. And whereas in Harris this natural foundation was to be sought in the modern psychology of the mind, Hawkins prefers to remain anchored to the ancient tradition of music linked with the concept of ‘harmony’.255 The remainder of this chapter will focus on the music and repertoire chosen and favoured by the antiquarians. I am especially interested in what Hawkins’s recognition of harmony, and invoking Hutcheson’s aesthetics, reveals about the aesthetics of antiquarians in eighteenth-century London— particularly the Madrigal Society. As examined in the first chapter, Percy Lovell suggested that the antiquarian societies represented a vehicle of ‘counter-taste’ that worked against that of the general musical populace: There is an element in the antiquarian spirit (not entirely absent from present-day preservationist activity) that is glad to use the supposed perfection of a past epoch as a stick to beat the alleged shortcomings of its own time. [For example,] [t]he sentiments expressed by Colen Campbell in the preface to Book I of Vitruvius Britannicus (1715), based on Inigo Jones's Palladian works- that the Italians had lost their 'exquisite taste of building' and were now 'entirely employed in capricious ornaments, which, at last, must last, must end in the Gothick . . .' Tudway, too, in the prefaces to the six-volume anthology of 'the most celebrated services and anthems' he made for Robert Harley, Lord Oxford, between 1714 and 1720, drew attention to the corrupting influence of the post-Restoration style of composition, which he described as 'light and Airy' and as 255 Ibid. 135 using theatrical and instrumental effects quite unsuited to the 'peculiar gravity' of liturgical music. So, his choice of works by Tallis, Byrd, Gibbons, Tomkins, Morley and Palestrina (in Aldrich's English versions) was designed to show 'that solemn and grave style' which he considered proper for 'Divine Service'.256 Similarly, Lovell cites an example of the transmission of Tallis’s O sacram convivium, which was published in the 1575 Tallis/Byrd Cantiones sacrae and also circulated as the contrafactum ‘I call and cry’, a popular anthem in the repertoire of the Academy for Ancient Music and the London Madrigal Society. Tudway desired to preserve the ‘solemn and grave’ style, which influenced his choice of adding ‘I call and cry’ to the first volume of his anthology, Collection of Services and Anthems Used in the Church of England from the Reformation to the Restoration of King Charles II. Other examples of eighteenth-century reception for ‘I call and cry’ are prints in William Pearson’s Divine Companion (ca. 1700) and in the second volume of William Boyce’s Cathedral Music (ca. 1768). The antiquarians Henry Needler and John Alcock rescored the 1575 Latin version around the same time, and ‘I call and cry’ earned the status of an 'admirable composition of Tallis' by Hawkins in 1776, with Burney giving it similar accolades.257 The works I will analyse and use to illustrate the antiquarian aesthetic are ‘Dissi l’amata mia lucida stella’ by Marenzio, the spurious Non nobis thought to be by Byrd, ‘This sweet and merry month of May’ by Byrd, a contrafactum of Tallis’s O sacrum convivium that was refashioned as the English anthem ‘I call and cry’, and Aldrich’s contrafactum of Palestrina, refashioned as ‘O God, Thou Art my 256 Percy Lovell, ‘ “Ancient” Music in Eighteenth–Century England’, Music and Letters 60 (1979): 401. 257 Ibid., 403–404. 136 God’. These pieces are relevant because they appear frequently in the records of Madrigal Society gatherings, and thereby demonstrate the tastes of the antiquarians and their choices of suitable repertoire. Marenzio’s madrigal, ‘Dissi a l’amata mia lucida stella’, is listed in Hobson’s top works performed by the LMS from 1821–1828.258 It is a madrigal in four parts, from Marenzio’s fourth book of madrigals (1585). According to Joseph Kerman, Marenzio’s madrigals received more praise in Elizabethan England than any other madrigal composer, and Thomas Watson issued an entire set of Marenzio’s madrigals translated into English in 1590.259 Marenzio is known for his mannerist style, for writing madrigals with dissonances not as extreme as some composers, and for influencing the style of more dissonant madrigals by composers such as Gesualdo.260 The text of ‘Dissi a l’amata’…, by G.B. Moscaglia, reads as follows: Dissi a l’amata mia, lucida stella / Che più d’ogn’ altra luce, / Ed al mio cor adduce / Fiamme, strali e catene, / Ch’ogn’hor mi danno pene: / ‘Deh! morirò, cor mio. / Sì, morirai, ma non per mio desio.’ I told my love, shining star / Who is stronger than any other light, / And to my heart draws / Flames, arrows and chains, / That every hour gives pains: / ‘Ah! I will die, my heart.” / “Yes, you will die, but not because of my desire.’261 258 Hobson, op. cit. 259 Joseph Kerman, The Elizabethan Madrigal: A Comparative Study (New York: The American Musicological Society, 1962), p. 43. 260 See Joseph Kerman, Ibid. 261 Translation by James Gibb, Choral Public Domain Library, http://ks.imslp.net/files/imglnks/usimg/2/2a/IMSLP262904–PMLP171843–02–dissi_a_l_amata_mia–––0–score.pdf. 137 The madrigal displays the traditional conventions and madrigalisms of the sixteenth-century Italian madrigal, including imitation, alternation between polyphonic and homophonic sections, and word painting. The eighteenth-century antiquarians have the following to say about Marenzio’s music. According to Burney, Our countrymen were not at first taught to admire the Music of Italy, by the sweetness of the language to which it was originally set, or by fine singing, but by Italian madrigals, with a literal translation into English, adjusted to the original music, and published by N. Yonge, 1588. These being selected from the works of Palestrina, Luca Marenzio, and other celebrated masters on the continent, seem to have given birth to that passion for madrigals which became so prevalent among us afterwards, when the composers of our nation so happily contributed to gratify it. … These madrigals were celebrated, near forty years after their publication, by Peacham, who pointed out the peculiar excellence of several, particularly those of Luca Marenzio, which, he says, “are songs the Muses themselves might not have been ashamed to have composed;” … . … The words of the Nightingale, and Fayre Susanna, were so much admired, that they seem to have been set by all the best composers of the times.262 Burney continues to name the composers who were celebrated in the sixteenth century, and each one is also a composer whose music was regularly performed by the Madrigal Society in their meetings during the eighteenth century. Burney identifies Marenzio’s first book of madrigals as the ‘most elaborate’, with the ‘subjects of fugue, imitation, and attack, are traits of elegant and pleasing melody, … so artful are the texture and disposition of the parts, that the general harmony and effect of the whole are as complete and unembarrassed as if he had been writing in plain counterpoint, without poetry or contrivance’.263 The first book of madrigals to Burney contain ‘fugues and imitations here are more 262 Charles Burney, A general history of music, from the earliest ages to the present period. To which is prefixed, A dissertation on the music of the ancients, Volume 3, London, 1776, pp. 119–21, 123. 263 Burney, Ibid., p. 203. 138 ingenious and frequent than in his other works’.264 Burney had a very different opinion of Gesualdo, whom he disparages for employing ‘affected’ and ‘disgusting’ modulations.265 So while it is counter-intuitive for present-day scholars’ common perceptions of English taste in the eighteenth century, the taste of the antiquarians did align with traditional Roman polyphony. Music Example #1, bb. 4–7, see below:266 According to Steve Ledbetter and James Chater, Marenzio’s madrigal style is wide-ranging, with a close treatment of the poetry within a single musical idea, including verbal imagery into musical symbolism.267 In ‘Dissi a l’amata’, at bar 5 the word ‘luce’ is set to a G Major tonality with the text in the top two voices over top of the word ‘dissi’ in the bottom two voices. These madrigalisms are pervasive 264 Ibid. 265 Burney, op. cit., p. 180; cited in Lawrence I. Lipking, Ordering of the Arts in Eighteenth–Century England (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015), p. 297. 266 ‘Dissi à l'amata mia’, in Luca Marenzio, Madrigali à 4, Libro Primo (Venice, 1585), ed. Allen Garvin (Dallas: Hawthorne Early Music, 2013), at the http://ks.imslp.net/files/imglnks/usimg/2/2a/IMSLP262904–PMLP171843–02–dissi_a_l_amata_mia–––0–score.pdf, with poetry by G. B. Moscaglia. IMSLP/Petrucci Music Library. Web. 25 May 2017. 267 Steven Ledbetter, et al. "Marenzio, Luca." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press (accessed March 25, 2017). 139 within the piece, such as in bar 6, when ‘lucida stella’ is set with a Bb against an F# at ‘l’amata mia’. In alternative, more obviously expressive symbolisms, affective words (e.g. ‘fear’ or ‘shame’) are emphasized with ‘anguished’ chromatic alteration. This is a common sort of word painting in Marenzio’s style, as many scholars have discussed, but it is also a sort of word painting that Marenzio prevents from compromising the unity of a musical work.268 Similarly, tonal structures reflect rhetorical functions, with pitch cadences emulating the prominence of certain words and syntax (this is the significance of bar 5). According to Ledbetter, ‘More than any of his contemporaries, Marenzio exploited the shift from one modality to another to depict the meaning of the words or to effect a shift in mood or simply to create a tonal arch.’269 There is nothing particularly ostentatious about this music, especially to twenty-first century early music aficionados. Giuseppe Gerbino argues that Marenzio’s setting of Sannazaro’s sdruccioli is the ‘recovery of a musically rejected past, the reappropriation of a poetic and linguistic legacy that had been marginalized through the stylistic mediation of the musical madrigal’.270 The four-voice madrigals with Sannazaro’s sdruccioli were connected to a revival of Arcadian poetry.271 [T]he Cinquecento musical madrigal cut an orthodox path through the irregular Quattrocento forms of the Arcadia. Only the sections conforming to the metrical model of the new poetry found a legitimate space in the expressive field of the madrigal. [...] The case of Arcadia is a distinctively telling example of the logic of selection that governed the degree of symbolic constraint ingrained in the early 16th-century polyphonic madrigal. Pre- and post-Petrarchist forms coexisted side by side in 268 Ibid. 269 Ibid. 270 Giuseppe Gerbino, ‘The Madrigal and its Outcasts: Marenzio, Giovannelli, and the Revival of Sannazaro’s Arcadia’, in The Journal of Musicology 21 (2004): 27. 271 Ibid., p. 8. 140 the narrative plot of Arcadia (the latter being the fruit of Sannazaro’s effort to “Petrarchize” the stylistic register of the pastoral eclogue). This same coexistence was no longer possible in a system of musical/poetic communication that, while it domesticated all those expressions of Italian poetry that had grown outside the limits defined by the Petrarchist canon, gave priority to form over substance. And it was on this priority that a large segment of the Cinquecento madrigal founded the almost mannerist sophistication of its polyphonic language.272 Further, Gerbino suggests that the musical reception of Sannazaro’s Arcadia reveals a hierarchical order of forms. To comprehend Marenzio’s ... stylistic gesture means to comprehend the disinclination that the previous generations of madrigalists showed towards sdrucciolo lines. ... But one obvious process of linguistic selection can be suggested: the alliance that the madrigal established with Cinquecento Petrarchism, especially in the form codified by Pietro Bembo. Despite the several revisions conducted by Sannazaro on the text of the 1504 edition, his Arcadia still carried the signs of that error of history that Petrarchism sought to correct.273 The rise of the petrarchismo ushered in the decline of all other forms of lyric poetry. ‘Poetry became a highly professionalised institution, in a broad sense, when apprenticeship at Petrarch’s school began to be regarded as a prerequisite for the practice of a stylistically and linguistically acceptable poetry.’ Gerbino draws a comparison between what he calls the ‘disciplining effort’ of the Petrarchan reform and Hayden White’s historiography, what Gerbino calls ‘another form of regulation of knowledge’:274 ‘The “politics” of this disciplinization, conceived, as all disciplinization must be, as a set of negations, consists of what marks out for repression for those who wish to claim the authority of discipline itself 272 Ibid., p. 27. 273 Ibid., pp. 24–5. 274 Ibid., p. 25. 141 for their learning’.275 ‘Dissi a l’amata’, while not featuring poetry by Sannazaro nor Petrarch, the madrigal does set poetry by Giovanni Battista Moscaglia (c. 1550–1589), an Italian composer and poet from Rome. James Chater demonstrates that Moscaglia initially studied music professionally, but after these beginnings practised music as an amateur.276 Moscaglia’s works appeared frequently in anthologies by his contemporaries, including as late as 1630, and obviously even later in the case of the London Madrigal Society.277 Moscaglia’s second book of madrigals for four voices includes a setting of Due rose fresche, a text also set by Marenzio and Gabrieli.278 The conservative nature of the piece, and its connection to historiography and amateur traditions, is interesting in light of the Madrigal Society’s frequent performances of this piece. As the most-performed and perhaps most beloved work of the London Madrigal Society, the piece tells an important story about antiquarian aesthetics: antiquarians in eighteenth-century London appreciate conservative sixteenth-century polyphony. Non nobis, domine a vocal canon, usually in three parts, is another piece that was very popular with the Madrigal Society, and frequently appeared in programme listings. The piece, thought to be by Byrd until 1972,279 was associated with informal music gatherings, such as sung at banquets for grace. 275 Hayden White, “The Politics of Historical Interpretation: Discipline and Desublimation,” in The Content of the Form (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1990), 62; cited in Ibid., p. 25. 276 James Chater, ‘Giovanni Battista Moscaglia, “musico romano”: A Documentary Study’, Studi Musicali 33 (2004): 3–41; cited in ed. Susan Lewis Hammond, The Madrigal: A Research and Information Guide (New York: Routledge, 2012), p. 256. 277 Steven Ledbetter and James Chater. "Moscaglia, Giovanni Battista." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press (accessed April 25, 2017). 278 See (eds) Keith Moore Chapin and Lawrence Kramer, Musical Meaning and Human Values (New York: Fordham University Press, 2009). 279 See above, pp. 124–25. 142 The canon opens with a stepwise major scale figure from Bb to Eb (do to fa in B-flat major), and then back to Bb (see Music Example #2 below, especially bb 1–3). Music Example #2, bb. 1–6:280 Similarly, Handel’s ‘Hallelujah Chorus’ from Messiah, in the alto part, has a similar rising figure, a whole tone to another whole tone to a semitone, but with an octave jump in the middle (see Music Example #3, especially bb. 12–14 in the soprano part). Of course, this is a common scaler melodic motion for many works. But it is also a distinctive musical element of both musical works. Taking these similarities into account, it is especially fascinating that ‘Non nobis’ was so popular in the eighteenth century, since Handel is often considered one of the most English of composers, despite his German heritage. Additionally, the melodic material of Non Nobis, later quoted in Handel’s 280 Anonymous, ‘Non nobis Domine’, ed. Claudio Raffi, Choral Public Domain Library Project, http://www1.cpdl.org/wiki/images/c/c0/Byrd–non.pdf (accessed 25 January 2011). 143 ‘Hallelujah Chorus’, connects Handel and more beloved music in the eighteenth century with the antiquarians and their ‘ancient’ music. Music Example #3, bb. 11–15 Handel’s ‘Hallelujah Chorus’, from Messiah:281 While antiquarians favoured the past, were they aware of their music’s connections to the present day? Furthermore, did Handel have access to the LMS, or even more importantly, how did he know the Byrd piece? I would suggest that this canon was part of the soundtrack of English musical life while Handel was enculturating himself as a new British citizen. Similarly, there seems to be a 281 George Frederic Handel, The Messiah, ed. Eleanor Selfridge–Field and Nicholas McGegan (Palo Alto: Center for Computer Assistant Research in the Humanities, 2003), bb. 11–13. The Internet Music Score Library Project. http://ks.imslp.net/files/imglnks/usimg/6/66/IMSLP10706–Part_1b.pdf (accessed 20 June 2017). 144 connection between the texts of each, e.g. ‘Not to us, Lord, but to Thee be the glory’ and ‘for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth’. Handel’s Messiah grew in popularity after the 1750 charity performances in the chapel of the Foundling Hospital. ‘In this religious setting, with several bishops in attendance, the oratorio was suddenly embraced as never before, and in the remaining years of Handel’s life he performed it more often than any other of his works.’282 Messiah grew into one of Handel’s most beloved works, drawing crowds to its annual performance at the end of Handel’s oratorio season at the Covent Garden Theatre. The Foundling Hospital put on annual benefit performances, and Handel turned to composing English oratorio over Italian opera, and performed in his theatre programmes at Covent Garden, Lincoln’s Inn Fields and the King’s Theatre.283 ‘Whereas in the 1730s oratorios had been performed as mere ‘add-ons’ towards the end of the opera season, by the mid–1740s a performance pattern had developed, with oratorio performances being given during the annual Lenten season in the months of March and April.’284 The connection between Handel, who epitomises the popular cultural tastes, with the beloved music of the antiquarians, which epitomises the cultural tastes of a specific group, further problematises the aesthetics of eighteenth-century London. William Weber argues that The processes by which earlier practices became extended involved a diversity of social, political and intellectual tendencies ... There were two stages in the development of the 282 John H. Roberts, ‘Handel, Charles Jennens and Scriptural Oratorio’, in Music in the London Theatre from Purcell to Handel, ed. Colin Timms and Bruce Wood (New York and Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2017), p. 242; see also Donald Burrows, ‘A Sacred Oratorio for the Theatre: An Experiment that Nearly Failed’, Handel Jahrbuch 55 (2009), pp. 135–44, at pp. 143–4, and Donald Burrows, Handel: ‘Messiah’ (New York and Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 37–8. http://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.07576.0001.001. 283 Eva Zöllner, ‘Handel and English oratorio’, in The Cambridge History of Eighteenth–Century Music, ed. Simon P. Keefe (New York and Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 547–8. 284 Eva Zöllner, Ibid., p. 548. 145 musical canon: first, the expansion of traditional practices of performing individual old works into regularly performed repertories, and secondly, the intellectual and ritual definition of works from such repertories as canon. It is, of course, often difficult to define precisely when a traditional practice became a repertory of old works, and then when that was redefined as canon. We should not ask for so clear a line, since it was the very nature of these pro- cesses that they involved no sharp discontinuity between past and present, but rather grew gradually and organically.285 Works like ‘Dissi a l’amata’ and other popular works in the antiquarian canon certainly evolved in popularity over time and were influenced by many mitigating factors. ‘This sweet and merry month of May’ is an English madrigal by William Byrd, and another favourite madrigal appearing frequently in the Madrigal Society meeting records. The piece exists in two versions: as a 6-part madrigal, No. 28 in Italian Madrigals Englished (Thomas Watson, 1590), and as a 4-part madrigal, #8 in the same volume and #9 in Psalmes, Songs, and Sonnets… (Byrd, 1611). ‘This sweet and merry month of May’ (1590) is the first known madrigal to praise Queen Elizabeth and connects Byrd with a favoured position within Elizabethan politics. It is from Thomas Watson’s The First, Of Italian Madrigalls Englished (1590), and includes a text that overtly references and praises Queen Elizabeth I (emphasis mine): This sweet and merry month of May, While nature wantons in her prime, And birds do sing, and beats do play, For pleasure of the joyful time, I choose the first for holy day, 285 William Weber, ‘The Eighteenth-Century Origins of the Musical Canon’, in Journal of the Royal Musical Association 114 (1989), pp. 10–11. 146 And greet Eliza with a rhyme. O beauteous Queen of second Troy: Take well in worth a simple toy.286 As Joseph Kerman and Kerry McCarthy argue, ‘Despite all this Catholic activism, however, Byrd was never seriously troubled by the authorities. For this his powerful patrons were responsible, including the queen herself.’287 Kerman argued that ‘This sweet and merry month of May’ ‘shows a complete grasp of every principle of the Italian technique; it illustrates the text characteristically all along, and follows formal, harmonic, and textural arrangements that an Italian would have immediately understood.’288 A contrafactum of Tallis’s O sacrum convivium (reinterpreted as the English anthem ‘I call and cry’) also features prominently in the Madrigal Society collections. The piece, which also appears in volume 2 of William Boyce’s Cathedral Music (1768), written for five parts, was published before 1650, and likely predates the Latin version. Boyce’s collection contain many pieces that appear and reappear in the Madrigal Society collections, including Christopher Tye’s ‘I will exalt thee’, Byrd’s ‘O Lord, Turn Thy Wrath Away’ (a contrafactum of Byrd’s motet Ne irascaris Domine from the 1589 Cantiones sacrae I ), Byrd’s ‘Bow thine ear, O Lord’ (a contrafactum of Byrd’s motet Civitas sancti tui, the secunda pars of Ne irascaris Domine), Byrd’s ‘Sing joyfully’, and several Orlando Gibbons works: 286 Lyrics at https://www.cpdl.org/wiki/index.php/This_sweet_and_merry_month_of_May . 287 Joseph Kerman and Kerry McCarthy. "Byrd, William." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press (accessed June 1, 2017). By ‘Catholic activism’, I think Kerman means outward demonstrations of Catholic observation, e.g. not attending church, not writing Catholic music. 288 Joseph Kerman, The Elizabethan Madrigal: A Comparative Study, op. cit., p. 110–1. See This Sweet and Merry Month of May piece, listed in Appendices of this PhD thesis; also at http://www1.cpdl.org/wiki/images/6/69/BYRD–TH1.pdf . 147 ‘Hosanna to the Son of David’, ‘Lift up your heads’, ‘Almighty and everlasting God’, and ‘O clap your hands’. Music Example #4, bb. 1–3 (opening of Thomas Tallis’s O sacrum convivium):289 Music Example #5, bb. 1–5 (opening of the contrafactum, ‘I call and cry’, see below):290 289 Thomas Tallis and William Byrd, Cantiones sacrae (1575), ed. Robert Urmann, Choral Public Domain Library Project. http://www1.cpdl.org/wiki/images/3/3c/Tallis–O_Sacrum_Convivium_%28g%29–SATTB.pdf , 14 September 2014 (accessed 12 December 2015). 290 Thomas Tallis, ‘I call and cry to thee’, ed. Adrian Wall, 4 August 2013, http://www1.cpdl.org/wiki/images/b/bf/Tal–ical.pdf (accessed 29 August 2013). 148 In the case of Aldrich’s contrafacta of Palestrina, including the Madrigal Society’s beloved ‘O God, Thou Art my God’, scholars such as Robert Shay and Rebecca Herissone argue that the re-compositions were done as part of a learning process when studying and consuming and learning about early music. Herissone relates Aldrich’s contrafacta to the seventeenth-century English tradition of imitatio,291 and Shay agrees: Aldrich’s contrafacta demonstrate a significant interest in Italian and older English music, and ‘an ability to compose rooted in imitatio’, echoing John Hawkins on Aldrich’s works: ‘are remarkable instances of that faculty which [he] possessed of naturalizing as it were the compositions of the old Italian masters, and accommodating them to an English ear’.292 Shay 291 Rebecca Herissone, Musical Creativity in Restoration England (New York and Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2013). 292 John Hawkins, General History of the Science and Practice of Music (1776), repr. London, 1853 (repr. New York, 1963, i. 426; cited in Robert Shay, ' “Naturalizing” Palestrina and Carissimi in Late Seventeenth–Century Oxford: Henry Aldrich and His Recompositions’, Music & Letters 77 (1996): 371. 149 demonstrates that Aldrich alters Palestrina’s compositions to make them more palatable to English audiences and gives examples of how Aldrich changes the pieces. Shay’s conclusions are that in Aldrich’s recompositions we find clearer links to the broader traditions of imitatio than in other more famous examples of derivative music. In all likelihood Aldrich had no knowledge of the kinds of polyphonic borrowing we now describe as imitatio, but literary imitatio as codified by Erasmus, Dryden and countless others pervaded Aldrich’s endeavour. … He practiced imitatio through his intention to create new works of art through imitation, through his limiting of models to the words of the best authors he knew, and through circulation with a clear and apparently verbal indication of indebtedness. Perhaps more important, imitatio provided Aldrich with the means to become a successful composer while working outside the mainstream musical establishment, to produce works that afford him a prominent position in the orbit of late seventeenth-century English composers, a position he certainly held in his lifetime.293 Shay’s article praises Aldrich for working outside of the mainstream musical establishment, and yet building his esteem and regard with his contemporaries, which echoes the work of the Madrigal Society and other antiquarians. Indeed, Hobson connects Aldrich with the Academy of Vocal Music, a predecessor organisation to the London Madrigal Society.294 Furthermore, in the case of Palestrina, as a composer from Rome connected to the Roman Catholic Counter-Reformation and more traditional polyphonic practices, there emerges again a thread of conservative musical style within the Madrigal Society. Of the composers who were most performed in the eighteenth century, many of them are more traditional in musical style: Byrd, Palestrina, Marenzio, Tallis, Gibbons, Wilbye, Kirbye, to name 293 Robert Shay, ' “Naturalizing” Palestrina and Carissimi in Late Seventeenth–Century Oxford: Henry Aldrich and His Recompositions’, Music & Letters 77 (1996): 400. 294 Hobson, op. cit., pp. 48–50. 150 several. In the case of Byrd, Tallis, Marenzio, Gibbons, and Palestrina, the music also has a conservative religious bent, and is at times associated with Roman Catholic musical-cultural practice. Conclusion At the outset of this project, I promised to shed new light and understanding on the reception history of William Byrd’s music, especially as a response to an article written the year that the project began. I argued that William Byrd’s music did not experience a nadir, but that the reception and performance of his music and others like it happened in less traditional or expected places. However, as this chapter demonstrates, the antiquarians were active in canon-making and the reception history of more than Byrd, but also other significant early music composers, including Tallis and Marenzio, as discussed above. This chapter demonstrates that the antiquarians had a very specific type of a reception history. 151 Chapter 5: Issues of Identity and Englishness One of the crucial questions in this study is the role of national identity in the reception history of English music and antiquarianism. This is important because national identity has been discussed more recently as an impetus for the performance of early music. As William Weber asserts in a 2011 study on cosmopolitan eighteenth-century musical life, while music historians have written quite a lot about nationalism, there are still two more issues that must be brought to the light. Weber makes two crucial points. Firstly, ‘the conception of nationalism’ must be regarded critically, lest it ‘impos[e] conditions found in major states during the twentieth century upon quite different conditions elsewhere or in earlier periods’.295 Of course, as a reception history, this should be part of continuous reflection, and constant awareness that as a scholar, one is always looking backwards on a past time, and therefore must not impose anachronistic ideas upon earlier cultures. Weber questions what historians and scholars mean when they use the words ‘Germany’, ‘Italy’, or ‘Britain’, referring to Benedict Anderson’s work that demonstrated the ‘great variety of forms [these words] can take in different regions in the same period’.296 It is crucial not to take for granted what nationalistic terms mean, especially in the specific periods being discussed, such as the long eighteenth century. Secondly, Weber continues, one should notice ‘what nationalistic movements opposed within musical culture. While musicologists take for granted the primacy of international expectations over 295 William Weber, ‘Cosmopolitan, National, and Regional Identities in Eighteenth–Century European Musical Life’, in (ed.) Jane Fulcher, The Oxford Handbook of the New Cultural History of Music (Oxford, London, and New York: Oxford University Press, 2011, 1–25), p. 1. 296 Ibid. 152 styles or repertoires, few have asked how such authority was constituted in aesthetic or political terms.’ Weber then asserts that the concept of ‘cosmopolitanism’ adds clarity by ‘defining the nature of international authority in musical culture’: ‘What were the geographical and musical perimeters of international influence? How did cosmopolitan, national, or other identities compete, and what kinds of compromises were reached between them? How did different types of music compare in all this?’297 The idea of cosmopolitanism is appropriate for England, and London in particular, as it is of course a cosmopolitan city that is known and mythologised in the eighteenth century for its interest in being fashionable. A quote from James Adair’s 1790 Essay on Fashionable Diseases illustrates this point: ‘Men and women of fashion are supereminently [sic] distinguished from those of no fashion … whom no-body knows’.298 Another term for this was the phrase beau monde, coined in the 1690s and used regularly from the late seventeenth through the early nineteenth centuries, in plays, letters, periodicals, and ballads, to refer to a social phenomenon specific to the period: the emergence of an urban, primarily metropolitan, ‘world of fashion’. The precise criteria that denoted membership of the beau monde were endlessly debated. To be fashionable in the eighteenth century was not merely to be modish or trendy. Rather it was ‘a mysterious talisman’ and an ‘invisible standard’ involving pedigree, connections, manners, language, appearance, and much else besides. This ‘standard’ was also known as ‘ton’, an anglophone application of the French noun for ‘tone’.299 297 Ibid., p. 1 of 25. 298 Hannah Greig, The Beau Monde: Fashionable Society in Georgian London (London, New York, and Oxford: Oxford University Press), p. 1. 299 Ibid., p. 3. 153 The essayist Lord Chesterfield defined fashion and ton as the ‘ “certain je ne scay quoy” [ sic ]’ that defined the beau monde and ‘which other people of fashion acknowledge’. Another commentator called ton ‘ “the exact and invariable pursuit of everything that is fashionable, polite and elegant, as established in the most brilliant circles”.’300 Hannah Greig describes this as what would be seen as today's “it” factor: an elusive yet exclusive form of social distinction’.301 Grieg continues: The basis of their prestige, though, was rooted in new qualifications, including fashion, consumption, and public display. Whereas coronets and country seats had long stood as the most visible markers of social distinction, in eighteenth-century London, ‘fashion’ and membership of the beau monde held sway. It is this new ‘fashionable’ urban culture and its associated systems of social prestige and exclusivity that this book explores. … [The] yearly relocation to London was fundamentally a serious endeavour. At its core were parliamentary politics and the business of government. After the 1690s, new constitutional stipulations ensured that the Houses of Commons and Lords met for regular annual sessions in the capital for the first time in parliamentary history.302 Brought about by the coup and accession of William III and Mary, a new parliamentary infrastructure emerged, with a new foreign policy agenda.303 England now was immersed in conflict, which demanded significant financial backing from parliament after 1689.304 Whereas James II met with parliament only five times between 1679–1688, between 1689 and 1698, William III met with parliament eleven times, meeting annually for the first time ever.305 This instigated a metropolitan 300 S. Bladon, The Man of Pleasure’s Pocket–Book or the Bon Vivant’s Vade Mecum, for the year 1780, being the Universal Companion in every Line of Taste Gallantry and Haut Ton (1780); cited in Hannah Grieg, Ibid. 301 Ibid., p. 3. 302 Ibid., p. 4–6. 303 Ibid., p. 6. 304 Ibid. 305 Ibid. 154 focus in the lifestyle of the ruling elite, which was beyond just a chance to ‘indulge in the capital’s myriad pleasures’ or a ‘practice solution to the increased load of parliamentary business’.306 The mindset became that it was important to have an elite urban, ‘metropolitan presence’, and that this was important for good government.307 Moreover, the understanding of cosmopolitanism is crucial due to the assumptions that London and other European societies in the eighteenth-century were more interested in fashion than relics of the past. However, what Weber is explaining here, with visible markers of membership of an elite class, such as new qualifications of social prestige and exclusivity, might be analogous to what the antiquarians were doing in their clubs. Except that the markers for the antiquarians were the monuments of musical greatness, which demonstrated their membership in the club of musical elites, a club that stretches back generations. Additionally, the term cosmopolitan is significant for the early antiquarian societies because they came to be at a time when London was becoming the centre of society, as demonstrated with the exploration of the concepts of ‘fashionable’ and ‘ton’ through the concept of the beau monde. Furthermore, the antiquarian societies began in London and then were modelled in other regional places, such as Bristol, Huddersfield, Oxford, and more. Weber argues that cosmopolitanism contributes to the following aspects of historical discussions and identity making: individual thinkers, social frameworks, ‘cultivate intellectual distance through a cosmopolitan order of thinking’ and ‘sought impartiality through ethnographic 306 Ibid., p. 7. 307 Ibid. 155 cosmopolitanism to achieve distance from nationally defined discourse’ or in the case of London, that cosmopolitanism is defined in ‘broad social terms’ as that which broke social conventions (such as orientalist music and dance).308 Furthermore, Weber demonstrates that cosmopolitanism established intellectual and social conventions, specifically during the early modern period. Weber quotes Thomas Schlereth as arguing that the flexibility of the concept cosmopolitanism engenders it to define ‘the ideal or “attitude of mind” that “attempted to transcend chauvinistic national loyalties”.’309 He further quotes Matthew Binney’s point that at the beginning of the eighteenth century, there was a significant change in cosmopolitan thinking, which became a cosmopolitanism ‘ “that respects the foreign and necessitates the acceptance of cultural differences”, which differentiates between the representative (or what Habermas would call the public sphere) and the complex which involves reciprocity.310 Weber then continues to define cosmopolitan as a term that denotes a political language, with ‘greater conceptual weight by indicating that such music exerted cultural authority. The term universalism is inappropriate here because, as usually employed, it does not involve the political aspect so essential to this discussion’.311 Weber cautions that while it may be problematic to use the term ‘national identity’ at some points and locations in the eighteenth century, it is reasonable to instead substitute language such as ‘local, regional, domestic’ or indigenous.312 Similarly, it is necessary to distinguish between the terms ‘national’ and ‘nationalistic’: ‘Whereas a national identity is basically 308 Weber, Ibid., p. 2 of 25. 309 Ibid., p. 2 of 25. 310 Ibid., pp. 2–3 of 25. 311 Weber, Ibid., p. 3 of 25. 312 Ibid. 156 internal in nature, focused on the life of a community, a nationalistic one involves conflict with a larger political or cultural force. … National identities tend to be more deeply rooted historically than nationalistic ones but may need the ideology of the latter politically’.313 Similarly, nationalistic identities may be invented rather than genuine historical identities—although it is not clear whether the distinction between something genuine or invented is significant: this is one of the key dangers of nationalism. In the introduction to The Invention of Tradition, Eric Hobsbawm gives examples of traditions that were invented to prolong those in power: the British monarchy’s public ceremonial celebrations (products of the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries), and defines ‘invented tradition’ as ‘a set of practices, normally governed by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of a ritual or symbolic nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behaviour by repetition, which automatically implies continuity with the past’.314 After all, Weber continues, arguing that ‘cosmopolitan repertory and taste’ was vital to musical life in the west since the mediaeval and early modern eras. ‘A region could not exist on its own musically; in choosing what to perform, a musician or a patron almost always had to take cosmopolitan practices into account. Italian opera was itself cosmopolitan since “Italian” was the educated language and different from dialects on the Italian peninsula.’315 However, there was a balance between regional and varied repertory depending on musical genre. While Italian music owned 313 Ibid. 314 Eric Hobsbawm, ‘Introduction: Inventing Traditions’, in (eds) Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 1. 315 Weber, op. cit., p. 3 of 25. 157 a monopoly (or, as Weber explains it, ‘exerted a hegemony’) over vocal music starting in the late seventeenth century onwards (certainly due to opera), composers from central Europe ruled the instrumental music genres from 1780 onwards. Similarly, in sacred music, there was a balance between foreign and domestic repertoire: We thus find that during the eighteenth century opera dominated with a more comprehensive hegemony than was the case with the other major genres. A quite different framework of cosmopolitan repertory emerged as older works deemed “classical” survived in repertories during the first half of the nineteenth century. Even though it was conventional to speak of the classics as German, the music spread so widely around the Western world and attained so high a cultural status that it functioned primarily as a cosmopolitan authority.316 Weber continues the article using eighteenth-century opera as a case study, an interesting example because it is considered, along with the oratorio, as the most the fashionable genre of eighteenth-century London. Moreover, along with the music of Italy, opera and the oratorio are the genres that is many antiquarians were pitted against, especially in the case of those who were cultivators of English music. As Weber contends, the cosmopolitanism aspect of eighteenth-century opera originated in its relationship to elitist society: opera houses were places for upper classes to socialize, and the reigning aristocrats and bourgeoisie ‘had long defined their high status by flaunting the internationalism of their culture’, which became more heightened in the mid-1600s.317 Looking ahead to 1770, and large cities like London and Paris had become ‘arbiters of taste within a larger European culture of consumption. This culture and its social underpinnings, often 316 Weber, Ibid., p. 4 of 25. 317 Ibid. 158 called the beau monde … were both bourgeois and aristocratic, involving lesser nobles, and what we would call more of the ‘middle class’.318 The examples Weber gives are London’s King’s Theatre, where ‘domestic composers’ had limited access, and Paris’s Opéra, where there was exclusively French opera until the 1770s when it became more in-line with ‘European cosmopolitanism’.319 Weber’s method for analysing these trends is partially based on concert programmes, which are also very important to the study of eighteenth-century music in London. According to Weber, the ‘principle of miscellany dictated that a program maintain contrast and balance in its sequence of pieces’: on the most basic level, this meant that there had to be both vocal and instrumental pieces, with opera selections as the pivotal works, and two or more pieces from the same genre were not allowed to be one after the other.320 Additionally, the programme had to include variation according to the ‘regional origins’ of the composers: ‘musicians balanced domestic and foreign names according to which region tended to lead in each genre’ so it was abnormal for a programme to have music just from the locality.321 Weber then gives several examples of programmes from concerts in different major cities, including Leipzig, Vienna, and London. About London, he claims that ‘In no other major city were “indigenous” composers excluded so systematically from the cosmopolitan opera hall’.322 This is different from the antiquarians, especially in the LMS library, where English composers like Byrd have 318 Weber, Ibid., pp 4–5 of 25. 319 Weber, Ibid., p. 5 of 25. 320 Ibid., p. 5 of 25. 321 Ibid., pp. 5–6 of 25. 322 Weber, p. 11 of 25. 159 full volumes beautifully copied as monuments to them. Similarly, The King’s Theatre had a monopoly on Italian-texted opera, and featured almost no British-born composers from its founding in 1708 until the first performance of Michael William Balfe’s Falstaff in 1838, with the exception of Thomas Arne’s L'olimpiade in 1765 and works composed by Stephen Storace performed in 1788 and 1792, although Storace’s own Britishness was in debate due to his Italian bassist father.323 Weber argues that the reason British composers were excluded from the theatre was because of need for political stability after the constitutional settlement in 1689: ‘Just as Tories were banned from government posts under Robert Walpole, so Whigs alone were invited to be directors of the Royal Academy of Music in the 1720s. The reconstituted ruling faction wielded cultural authority by making Italian opera the symbol of its authority’.324 If this is true, it means that the antiquarians are in fact outliers in the story of music reception in English musical history. This does seem to be the case when examining the programme from 1785, for subscription concerts organised by Johann Salomon. Salomon’s concerts featured a cantata in Italian by Haydn, four Italian opera arias performed by Theresa Negri and Giacomo Davide, and a collection of concertos, symphonies, and a string quartet by central European composers, such as Haydn, Salomon, and Anne-Marie Krumpholtz.325 Weber ends by acknowledging that British music was able to succeed in many different types of concert venues, and British singers often presented concerts in what might be considered now as unconventional locations. Such concerts often included a selection of both new and standard, 323 Ibid. 324 Ibid. 325 Weber, p. 12 of 25. 160 domestic, and foreign, works.326 British composers fiercely advocated for their inclusion, amounting to what Weber calls a ‘nationalistic movement’ that ‘emerged earlier and in stronger form among composers in Britain than in France or Germany. Composers fought against their exclusion from key elite venues by promoting their music with an ideology linked to national politics’.327 When King George III reintroduced Tories into the government, in the 1770s the radical Whigs created a movement to critique the monarchy and claim an extension of parliamentary authority. Musicians were involved, seeing this as useful in propagating music as nationalistic terms. In 1790 in his periodical The Bystander, Charles Dibdin ‘used language of the opposition Whigs to attack the Concerts of Antient Music, which were focused on Handel and offered no music less than twenty years old. … Dibdin derided the Concerts of Antient Music’ for being ‘employed in nothing but a blind and bigoted admiration of a German modern’ and insisted instead that the series look to ‘Thomas Arne to serve the “great and noble national benefit”.’328 This evidence from Weber demonstrates that the British were involved in their own Nationalist project in the eighteenth century. It also demonstrates that the antiquarians were disregarded for being less that Nationalist. However, as I am arguing, these antiquarians are part of the beau monde and a small minority of eighteenth-century people who are putting forth a national benefit in line with Thomas Arne. 326 Weber, Ibid., p. 13 of 25. 327 Weber, Ibid., p. 220. 328 Weber, Ibid., pp. 13–14. 161 The Case of Handel and the Identity of Englishness A similar question lies with the composer George Frederic Handel, who arguably has a huge influence on this period in England. Is Handel really a German composer, or is Handel an English immigrant composer? While he was born a citizen of Germany on 23 February 1685 in Halle, Germany, on 13 February 1727, there was a petition for Handel’s naturalisation introduced to the House of Lords. The petition was successful and the Bill granting his British citizenship received royal assent from King George I in the next few days.329 The Act granting Handel and other foreigners' citizenship was named Handel’s Naturalisation Act 1727. It also required Handel and the others to take the Oath of Supremacy and the Oath of Allegiance, as well as to enter communion with the Church of England.330 At this time, Handel was 42 years of age and had written many of his most famous Italian operas for the English theatre, including Rinaldo (1711) and Giulio Cesare in Egitto (1719). It was after his naturalisation, however, that he wrote the coronation music for George II, including Zadok the Priest (1727, now performed at all British coronations ever since), and also Alcina (1735), Saul (1738), and Imeneo (1740).331 Handel is an example of the cosmopolitan nature of life in the long eighteenth century: he was born to Germans in Halle, Brandenburg, Germany, but his early life (1706–1710) took him through Italy, where he met Corelli and the Scarlattis, and started composing in an Italianate style: two operas, Italian solo cantatas, ’l trionfo del tempo e del disinganno (1707) and another oratorio, the serenata Aci, Galatea e Polifemo (1708), and some Latin (i.e., Roman 329 See https://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/parliamentary–archives/explore/archives–highlights/handel–and–naturalisation/ . 330 David Hunter, The Lives of George Frideric Handel (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2015). p. 177. 331 See http://gfhandel.org/handel/biography.html . 162 Catholic) church music. His opera Agrippina enjoyed a sensational success at its premiere in Venice in 1710’.332 Due to his fame in Italy, and connections in Germany, Handel was appointed Kappellmeister to the elector of Hanover, who was of course to be the future George I of England and who travelled to England in 1710.333 Tallis and the English Taste for Harmony In her study on Thomas Tallis’s music in Victorian England, Suzanne Cole demonstrates that the English claimed that they possessed a ‘ “natural” taste for harmony’, stated ‘most explicitly’ in 1865 by Rev. J. Powell Metcalfe in an article entitled, ‘The Music of the Church of England, as Contemplated by the Reformers’.334 Cole summarises Metcalfe’s argument, establishing that ‘[t]he role of music in this Reformation … was to make the liturgy particularly amenable to English taste, to help it “to touch the deeper feelings of the Englishman’s heart, and aid it in vibrating to the appeals of God’s awful truth”.’335 Metcalfe has a term called ‘ “simple” harmony, or “the Englishman’s harmony”, came from “the unlearned—the common people, whose natural tastes had taught them harmonies to the burdens of their dearly loved ballads, even before the learned clerk had begun to potter over his fleshless musical arithmetic and cramp sweet sounds in the stocks of fugue”.’336 Here, Metcalfe and Cole are demonstrating the connection between amateurship and Englishness, which is a significant correlation between Englishness and antiquarianism as well. The antiquarians are an 332 See https://www.britannica.com/biography/George–Frideric–Handel . 333 See https://www.britannica.com/biography/George–Frideric–Handel . 334 Suzanne Cole, Thomas Tallis and His Music in Victorian England (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2008), p. 172. 335 Ibid., p. 172. 336 Ibid., p. 173. 163 example of the English, populist, everyman, who enjoys a ballad, not a fugue. Examples of this are the copious numbers of glees present in the library, which are quintessentially English: The glee is essentially and individually English. The progress of the art of music, like all other arts, is dependent on the advancement of the human mind. The power of appreciating the charms and beauties of music, and of benefiting by its employment, grows up with the inventive skill which calls new thoughts into exercise. Sympathetic encouragement gives life to art.337 Furthermore, as Colin Kidd argues, the Church of England even into the seventeenth century claims a descent from ‘the apostolic church of the ancient Britons’ which ‘remained crucial to the defence of Anglican legitimacy’.338 Cole connects this myth to Arthurian legends, and argues that the source for Metcalf’s assertion—the English people’s natural affinity for harmony—is the following passage from Gerald of Wales (Geraldus Cambrensis), Descriptio Cambriae:339 The Britons [i.e. the Welsh] do not sing in unison, like the inhabitants of other countries; but in many different parts. So that when a company of singers among the common people meets to sing, as is usual in this country, as many different parts are heard as there are performers, who all at length unite in consonance, with organic sweetness. In the Northern parts of Great Britain, beyond the Humber, the inhabitants use the same kind of symphonious harmony.340 This is a passage that describes the relationship of music and national identity, from the perspective of a Cambro-Norman mediaeval historian, ca 1194. That this twelfth-century writer saw the Britons as so synonymous with music, it is curious that the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were, regarded in 337 William Alexander Barrett, English Glees and Part–Songs (New York: Longmans, 1886), p. 63. 338 Suzanne Cole, Op. Cit., p. 176. 339 Ibid. 340 Ibid. pp. 176–177. The translation used by Cole is from Burney’s copy; I use this quote as well as a translation of the book by Lewis Thorpe. 164 the long twentieth century, as a time when England was scathingly considered ‘Das Land Ohne Musik’. It is important to separate truth from mythology, and how history is reinvented by later historians, especially those interested in nation building and nation formation in the twentieth century. Music and Englishness In the twentieth century, scholars considered music ‘an important part of the creation of Englishness’, which could cement ‘Britain’s privileged place in the world’.341 The composers that were elevated to special status were Vaughan Williams and Holst, who ‘raised awareness of the importance of historians and musicologists as self-styled keepers of a national culture and emphasised their fundamental role in the rediscovery of Britain’s long-lost musical treasures, thereby securing their place in history’.342 Another genre beyond classical music was folksong, which emphasised the ‘national credentials for composers in the early 20th century’.343 In Europe, many classical music composers were using ‘folk melodies, folk inflections, and the rhythms of ‘ “traditional” music’ in genres such as ‘symphonies and string quartets, imbuing words with “local colour”.’344 One technique for many composers was to write down the folksongs of their compatriots by ear and incorporate them into their own compositions or use them for music education manuals and textbooks.345 341 Fiona Clampin, ‘ “Those blue remembered hills…”: National Identity in English Music (1900–1930)’, in (ed.) Keith Cameron, National Identity (New York?: Intellect Books, 1999), p. 67. 342 Ibid., p. 67. 343 Ibid. 344 Ibid. 345 Ibid. 165 Kathleen Wilson writes a fascinating take on identity in relation to eighteenth century England in her book The Island Race: Englishness, Empire, and Gender in the Eighteenth Century. She begins by questioning the idea of identity, and admitting that the definition for scholars of eighteenth-century Britain is fraught with difficulty, even though ‘they know it when they see it’: Part of the problem … is that historians have not been able to agree exactly on what “identity” means in premodern societies. … Certainly in some ways, the notion of identity in its modern psychological sense may have been anachronistic: for much of the period, Georgian people, or at least those to whom we have access, tended to assess themselves less through their internal lives (although their state of virtue, sin and morality was important to many) than through their behaviour, social position and reputation. Nevertheless, as we have discovered in our studies of class, gender, sexuality and politics, anachronism can be productive in interpreting the past, not least by disrupting our own sense of inevitable progress: indeed, history itself is but a higher form of anachronism. … From this perspective, although identity functions as an analytic or interpretive concept, it also could radically configure historical experience.346 How identity configures historical experience, which is identity formation, according to Wilson, illuminates the ‘instability and unpredictability of those intersections of history, culture and agency where people group themselves, as well as where they are grouped’.347 Wilson also points out that identity was utilised as a concept in scientific and philosophical discussions, ‘to describe the presumed fact that a person or thing is itself and not something else’.348 Hume wrote, ‘ “Of all relations the most universal is that of identity, being common to every being, whose existence has any duration”,’349 while 346 Kathleen Wilson, The Island Race: Englishness, Empire and Gender in the Eighteenth Century (Taylor & Francis: London, 2002), pp. 1–2). 347 Kathleen Wilson, Ibid., p. 2. 348 Ibid., p. 2. 349 David Hume, Treatise on Human Nature (1739); cited in Wilson, p. 2. 166 in his moral theory Adam Smith argued ‘the self as a public performance’, and ‘Georgian people explored the possibilities of social masquerade in allowing them to be “in some degree whatever character we choose”.’350 Wilson continues, asserting that identity is a historical process, which is ‘tentative, multiple and contingent’, with modalities changing over time. ‘In the eighteenth century, the relations of individuals and collectives to each other were rendered through religion, politics, geography, sociability, politeness and “stage” of civilization, …, and these relations, or identities, could be expressed through verbal, textual, kinesthetic and visual forms. But however actualized, identities were, and are, inextricably bound to a historical social order and both concretized and challenged through practices of everyday life.’351 On the idea of ‘nation’, Wilson writes that the eighteenth century viewed the concept as ‘a political-territorial entity continued to compete with older Biblical and juridical concepts of nation as a people, located in a relatively fixed spatial and cultural terrain, that was conceived of geographically and ethnographically (as well as ethnocentrically)’.352 ‘Nation’ was the most common way to divide humanity, ‘and nation served to map, literally and metaphorically, the normal, philosophical, theological and historical debates over human diversity, human nature, and the impact of climate, government, language and laws on both’.353 Furthermore, there were beliefs that each nation had differing standards of moral, intellectual, and even bodily characteristics, beliefs which were passed down from ancient times onto the eighteenth century.354 To this, I would add conflict, which I think 350 Adam Smith, cited in James Boswell, cited in Wilson, p. 2. 351 Kathleen Wilson, op cit., p. 3. 352 Wilson, p. 7. 353 Wilson, Ibid., p. 7. 354 Ibid. 167 relates to Wilson’s idea of instability, which is especially true in the case of the antiquarians. The antiquarian collectors of early music saw themselves as in opposition to or in conflict with the fancy cosmopolitanism of Europe’s elite. The groups they formed were a way to form an identity that suited them, which was based on a shared camaraderie around appreciation for old things, especially old music, and especially (in the case of the LMS, with its copious amounts of Byrd and Tallis) old English music. As Rosemary Sweet argues, the historian and the antiquarian bifurcated in the eighteenth century: For all that the historian and the antiquary shared a common interest in the past, and were increasingly occupying the same territory by the eighteenth century, the contrast between the two was an important one, which both sides of the partnership would duly emphasise as occasion demanded. Both disciplines involved the study of the past and both made similar claims for the utility of their subject; but, whilst the antiquary would freely acknowledge his studies to be a contribution to historical learning and accepted the subordinate role of his discipline, historians were much more likely to attempt to preserve a lofty distance from antiquaries. The historian was naturally affiliated to the man of letters or the philosopher, whilst the pull on the antiquary was stronger from the camp of the natural historians.355 The distinction Sweet makes between the ‘man of letters or the philosopher’ as being the truest example of an historian, and the ‘natural historian’ as the truest example of the antiquary demonstrates how identity in the eighteenth century began to percolate amongst music-making club societies. The bifurcation of club societies, which separated like with like, enabled people to foster their interests in supportive communities. It also enabled them to avoid discrimination and escape archaic rules, such as 355 Rosemary Sweet, Antiquaries: The Discovery of the Past in Eighteenth–Century Britain (London: Hambledon and London, 2004). #28 of 528 in Hathitrust Digital Library. 168 the Emancipation Proclamation. The other benefit of sticking to smaller groups, of course, is that the antiquarians could avoid the fashionable allure of cosmopolitanism and embrace their Englishness. There was no keeping up appearances or feigning of interest in foreign music amongst these folks, if they were not in fact interested in it. Indeed, as Vincent Duckles demonstrates, in the late eighteenth-century club societies like the Madrigal Society began performing more and more older works and were consistently adding more early music to their collections, such as early English madrigals.356 Englishness, or at least English music, was becoming more important to the antiquarians in the late eighteenth century. In this way, the antiquarians were setting their own fashions and their own trends for their own subset of English identity. English music helped antiquarians formulate their sense of identity as eighteenth-century English antiquarians, separate from scholars or historians, and as upholding the mantle of preserving ancient music for future generations. In this definition, ancient music was what they could identify with as good music, and as sufficiently English. Drohr Wahrman has a helpful framing of the term ‘identity’, contrasting it with selfhood’, in eighteenth-century society: Identity, as has often been noted, encompasses within it—in its etymology as well as in its common application for the variety of possible responses to the question “who am I?”—a productive tension between two contradictory impulses: identity as the unique individuality of a person (as in “identity card”), or identity as a common denominator that places an individual within a group (as in “identity politics”).357 356 Vincent Duckles and James Hobson, see James Hobson, ‘Three Madrigal Societies in Early Nineteenth–Century England’, in Music and Institutions in Nineteenth–Century Britain, ed. Paul Rodmell (Milton: Taylor & Francis Group, 2012), pp. 33–34. 357 Dror Wahrman, The Making of the Modern Self: Identity and Culture in Eighteenth–Century England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), p. xii. 169 Especially helpful here is the distinction of two subcategories or tensions within identity: both the private understanding of the self (‘I think therefore I am’), but also the self’s relationship to others (collective groups, how one relates to other people, and what people have in common with each other). Wahrman points out that identity is both what makes a person wholly unique or ‘the essence of difference’, but also it is the ‘erasure, of difference: it is what allows me to ignore particular differences as I recognize myself in a collective grouping’, and refers to this as ‘ “identicality”.’358 Similarly, while defining Englishness in a positive sense by listing a slew of categories that are easily disproved or refuted, it seems easier to define Englishness in opposition to what it is not. Englishness is not German, Italian, French, Norwegian, etc., but Englishness is interested in fashionable tastes to an extent. Certain English identities are categorised in ways that others aren’t—even though most popular opinion and scholarship presents London as a monolith of English tastes, beliefs, and values, it is only a cornucopia of four nations within Britain. The antiquarians are one example of Englishness, and the antiquarians of the London Madrigal Society are indicative of a certain type in the south and rooted in the much-idolised capital city. Their identities as antiquarians are defined not only by the status quo, who maligns them, but also by themselves, who sought refuge in a shared respect for early—particularly English—music. The club society culture that the London Madrigal Society represents includes a cadre of intellectuals that were a symbol of a certain epoch of English society. A centre of social paradoxes and tensions, ‘such as the dialectics of integration vs exclusion or publicity vs privacy’, with the first political meetings in 358 Ibid., p. xii. 170 London taverns and coffee houses during the Restoration focused on dissent and those in the eighteenth century focused on socialisation and ‘social integration’.359 Clubs were a place for promoting men’s acceptance into a helpful, ‘selective network of male affiliation’.360 The club membership bestowed a certain understanding of accepted ‘social norms’, ‘politeness and education’, and was an excellent means to ‘acquire the cultural varnish and the social skills required to become a perfect gentleman’.361 A unique place for sociability, and influenced by fashions imported from abroad, the English club however separated from ‘normative prescriptions of French sociability’, and resisted modernity through constant ‘elitist and gender exclusi[on]’ and evolution into the Victorian era. English clubs continued to vacillate between norm and dissidence, between establishing social mores in the eighteenth century, but also in carrying on the challenge of social mores from the seventeenth. Valérie Capdeville asks, ‘[T]o what extent did London clubs … contribute to model English sociability along new norms? How far were eighteenth-century London clubs a prelude to Victorian clublife?’362 This question gets at the tension of British identity and Englishness and politics that is at play with the antiquarians in this chapter. Similarly, ‘it is the social nature of man that justifies his gregarious instinct and his desire to gather into clubs and societies’.363 According to David Hume, ‘The propensity to 359 Valérie Capdeville, ‘The Ambivalent Identity of Eighteenth-Century London Clubs as a Prelude to Victorian Clublife,’ Cahiers victoriens et édouardiens, September 6, 2015, https://journals.openedition.org/cve/1976. 360 Ibid. 361 Ibid. 362 Ibid. 363 Ibid. 171 company and society is strong in all rational creatures.’364 In 1711, Joseph Addison echoed this sentiment in the Spectator, writing that ‘Men are thus knit together, by a Love of Society, … combined for their own improvement, or for the Good of others’.365 ‘In the first half of the eighteenth century, the term “club” referred to any association or society in which men gathered with a common aim and met on a regular basis in a precise location according to certain rules, in order to maintain social relationship and a spirit of cooperation’.366 And yet, there was a paradoxical function of London clubs, since they existed as instruments of both integration and exclusion. Young aristocrats often had a desire to ‘ “club together” ‘, which was an ‘ideal means to enter the closed circles of polite society’, and a ‘passport for a political career’, ‘[b]y favouring male bonding and elective friendship’, … [and] strengthening networks’.367 Despite being known as very homosocial places, the London clubs were also places where ‘some deviation from norms of respectable behaviour’—known as ‘ “unsociable” or even morally transgressive’ was ‘conviviality enhanced by club dinners’ which ‘frequently serviced as a pretext for immoderate drinking’.368 Accounts of clubgoers include drunkenness and other activities on the outskirts of eighteenth-century ‘polite society’: As for James Boswell, a very ‘clubable’ man according to his friend Samuel Johnson, he admitted his drunkenness in a letter to William Johnson Temple, ‘I got myself quite 364 Hume, p. 115, Cited in Ibid. 365 Joseph Addison, cited in Ibid. 366 Ibid. 367 Ibid. 368 Ibid. 172 intoxicated, went to a Bawdy-house and past a whole night in the arms of a Whore’ (The Correspondence of James Boswell, 192).369 Clubs were a place for the English to assert their dissidence and their difference, to assert what makes them English. As Steele wrote in 1711 in the Spectator: ‘There hath been a long Endeavour to transform us into Foreign Manners and Fashions, and to bring us to a servile Imitation of none of the best of their Neighbours, in some of the worst of their Qualities’.370 In the eighteenth century, the English began resisting the French norms of behaviour common in the Baroque period: these ‘foreign manners’ and ‘imported norms of politeness’.371 Perhaps it is as Capdeville hypothesises, which is that the foreign ways ‘threatened the masculinity and the national character of the Englishman, who, … was often thought at the time “unsociable”.’372 There was also criticism from Locke, Addison, and Steele of the overly formal nature of French manners, and its lack of sincerity, and excessive ceremony. Samuel Johnson argued for the importance of rhetoric and conversation: ‘ “frictive” interchange, a productive fight of ideas’. In this way, ‘easiness as well as “intellectual vigour and skill” redefined new norms of conversation that valued debating talents of the English nation. Clubs therefore helped to establish new norms that mirrored the representative features of Englishness’.373 369 Ibid. 370 Ibid., citing Steele in the Spectator. 371 Ibid. 372 Ibid. 373 Ibid. 173 Capdeville suggests the term ‘clubable’ (also spelled ‘clubbable’), coined by Johnson in 1783, as a way to conceptualise the English club as an example of ‘Englishness’—setting itself apart from the French salon—and framing the English club as a ‘dissident model of sociability’: As sociability and politeness were the prevailing attributes of France and were based on feminine refinement, ‘clubbability’ appeared as the perfect term to embody England’s peculiar sociable identity. The homosocial model of the London club could be seen as a counter-model to the Parisian salon: it offered a dissident model from mixed-sexed sociability. Besides, being clubable indeed reconciled the ambivalence of the gentleman ideal. As I have tried to show, a clubman could drink, gamble, and still remained a gentleman. A combination of virtue and excess as well as a tolerated dissidence from polite norms of behaviour were inherent in the Englishness of the eighteenth-century clubman.374 ‘Clubable’, ‘clubbable’, or ‘club sociability’ enabled dissident figures to participate in redefining social norms, reflecting the English character: ‘examples of male characters, who somehow deviated from the required norms of behaviour expected by the society of the time, sometimes even blurring gender norms’.375 Capdeville describes examples of the ‘beau’, the ‘fop’, and the ‘macaroni’, ‘who all represented dissident social characters and potential threats to both English masculinity and national identity.376 The beau was focused on his appearance, cultivating his self-esteem and the ‘fop’ was characterized by his extreme refinement and effeminancy, both being excessive representations of French fashion and frequently the object of ridicule in the press or in caricatures. [The] macaroni was a variation … but those young and wealthy aristocrats were mostly inspired by Italian fashion and adopted eccentric clothes and 374 Ibid. 375 Ibid. 376 Ibid., citing Philip Carter, ‘Men about Town: Representations of Foppery and Masculinity in Early Eighteenth–Century Urban Society’, in (eds) Hannah Barker and Elaine Chalus, Gender in Eighteenth-Century England: Roles, Representations and Responsibilities (London & NY: Longman, 1997), pp. 31–57. 174 hair styles. … Even though those figures diverged from social norms, they belonged to the real or imaginary representations of the beau monde and, as such, were not so incompatible with the social attributes of the eighteenth-century gentleman and with clubs’ expectations. Last but not least, the Victorian dandy incarnated by Beau Brummell, … will correspond to an evolution of those various eccentric figures and will appear, quite significantly, as an emblematic expression of nineteenth-century club culture.377 The club also provides an important role in the ‘private/public sphere dialectics, as a space in-between. An institution of the public sphere as defined by Habermas; it became increasingly private in the course of the eighteenth century.’ Capdeville argues that clubs occupy a liminal space between the public and private spheres, ‘sometimes overlapping on the two, thus dissenting from this model’. Therefore, Capdeville views the club as a ‘third space or an intermediary space: a “social space” devoted to sociability. From this, Capdeville extrapolates that clubs were ‘[neither] fully central nor marginal either’ and were possibly ‘an appropriate space to contain and, at the same time, to render socially acceptable potentially subversive or deviant behaviours’.378 The London clubs were like second homes for London gentlemen, ‘like a surrogate “family” for the nineteenth-century clubmen’.379 While the early music and antiquarian clubs were not necessarily known to be purposefully or politically dissident, they did meet in clubs and they were, in a sense, countercultural to the canon-making norms of the traditional London music society in the long eighteenth century. One early music composer who was significant in the 18th century and connected antiquarian societies and club societies, as well as connecting these club societies with their understandings of 377 Ibid. 378 Ibid. 379 Ibid. 175 Englishness, was Henry Purcell. Sandra Tuppen argues that eighteenth-century club societies and ‘musical organisations’ were important for the ‘dissemination and performance’ of Purcell’s music, and that ‘the activities of 18th-century music antiquarians profoundly influenced thinking about Purcell right through to the middle of the 20th century, and the programming choices of a few key individuals helped propel certain works into the musical canon’.380 This further provides evidence of the importance of antiquarians and their work for canon formation: there is no argument that Purcell is an influential composer whose work has influenced the later ideas of ‘Englishness’ in the Victorian and Edwardian eras. Tuppen’s article deals with three music organisations, which have shared membership and governing systems: The Academy of Ancient Music, The Noblemen and Gentleman’s Catch Club, and the Concerts of Ancient Music. The Academy of Ancient Music, discussed extensively in previous chapters, published a booklet in 1761 entitled ‘The words of such pieces as are most usually performed by the Academy of Ancient Music’, which included texts for three of Purcell’s well-known dramatic works (King Arthur, The Indian Queen, and Oedipus), as well as two anthems, O give thanks unto the Lord and O God, thou art my God. Furthermore, attributed to Purcell are Macbeth (by Richard Leveridge) and The Tempest. Tuppen gives evidence for the attribution to Purcell, citing another scholar’s work, Margaret Laurie, and demonstrates that it was performed at the Academy’s concerts with the attachment to Purcell’s name.381 Tuppen also points out that while only 380 Sandra Tuppen, ‘Purcell in the 18th century: music for the ‘Quality, Gentry, and others’, Early Music 43 (2015): 233. 381 Ibid. 176 a few works by or attributed to Purcell were featured in the Academy workbook, they were substantial pieces, and all of the large-scale works there were attributed to either Handel or Purcell.382 In the case of the Nobleman and Gentleman’s Catch Club,383 this organisation awarded prizes to encourage production of new glees and catches, while also performing significant quantities of ancient music. In its manuscript scores, copied by its secretary Thomas Warren, there are lists of the club’s repertory, and the names of each member who brought a new piece to a meeting or chose it for revival at a meeting.384 The Catch Club sang a great quantity of Purcell catches, mostly introduced by the Earl of Sandwich and Thomas Warren, all but one in their manuscript Book 1, introduced in the early years of the club.385 Additionally, other works from Purcell's repertoire were sung, such as ‘Fear no danger’ from Dido and Aeneas and ‘Fairest isle’ from King Arthur. The Purcell repertory not belonging to the catch category was mostly brought in by Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, Fourth Baronet (1749–89), an MP, patron of the arts, and a great collector of Purcell’s music.386 Similarly, the Concerts of Ancient Music, the subscription series that were the evolution of the Academy of Ancient Music, also include quite a lot of Purcell and Handel’s music. In the period just before and just after George III and Queen Charlotte became its patrons (1785), from 1776–1790, there was a large quantity of Handel’s music performed (59%), 29% by non-English composers), and 12% by English composers. Of those English composers, this is not including Handel, who I argue is 382 Ibid. 383 For full explanation and information about the governance and membership of the club, see chapter 3. 384 See also Sandra Tuppen, Op. Cit., p. 233. 385 Ibid. 386 Ibid. 177 truly an English composer, in the minds of Queen Charlotte and King George III, and of the concertgoers, a third of the pieces were by Purcell.387 In the period 1791–1800, the number of performances of Handel’s music grew to 67%, and other English composers were 6%, of which Purcell’s works were about a third of the music. Together, Purcell and Handel were the most performed ‘English’ composers of the eighteenth century by the Concerts of Ancient Music. Alongside them, the other English music include sixteenth- and seventeenth-century madrigals (very much in keeping with the London Madrigal Society’s tastes) by Morley and Weelkes, and eighteenth-century music by composers such as Avison and Boyce. Works of Purcell that were popular were overwhelming the theatre music, as well as the occasional ode and sacred work, and less often the ‘mad songs’: the famous Bess of Bedlam was performed only once.388 King Arthur received twenty-five performances, including full scenes, as well as long sections of The Indian Queen, plus seventeen performances of almost the entirety of The Tempest.389 Tuppen argues that the influence of the Earl of Sandwich in programming Purcell’s music in the late eighteenth century was very important: Sandwich produced twenty-two concerts in twelve seasons with music by Purcell, and programmed music from The Tempest a total of seven times. His role as a promoter of English music was so important that his contemporaries recognized him, such as a reviewer of a concert on 14 February 1787, writing that ‘We ought not to close this account without a tribute of thanks to the President [Sandwich] of the night, who, seldom losing an opportunity at 387 Tuppen, p. 236. 388 Ibid. 389 Ibid., pp. 236, 239. 178 these Concerts of bringing forward the works of excellent English composers, may properly be styled, the “Protector of National Genius—departed”.’390 In contrast, the decline of English music and especially music by Purcell by the Concerts of Ancient Music between its institution in 1776 and 1800 is quite significant: the number of performances decline rapidly in 1790; no Purcell is performed, or just one work performed each year in the first half of the 1790s, until the performances resume in 1796. It seems hardly a coincidence that the important promoters Jebb, Wynn, and Sandwich also died in 1787, 1789, and 1792 respectively.391 Another similarity that the directors of the Concerts of Ancient Music have in common with the antiquarian societies is that many of them were also active music collectors. One famous example is the Viscount Fitzwilliam, who of course has a museum in Cambridge bearing his name, and which contains papers from the London Madrigal Society, as well as manuscripts of the Purcell pieces he programmed, such as Celebrate this festival and part of Hail, bright Cecilia.392 Sir Watkin Williams Wynn also promoted music by Purcell at the Catch Club, as well as owning copies of King Arthur, The Indian Queen, and The Tempest, and programmed all of these for the Concerts of Ancient Music: these also all exist as manuscripts in connection with the Academy of Ancient Music, the Concerts of Ancient Music, and the Catch Club, which are all extant.393 390 Tuppen, p. 240. 391 Ibid. 392 Tuppen, p. 241. 393 Ibid. 179 The Concerts of Ancient Music also influenced which works were performed at other public concerts, which advertised in the late eighteenth century that their concerts included music identical to that performed at the Concerts of Ancient Music.394 A May 1788 benefit concert at Hanover Square was advertised as featuring music from The Tempest from a Concerts of Ancient Music concert in Tottenham street, along with ‘Fear no danger’ from Dido and Aeneas and the ‘Song of Purcell’s Mad Bess’.395 This influence extended outside of London, even to Liverpool, where The world and fashionable advertiser mentions on 13 August 1787 of a festival of music there that programmed music from The Tempest. Present as stewards were Thomas Egerton and another director of the Concerts of Ancient Music, Baron Grey de Wilton, who programmed music from The Tempest in 1786.396 The late eighteenth-century interest in the spurious and misattributed Tempest music as one of the most esteemed ‘Purcell’ works is peculiar, especially when ‘authentic’ Purcell was sometimes regarded with less enthusiasm: a reviewer from The morning chronicle wrote about Purcell’s ode, Celebrate this festival, performed at the Concerts of Ancient music that ‘Though we admire some parts of it much, we can not think it equal to his music in the Tempest’.397 Similarly, ‘Dear pretty youth’, which is one song from the work we know was certainly by Purcell, was left out of Concerts of Ancient Music performances. Tuppen argues that there are characteristics of The Tempest that are more Italianate and therefore less like Purcell’s other music, therefore making it possibly more 394 Tuppen, p. 243. 395 Ibid. 396 Tuppen, p. 244. 397 Ibid. 180 palatable to English audiences than true Purcell. Whatever the reason, The Tempest became canon during this time and was considered as Purcell’s work for two centuries, placed with Benjamin Goodison’s Purcell collected edition (1790) and in Edward Dent’s Purcell Society volume (1912).398 Purcell scholars, seeing the Italianate style of the music, either (a) contended that Purcell copied the Italian style in his later years, or (b) doubted the veracity of its attribution to Purcell.399 The work most-often performed at the Concerts of Ancient Music was King Arthur, which evolved through the 18th century, through rhythmic simplifications in 1787 Academy parts that were duplicated in the 1843 Musical Antiquarian Society edition, and in J. A. Fuller Maitland’s 1897 edition. A spurious solo ‘St George’ exists in an edition by the Musical Antiquarian Society.400 398 Tuppen, p. 244. 399 Ibid. 400 Ibid. 181 Chapter 6: Survey of Sources and the Connection to the Appendix—A Commentary to the Catalogue of the Contents of the Madrigal Society Library The purpose of this chapter is to explain the importance of the Appendix, which is a thorough account of the London Madrigal Society (LMS) sources. The LMS Library contains eight volumes of music catalogued as letters A, B, C, D, F, G, H, and J, as well as books catalogued as F1 to F26, plus F29, and other related documents within the general British Library catalogue. The first section of this chapter will describe the contents of the catalogue, while the next section will examine the most frequently occurring works of the most popular three composers in the collection, Marenzio, Palestrina, and Weelkes. The final section will then offer suggestions for understanding the antiquarians’ choices of repertoire in the eighteenth century, considering the reception history and historiography of English identity. General Overview of the Madrigal Society Catalogue The Madrigal Society collection is accompanied by a catalogue that is unpublished, and was prepared by Chris Banks in 2005, then an employee of the British Library. When I began my PhD project, Nicolas Bell of the British Library Rare Manuscripts room kindly sent me the catalogue via email as a .docx and .pdf form, and I spent six weeks during the summer of 2012 verifying the contents. The catalogue begins with the following paragraph: This Appendix 1 lists the manuscript music and documents within the London Madrigal Society library, which is now in the British Library (since 1954). To view printed music from the Madrigal Society collection, see the Catalogue of Printed Music in the British Library to 1980, accessible via the British Library internet 182 catalogue (http://blpc.bl.uk) . This Appendix 1 gives brief details of the manuscripts and of the other materials that have been added to the collections, and is based upon cataloging by Chris Banks (12 June 2003), John Parkinson's Catalogue of the Madrigal Society MSS, and research by Samantha Bassler (2009–17). Catalogue records for manuscripts dating from 1600 to 1800 are included in the RISM AII series database.401 As a collection that is organised alphabetically, it appears in the British Library call system as two sets of numbers, starting with ‘A1–4.’ and then ‘MSS.115–118’ (see Appendix 1). There are three main parts to the Madrigal Society’s collection as deposited on loan to the British Library. The first, the manuscript music, encompasses the largest portion of the collection, a total of 184 volumes copied in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. The second section is entitled ‘BOOKS FROM THE MADRIGAL SOCIETY LIBRARY DEPOSITED IN THE BRITISH LIBRARY ON 26TH OCTOBER 1981 (amended 17 December 1981)’ and includes 24 books that detail the governance of the society, as well as concert programmes and meeting minutes. There are also several papers belonging to former presidents of the society, e.g. Thomas Oliphant. The final section appears with the name, ‘A LIST OF MUSIC PRESENTED TO THE MADRIGAL SOCIETY BY STEPHEN GROOMBRIDGE ESQ. NOTE: This list is included for provenance information only; it appears that these books may have been subsequently dispersed, with some now incorporated as Additional manuscripts.’ Byrd, Pallavicino, Croce, le Jeune, Monteverdi, Marenzio, Anerio, De Wert, De Monte, Morley, Gesualdo, Ruffo, Victoria, and Palestrina are some of the more famous composers represented in the donation to the Madrigal Society from Stephen Groombridge, 401 This text is from Chris Banks’ catalogue of the LMS library, which I received in a private communication, and consulted and then adapted into my Appendix with permission. 183 Esq. Other composers include Ugolino, Nenna, Almere, Trabatoni, Melano, Marastoni, Rimonti, Foggia, Pesenti, Cuzzati, de Goüy, Della Fraya, Piva, and Child. Volumes A 1–4 were copied onto paper in the eighteenth century, and this first set is a collection of Italian and English madrigals in 4 part-books (canto, alto, tenore, basso), including pieces by Marenzio (such as the frequently-performed ‘Dissi a l’amata mia’), Lasso, Pevernage, Nanino, Faignient, le Jeune, de Wert, Phillips, de Monte, and even sacred works by Palestrina and Victoria. Upon reversing the book, there are works by John Bennet, Thomas Weelkes, John Farmer, Marenzio, Bateson, George Kirby, Thomas Morley, and Palestrina (a contrafactum by Aldrich). The next set, A 6–11, also copied in the eighteenth extracts. These appear as six part-books (cantus, altus, tenor, quintus, and basso 1 & 2). Numbers 1–43 are for four voices, 44–106 are for five voices, and 107–147 are for six voices. Included in set A 6–11 are works by M. Este, G. Renaldi, Morley, Palestrina (the Kyrie and Christe from the Mass Veni sponsa Christi), Pepusch’s ‘As Sylvia in a forest lay’, madrigals by Wilbye, Victoria’s Ne timeas Maria, Palestrina’s Magnum hereditas mysterium, as well as works by G. Blotagio, G. B. Moscaglia, B. Spontonc, P. Bellasio, and M.A. Ingegniri. In the 5 voice section, there are compositions by Marenzio, Faignient, Nanino, Ruffo, Marenzio, as well as Gibbons, Converso, Ruffo, Palestrina, Gesualdo, Felis, Ferretti, Nasco, Ferrabosco, Croce, D’Incerto, Tallis, Gastoldi, Dentici, Angelini, Scaramucci, Weelkes, Joanellus, Le Jeune, Lasso, and Barsanti. For 6 voices, there are compositions by Palestrina, Weelkes, Wilbye, Lasso, Marenzio, Feliciani, Byrd, de Monte, Lucatello, Conversi, Converso, Barsanti, Lupi, Gesualdo, Sweelinck, Croce, le Jeune, Striggio, Ferretti, and Battishill. 184 Volumes A 11–14 consist of copies from the eighteenth century on paper of English and Italian madrigals in four part-books (canto, alto, tenor, basso). The first nine works are missing from the canto part-book, whereas the first two are missing the basso part. The composers featured are Piers, Morley, J. Worgan, Kirbye, Gesualdo, F. Farina, and Marenzio. Volume A 16–21 includes eighteenth-century copies, entitled ‘Madrigals for 4 and 5 voices. Composed by different authors. Five part-books, (Canto, Alto, Tenore, Basso, Quinto with an additional copy of the Basso part in a later hand.’ The composers include Palestrina (a contrafactum by Aldrich), J. Farmer, Gesualdo, Victoria (not madrigals!), J. Monton (not madrigals!), Marenzio, Morley, Wilbye, M.A. Perdevon, de Wert, Faignient, Ferrabosco, Byrd, Kirbye, Lassus, Munday, Waelrent, Weelkes, Nanino, Pizzoni, ab Fulda, Colombi Del Incerto, Hooper, Renaldi, Croft, Savage, Bianciardi, Blow, Arcadelt, and Gibbons. Volumes A 22–27 were copied in the eighteenth century, a set of madrigals and motets for four and five voices in six part-books, two copies, for canto, alto, tenore, quinto, and basso, with composers such as Morley, Palestrina, Steffani, Incerto, Arne, Croft, Cooke, Gibbons, Webbe, Arne, Battishill, Norris, Hutchinson, Stradella, Anerio, Ward, Ferretti, Giovanelli, Marenzio, Croce, Masera, Wilbye, Byrd, Weelkes, Petti, Creyghton, Farrant, Bateson, East, Jones, Saville, Dowland, J. Reading, T. Farmer, Bennett, Dowland, Munday, anonymous works, and Marcello (dubious). Volumes A 28–39, also copied onto paper in the eighteenth century, is Set H of madrigals and motets for four, five, and 6 voices in twelve part-books, with 2 copies each of canto, alto, tenore, quintus, sextus, and bassus. There are more composers of the same familiar names, such as Palestrina, Morley, Byrd, Weelkes, Lassus, Marenzio, Gesualdo, de Wert, Gibbons, De Betaz, Lupi, Ferretti, 185 Battishill, Carissimi, Stradella, J. Reading, Saville, Farrant, Croft, and L. Rossi. The next volume, A 40–46, also copied onto paper in the eighteenth century, is Set K, with increasing voice parts of madrigals and motets for six, seven, and eight voices in seven part-books for two choirs (Choir 1: alto 1 & 2, tenor, bass; Choir 2: alto, tenor, bass; lacking the canto for Choir 1 & 2). This volume includes again the popular madrigalist composers of Dr Cooke, Morley, Converso, Weelkes, E. Lupi, G. B. Colonna, Palestrina, Giovanelli, Massaino, Dumont, Waelrent, and Byrd. The next volume, catalogued as A 47–51, drops back down to three, four, and five voices in only five part-books, on paper, copied in the eighteenth century. There are several works by Morley in a row, followed by several of Wilbye, an East, a Bateson, a Bennett, a Kirbye, a Wellkes, and then some sacred motets by Victoria and Palestrina, and then works by P. Petti, G. Giorgi, Marenzio, Weelkes, Dr Hutcheson, and Cavendish. The last two volumes in the A collection of the Madrigal Society library are A 52–56 and A 57–61. A 52–56 is on paper, copied in the eighteenth century, Set N, of madrigals and motets for four, five, and six voices, in five part-books of canto, alto, tenor, basso, quinto, and sesto, ‘bearing the name of John Newman, 1719–1790.’402 The composers in this set are Byrd, Marenzio, East, Worgan, Lassus, Faignient, de Monte, Croce, Bennett, Farmer, Munday, Wilbye, Bateson, Palestrina, Waelrent, Pevernage, Bennett, Nanino, de Rore, Andreas Lorante of Alcala (1670), ab Fulda, Tallis, Fuchs, 402 This statement is given in the catalogue put together by Chris Banks, but John Newman is also listed as the copier on the title page of the manuscript labelled A 52–56 as Set N. I verified this during my research at the British Library from 2009–2012. 186 Victora, anonymous, Pizzoni, Gibbons, Converso, Ferretti, Incerto, Gastoldi, S. Felis, A. Ferrabosco, Lupi, V. Ruffo, Brewer, Weelkes, A. Steffani, Handel, Arne, Battishill, S. Webb, Ford, J. Reading, Ward, Tye, Grancino, and Scarlatti. The final volume, however, A 57–61, on paper and copied in the eighteenth century, is significant because it is a copy of the entirety of Byrd’s entire Cantiones sacrae (1589), Book 1, in five part-books: superius, medius, contratenor, tenor, and bassus. The B collection contains more madrigals and motets, but there are some copied in the nineteenth century, and more in English-by-English composers. There are also, as Chris Banks points out in her catalogue, the part-book versions of what is later done in score in the C collection of the library. For example, B 1–10 is on paper and copied in the nineteenth century, a selection of madrigals and motets for three to eight voices, in ten part-books: canto, alto, alto or tenore 2, tenore, basso (two copies each). According to Chris Banks’s catalogue, and to my verification, most of these works are found in score format in LMS manuscript C5.403 The composers are familiar, but there are more English madrigals and anthems: Palestrina, L. Rossi, Byrd, Bateson, Gastoldi, H. Bacussi, de Wert, Morley, A. Steffani, anonymous, Ward, Marenzio, F. Anerio, R. de Mel, Gibbons, Wilbye, our first appearance of Tomkins, A. Ferrabosco, Bateson, Morley, Phillips, A. Orlandini, P. Phillips, G. Croce, W. Beale, S. Welsey, Lotti, Weelkes, Carissimi, Farmer, Nicholson, Petti, Munday, Dowland, Horsley, Dr Rogers, Aldrich, Clemens non Papa, Morales (first appearance!), Massaino, J de Latre, Richafort, P. Certon, G. Zarlino, Vecchi, Child, R. Jones, Obrecht, Pilkington, Willaert, de Wert, and Leo. 403 For Chris Banks’s catalogue, see the Appendix of this PhD thesis. 187 Volume B 11–18, Set F, copied on paper in the eighteenth century, includes madrigals and motets for four, five, and 6 voices in eight part-books of canto, alto, tenore, basso (2 copies) and quinto (2 copies), and sexto. The composers are Wilbye, Weelkes, Bicci, Morley, Ferretti, Lassus, Marenzio, R. Barera, S. Venturi, Cobbold, Bennet, Victoria, Marenzio, Monteverdi (his first appearance!), de Wert, Palestrina, G. Belli, B. Mosto, J. Milton, Ellis Gibbons, Kirbye, R. Jones, Thomas Hunt, Farmer, Tye, Gibbons, Child, Conversi, A. Filiciani, Ward, Ferrabosco, B. Pallavicino, Byrd, Ruffo, Vecchi, Stradella, A. Il Verso, P. Nenna, Hilton, Gastoldi, Bateson, Giovanelli, Nicholson, H. M. Guaitoli, East, Aldrich, Quintiani, and Venturi. B 19–24 is also eighteenth century, labelled as ‘ “No. 7” Psalms by Marcello. Six part-books, Alto, Alto o Tenore 2, Tenor (2 copies) & Basso (2 copies).’ B 25–27 is from the eighteenth century, madrigals for 2 & 3 voices, in 3 part-books, canto, tenore, basso, but the alto part is missing. The composers are Morley and Bateson. B 28–30 is also eighteenth century, anthems for three and four voices in 3 part-books, canto, tenore, basso, without the alto part. It includes works by Byrd and Croft. B 31–35 is yet another set of eighteenth-century copies on paper, containing madrigals by Regolo Vecoli, in five part-books, entitled ‘ “Il secondo libro de madrigali a cinque voci”, 1586’. Whereas B36 contains eighteenth-century copies on paper of Pevernage’s Gloria in excelsis for 9 voices in score and two sets of parts. 188 The next set of volumes is the C set, on paper, copied in the nineteenth century. The first set, C1, is a collection labelled ‘Madrigals, etc., in score. No. 3–15 bear the date 1799.’ The composers are Wilbye, de Wert, Steffani, Palestrina, Bennett, Kirby(e?), Morley, Bennett, Marenzio, Weelkes, Lassus, Ruffo, R. de Mel, Bateson, Victoria, C. le Jeune, Anerio, Ward, Palestrina, and Carissimi. The C2 volumes are also copied in the early nineteenth century, a collection of madrigals in score, presented 1802–10, with composers such as Marenzio, Steffani, Croce, Wilbye, Weelkes, J. Milton, Ellis Gibbons, Kirbye, Morley, G. Croce, Ward, de Wert, Byrd, Palestrina, Lotti, and Clemens non Papa. Also copied in the early nineteenth century (c. 1800), volume C3 features madrigals in score with works by Ward, Weelkes, Palestrina, Vecchi, Wilbye, A. Il Verso, Byrd, Ferretti, P. Nenna, Stradella, Marenzio, Hilton, Gastoldi, Waelrent, Giovanelli, and Bateson. C4, also copied in the nineteenth century, is labelled as ‘Madrigals by Gibbons and others, and motets by Caldara (from Motetti a due a tre voci, 1715) in score’. Nos 1–14 include Gibbons’ ‘ “First Set of Madrigals” 1612, in its entirety, although not in the published order’.404 The other composers are Wilbye, East, Gibbons, Tomkins, Ferrabosco, Bateson, Norcome, Anerio, Phillips, Pallavicino, Philips, Baccusio, Orlandini, Bononcini, Caldara, Stradella, and Le Jeune. C5, also copied in the nineteenth century, is labelled as ‘Madrigals, etc., for 4–6 voices, in score (corresponding in many cases to the parts in B1–10)’. The composers featured are Palestrina, Rossi, Byrd, Bateson, Anerio, Gastoldi, R. de Mel, Gibbons, Wilbye, Tomkins, Ferrabosco, Morley, Philips, 404 This quotation is taken from the Appendix. 189 Orlandini, Marenzio, Croce, W. Beale, A. Bicci, Ferretti, Lasso, and R. Barera. C6, also copied on paper in the nineteenth century in score, is a collection of madrigals, with Nos 27 onwards? done by Thomas Oliphant. The composers are Marenzio, Dowland, Morley, Durante, Travers, L. S. De Betaz, Saville, Farrant or Hilton, Bateson, Farmer, Wilbye, Bennet, Weelkes, Pizzoni, G. Caimo, Anerio, Converso, Cavendish, Tye, B. and Tomasi. Volume C7 is one of the collections copied in 1799. They are labelled as ‘Madrigals for 3–6 voices, in score, in the hand of the Rev. John Parker. Purchased by Vincent Novello, 1825’. The composers are Marenzio, Croce, Wilbye, Gibbons, Ward, Lupi, Palestrina, Ferretti, Bennett, Lassus, Weelkes, Pordevon, Waelrent, Colombi, Byrd, de Wert, Morley, Palestrina, Biancardi, Faignient, G. Renaldi, and Bicci. Volume C8 is also copied on paper, but in the nineteenth century, and is like C7: it is a collection of madrigals for 3–6 voices ‘in score, in the hand of the Rev. John Parker. Purchased by Vincent Novello, 1825’. The composers are Weelkes, Ward, Byrd, Marenzio, Vecchi, Il Verso, Stradella, Gastoldi, Hilton, Palestrina, Cavendish, de Monte, and Wilbye. Volume C9 is also like volumes C8 and C7, copied in the nineteenth century, ‘Madrigals for 4–10 voices, in score, in the hand of the Rev. John Parker. Purchased by Vincent Novello, 1825’. The first 62 pages are Bennets ‘ “Madrgials to four voices” 1599’, although not in the original order and with different words in various places. Pages 149–246 are from Weelkes’ ‘ “Ballets and Madrigals to Five Voices”, 1598’. Pages 63 to 148 and after 246 include works by Lasso, Wilbye, Kirbye, Morley, Nicholson, Marson, Bateson, Marenzio, and Molinaro. C10, also on paper in the nineteenth century, is a collection of ‘Madrigals, etc., for four, five, and six voices in score, in the hand of Rev. John Parker. The madrigals by Venturi 190 come from the “Primo libro de madrigali” 1592. Purchased by V. Novello, 1825’. The composers featured are G. Ferretti, Lassus, G. Belli, Wilbye, L. Quintiani, S. Felis, R. Giovanelli, B. Mosto, R. Barera, S. Venturi, V. Nenti, G. B. Lucatello, A. Pevernage, L. Marenzio, and Palestrina. Volumes C11, C12, and C13 are also copied in the nineteenth century on paper, and like Volume C10. The composers are B. Rogers, Ward, Palestrina, S. Durante, Ferrabosco, Marenzio, Vecchi, Victoria, Wilbye, R. Trofeo, Converso, Duetto, Tye, Youll, A. Feliciani, Farmer, East, and Weelkes. Volume C12 includes composers Ferretti, Steffani, Stradella (?), Lasso, Bateson, Croce, Byrd (?), Vecchi, Waelrent, Giovanelli, Ward, Morley, Wilbye, Marenzio, Bennet, Lassus, Molinaro, Nanino, anonymous, and Bononcini. Volume C13 includes Morley, Bennet, Weelkes, Cobbold, Ferretti, Marenzio, Guaitoli, Marenzio, Wilbye, Farmer, and Weelkes. Volume C14 is from the nineteenth century, copied on paper, and includes madrigals in score ‘chiefly in the hand of the Rev. John Parker; after p. 136 in the hand of Mr Groombridge. Purchased by John Bagley, 1832’. The composers are F. Anerio, R. de Mel, Quartieri, Soriano, Marenzio, Monteverdi, Gastoldi, Croce, and Steffani. Volume C15 is another nineteenth century copy on paper entitled ‘Madrigals and motets by Steffani, Stradella, Marenzio, etc., in the hand of Rev. John Parker’. Composers in the ‘etc.’ are Morley, Petti, Croce, and Bateson. Volume C16, however, is copied on late eighteenth century on paper, ‘Madrigals by Marenzio in score, in the hand of Edmund Thomas Warren’. Nos 1–4 and 60–67 are from Marenzio’s first book of madrigals, Nos 7–19 are from the seventh book, 20–38 are from the eighth book, 39–59 and 5 are from the ninth book, and No 6 is from the sixth book of Marenzio. 191 There is no indication as to the origin of Nos 68–73. Volume C17, also copied on paper and from the late eighteenth century, is a collection of madrigals by Wilbye in score by Edmund T. Warren, featuring ‘The Lady Oriana’ from the Triumphs of Oriana. C18, also copied on paper in the late eighteenth century, is Thomas Bateson’s first set of madrigals for 3, 4, 5, and 6 voices, in score, from the 1604 edition, while Volume C19 is also copied on paper in the late eighteenth century, a collection of John Ward’s first set of English Madrigals for 3, 4, 5, and 6 voices in score, from the 1613 edition. Volumes C20 and C21 are similar: two collections of Weelkes madrigals, copied in the eighteenth century, and first published in the early 1600s: ‘Madrigals by Thomas Weelkes in score from the original printed editions, viz. The First Set of Madrigals, 3, 4, 5 and 6 voices (Thos. Este 1597) and the Second Set of Balletts and Madrigals for 5 voices (Thos. Este 1608)’, as well as ‘Weelkes’ Madrigals for Five Voices (1600), Madrigals for Six Voices (1600) and Airs or Fantastic Spirits (1608)’. C22, also on paper and from the late eighteenth century, is a copied score version of ‘Thomas Watson’s “Italian Madrigals Englished” … from the edition of 1590’, while volumes C23 and C24 are eighteenth century copies of Books 1 and 2 of ‘Nicholas Yonge’s “Musica Transalpina” for 4 voices in score from the edition of 1588’. Similarly, Volumes C25 and C26 are late eighteenth-century paper copies in score of madrigals from the Musica Transalpina: the second set (1597), and the first set (1588). C27 is another paper copy from 1790-93 set in score from original editions by Paul Hobler: Bennett’s ‘Madrigals to Foure Voices 1599’ and Farmer’s ‘First Set of English Madrigals 1599’. C28 is a late eighteenth century copy of William Byrd’s Gradualia, Book I, 1605, ‘In score, in the hand of John Danby. “From an ancient copy of the score in the possession of Sir John Hawkins”.’ 192 Similarly, C29, also on paper, from c. 1780, is a scored copy of Byrd’s Gradualia, Book II, 1607, ‘In score, in the hand of John Danby. “From the MSS parts in the possession of Sir John Hawkins”.’ Furthermore, C30, also on paper, but from the eighteenth century, includes more music by Byrd, but despite the inscription on the cover— ‘ “Motecta a Gul. Byrd” ’—it only contains three works identified as by Byrd. The other composers are Victoria, several anonymous or unknown, and Palestrina. D16 is the first of the D set and is copied on paper in 1806: a collection of madrigals for three and four voices, in the hand of Rev. John Parker including composers Wilbye, Bateson, Weelkes, East, anonymous, Dowland, Jones, Anerio, Marenzio, R. M. A. Duetto, R. de Melle, Pallavicino, Spontone, and Ruffo. D17 is copied on paper in the eighteenth century, a collection of solo and verse-anthems and psalms in score, by various composers, many anonymous, and many with figured bass. The composers named include T. F. Forster, G. Carissimi, J. Clark, Purcell, Goudimel, Croft, Byrd (spurious), Blow or Croft (unknown), Greene (unknown), Stroud, Tallis (spurious), and Rev. W. Henley. Volumes D 18–20 are copied on paper in the late eighteenth century featuring a selection of catches, canons, glees, and madrigals for three or four voices in part-books (but the catches are in score). The composers include Arnold, Webbe, Alcock, Arne, Ireland, Cooke, S. Long, Giardini, Baildon, C. Thomas, Weelkes, Morley, Dyne, Nares, Bates, Earl of Mornington, Hutchinson, Wilbye, Berg. Anon., J. S. Smith, Berg, Atterbury, Harington, Boyce, Smart, J. Eccles, Hayes, Byrd, Harington, Brewer, Rogers, East, Taylor, Hook, Battishill, and Paxton. 193 The D volumes continue with the tradition of nineteenth century copies of secular, light-hearted music. Volumes 21–23 are copied on paper in the early nineteenth century of ‘Glees, etc. for 3 voices in parts. (ATB)’ The composers, some of them unknown, are Cooke, Arne, Baildon, Dyne, R. Taylor, Atterbury, Eccles, East, Calcott, Webbe, G. T. Smart, and Reeve. Volumes D 24–27 is also on paper in the nineteenth century, containing madrigals, motets, etc. in parts. According to Chris Banks, ‘The presence of a madrigal by Sir J L Rogers (first president of The Madrigal Society, in 1820) suggests that he may have been the copyist’.405 The composers featured are Gibbons, Weelkes, Morley, J. Saville, Wilbye, L. Rossi, Bateson, B. Cooke, Wilbye, Bicci, Byrd, Marenzio, Cooke, Morley, Ward, Croce, Dowland, Clari, Tye, Bennet, Greene, Palestrina, Gastoldi, Converso, Ferretti, Bennet, Festa, Bateson, Leo, Fanant, Croft, Cavendish, Palestrina, Hilton, Purcell (unknown), Stradella, Quintiani, Farmer, and J. L. Rogers. Volumes F 47–51 include copies on prints of 1585-1611, copied into part-books ca 1800. The madrigals are from books I, II, IV, and VI. F 55–57, also copied onto paper in 1800, is a volume of motets for four voices by Palestrina into part-books without the tenor part. F 63–64 is another eighteenth century copy into paper of songs for 2 and 3 voices in part-books, by various composers: Morley, Worgan, Handel (spurious), Purcell, Eccles, J. Corfe, W. Markham (only appear here), S. Cooke, Aldrich, Morgan (spurious), Corelli, W. Smith, L. Morgan, unknown, and Carey. F 65–69 is a collection of madrigals copied onto paper in the eighteenth century by Gesualdo, Book 2, into parts, a clear copy of the F 47–51 Book 2 collection. F 70–74 is also on paper and copied in the eighteenth 405 See Appendix. 194 century and is a replica of the Book 4 of Gesualdo, in 5 part-books, from F 47–51. Similarly, F75 is from the eighteenth century, and is ‘Madrigals by Gesualdo, Book 2, in score, in the same hand as above, and with an English version added in places. Contents as before’. Volume F76, also copied onto paper in the eighteenth century, is a collection of anthems and psalms in scored notation, with the signature of ‘ “T. R. Simpson. 1739”.’ The composers listed are Weldon (?), Tans’ur, Purcell, and Blow, while ff 51v–60 include psalm tunes lacking words. F78 and F 79 are copied onto paper in the eighteenth century and are two collections of anthems, madrigals, etc. in score, with the anthems acquired from Leighton’s ‘Tears or Lamentations’. The composers include Bennet, Leveridge, Colonna, Byrd, Dowland, R. Jones, Ferrabosco, Wilbye, Ward, Weelkes, Gibbons, Peerson, Lupo, Pilkington, Caix d’Hervelois, de Castro, Purcell, Arne (spurious), Worgan, Le Jeune (spurious), Marenzio, and Palestrina. F80 is a volume of madrigals, etc. for three to six voices, in score, copied onto paper in the eighteenth century. The composers listed are Worgan, G. J. Immyns, Palestrina, Bateson (spurious), Anerio, di Lasso, Marenzio, de Wert, and Croce. Related to Mr Immyns are the Volumes F81–85, copied onto paper in the eighteenth century, a collection of English and Italian madrigals for three to five voices, in part-books, with the inscription ‘Presented by Mr Immyns’. The composers include Incerto (?), de Monte, Byrd, Wilbye, D. Lauro, Bateson, Morley, Wilbye, Le Jeune, Vecchi, de Wert, Ingegneri, Pallavicino, Farmer, and Morley. Volume F86 contains madrigals and motets copied in the eighteenth century in score, with ff34v–43 with an index of incipits of collections by Marenzio, Le Jeune, and more. The other composers are 195 Vacqueras, Josquin, di Lasso, Ruffo, G. M. Nanino, Verdonck, Lupi, Goldwin, J. de Castro, and Palestrina. The next set of volumes is the G collection, starting with G 1–8, which is a collection of eighteenth-century paper copies in score of madrigals by Marenzio, books 1–6, 8–9, with words missing here and there. G1 is Il Primo Libro de Madrigali a 5 Voci, G2 is Libro Secondo de Madrigali a 5, G3 is Libro Terzo de Madrigali a 5, G4 is Il Quartro Libro de Madrigali a 5, G5 is Libro Quinto de Madrigali a 5, G6 is Libro Sesto de Madrigali a 5, G7 is Libro Ottavo delli Madrigali a 5, and G8 is Il Nono Libro de Madrigali a 5. Volumes G9–15 is a collection of copies from the early seventeenth century, laying the groundwork for later antiquarianism. These are motets and masses for seven and eight voices in seven part-books, corresponding to those in the British Library MSS Add. 34000–34002. According to Chris Banks, ‘All are anonymous in the part-books. Some are to be found in Hasler’s Sacrae Symphoniae, 1613 and Schadaeus: Promptuarii Musici, 1611-17’. The composers include Palestrina, G. Gabrieli, Merulo, Agazzari, H. Paetorius, Croce, Lassus, A. Gabrieli, Tallis, Victoria, Clemens non Papa, Morales, Massaini, Vecchi, and Bassani. Volumes G 16–20 are also copied onto paper in the early seventeenth century: a collection of motets for six, seven, and eight voices in five part-books. According to Banks, ‘All are anonymous, but many are found in Schadaeus’ and Hasler’s collections’, featuring J. Regnart, Agazzari, Ricci, F. de Rivalo, Merulo, Lasso, J. Vaet, M. Deiss, Vicentius, Lassus, Massaini, A. Gabrieli, J. B. Mosto, Bertholusius, Parmensis, Guami, Pevernage, Clemens non Papa, Tallis, and G. Gabrieli. Additionally, the volumes G 21–26 from the seventeenth century is a set of motets for six and seven voice in 6 part- 196 books copied onto paper and are taken from the same collections as the other seventeenth century copies. Some of the composers are familiar: J. Vaet, H. Baccusi, A. Ferrabosco, Lassus, Byrd, Walliser, Bertholussius, Gabutii, Luython, Buel, O. Vecchi, Zangins, P. de Monte, Bianchardi, Vincentius, Massaini, Wert (?), Clemens non Papa, A. Gabrieli, Tallis, Osculati, G. Gabrieli. G27 is a collection on paper of seventeenth century tenor parts from five-part motets by sixteenth-century composers. The names of the composers are not given, but Chris Banks identifies them as Clemens non Papa, Vaet (?), Victoria, Boni (?), Palestrina, Giovanelli, Victoria, and Byrd (from the 1591 Cantiones Sacrae). Volumes G28–32 is another seventeenth century collection of Italian madrigals in part-books copied onto paper, this time with only the incipit given. According to Chris Banks, ‘The madrigals are anonymous, but nos. 1–18 are found in Il Helicone, 1616; nos. 19–25 in Il Quinto Libro delle Muse, 1575, and nos. 27–49 in Borchgrevinch’s Giardino Novo, lib. 1, 2.’ The composers are Capilupi, Meo, Flaccomio, Colaianni, Guaitoli, Zanchi, Colombi, Piccioni, S. Rossi, Soriano, Guaitoli, Savioli, Nanino, Franziosi, Marotta, Striggio, A. Marri, C. Porta, Essenga, Feliciani, Vecchi, Molinaro, Leoni, Croce, Sabino, Valcampi, Gistov, Casati, Pallavicino, Le Sueur, Mancini, and Agresta. G33–36 is copied on paper in the seventeenth century, featuring canzonets, psalms, madrigals, etc. in four part-books: ‘Nos 1-19, 69-80 are English versions of Dering’s “Canzonette”. The works by Lawes are from “Choice Psalms”, 1648. Nos 1–68, 94–107 are for 3 voices; No 69–93 for 4 voices. The bass part bears the name of Abraham Ratcliff.’ Other composers include Leonard and Hodimonte, anonymous, and possibly Gagi, also Wilbye, Kirbye, Brewer, Tallis, Coperario, Lupo, R. Mico, and Weelkes (altus part only). Volumes G37–42, seventeenth century, on paper, is a selection of airs, fantasies, and in nomines 197 for 3-6 instruments, in six part-books, including composers T. Lupo, A. Ferrabosco, jnr., J. Ward, Wil. White, and J. Coprario. G43 brings the library back into the eighteenth century, on paper, with the Pieta crudele, for SSB with basso continuo, by Signor Gio. Battista Gigli., in score and parts, bound together. After that, the library returns to the seventeenth century with G 44–47, 49 in the seventeenth century: motets and madrigals for five and six voices in five part-books: all anonymous, with several identified as by Ferrabosco and Palestrina. Also, most likely from the seventeenth century is G55–59, on paper, a collection of motets for 4 & 5 voices, with basso continuo, in part-books, labelled as anonymous. Chris Banks references BL Add. MS 31434 (and ‘doubtfully ascribed to Henry Lawes’) nos. 43, 44, 46, 47. The next set of volumes is the H set, MS 114, copied onto paper in the nineteenth century, a folio of 28 pp. This is sadly missing: the Thomas Tallis motet for 40 voices, ‘Spem in Alium’, copied into score, transcribed in 1834 by Thomas Oliphant from a copy made by John Immyns in 1751, wherein it was given as the contrafactum ‘O sing and glorify Heaven’s high majesty’. Chris Banks adds, ‘Enclosed is a copy of Don Alonzo Ramirez de Arellana: Canon recte et retro for 48 voices (Sanctus) printed by Welcher, London, 1765, 4th (???) folio.’ The next set of manuscripts were copied in the nineteenth century, labelled as J by Banks. The title is ‘Madrigals, motets, etc., in parts: Canto primo 7 copies (1 blank), canto secondo 7 copies (1 blank), Alto primo 3 copies, Alto secondo 4 copies, Tenor primo 6 copies, Tenor secondo 6 copies, Basso 15 copies.’ This is a large volume with a great number of pieces, with the composers Wilbye, 198 Bennett, Ward, Weelkes, Gibbons, Marenzio, Vecchi, Bateson, Petti, Croft, Horsley, Farmer, Nicholson, Saville, Ferretti, Clemens non Papa, Palestrina, Steffani, Reading, Croce, Lupo, Stradella, Bennett, L. Rossi, Pizzoni, S. Wesley, Dowland, Carissimi, Byrd, Creyghton, Farrant, Tye, Beale, C. Evans, Morley, Leo, Clari, Kirbye, Ferrabosco, Bicci, G. Eremita, Quintiani, Gastoldi, Croce, Hilton, de Wert, Colombi, Converso, R. Barera, Farmer, S. Felis, Holmes, Giovanelli, Belli, E. Gibbons, Greene, East, Nenti, Hawes, Cobbold, W. Linley, Faignient, Bianciardi, J. Bayley, Nenkomm, Tallis, Festa, Pizzoni, Oliphant, Anerio, Caimo, Handel, Purcell, Waelrent, unknown, Cavendish, Morales, Vittoria, Greaves, Wilbye (Novello), Sir J. L. Rogers, K. J. Pye and (1873). Volume J81 is another collection from the eighteenth century, also on paper, featuring Italian songs, arias, etc. in score for voices and instruments, with concertos and keyboard pieces by Handel (named specifically in the title) and other composers: Scarlatti, Astorga, Bononcini, Sig. Viridani, and J.S. Bach. This volume is an oddity because it demonstrates the existence of contemporaneous music in the collection. However, the next volume, J82, is back to eighteenth-century paper copies of ‘English and Italian madrigals and motets for 4 & 5 voices in score in various hands’: Palestrina, Farmer, Gesualdo, Victoria, Mouton (first appearance), Marenzio, Morley, Wilbye, M. A. Pordevon, Wert, Faignient, A. Ferrabosco, Byrd, Kirbye, Lassus, Munday, Waelrant, Weelkes, Nanino, Pizzani, Adam of Fulda, Colombi, Incerto, Hooper, Renaldi, Croft, unknown, Binaciardi, Blow, Arcadelt, and Gibbons. Volume J83 continues the antiquarian tradition with a collection of madrigals and motets copied in the eighteenth century on paper, also in score, including composers Marenzio, Morley, Lassus, Palestrina, Pizzoni, Nanino, Tallis, Wilbye, Gibbons, Weelkes, Lupi, Ferretti, Croce, W. 199 Hursley, Stradella, Steffani, Bennett, Worgan, Josquin, and Byrd. Finally, J84, MS105, is a General Index to Glees. Non-Musical Sources in the LMS Collection On 26th October 1981, the Madrigal Society loaned the following books to the British Library: ● F1–2 entitled ‘Attendance and programmes’ from 1744–57 and 1757–70, ● F3–F4 account books from 1750–78 and 1758–78, ● F5 ‘Attendance and transactions 1785–1828’, ● F6 ‘Rules, loans, forfeits, etc. 1748–59’, ● F7 ‘Forfeits, 1756–1770’, ● F8–19, a collection of accounts books from 1790–1881, ● F20 ‘General Index to glees, etc. (on paper watermarked 1817)’, ● F21 ‘Index’ (presented to the Society, 1816), ● F22 ‘Minuet Book: 1916-1955’ (with the Society’s ‘ “Regulations”,’ 1934), ● F26 ‘Index, approx. 1886–1910’, ● F29 ‘Thomas Oliphant, La Musa Madrigalesca. London, 1837’, ● and a list of unnumbered books: ○ The Triumph of Oriana, ed. William Hawes, London, [1814.] ○ The old A book (sole surviving copy) ○ The old EP book (sole surviving copy) ○ The old PS book (sole surviving copy) 200 ○ The old S book (sole surviving copy) ○ Programme for 12 December, 1950 ○ Special copy of the programme for 12 December, 1950, bound with the music (a replica of the copy presented to the Queen). ○ Visitors’ and Candidates’ Book; 1900-1929 (Visitors), 1900-1978 (Candidates). There is also a collection of papers, related to the Molyneux Fund, the Madrigal Society officers’ functions, works by Madrigal Society officers, and a list of music presented to the Madrigal Society by Stephen Groombridge, Esq.406 Frequently Performed Composers The composer that appears most frequently, much more than any other composer, is Luca Marenzio (1553/4-1599). His works appear four hundred and fifty-one times, as both Italian and English translated madrigals. The volumes with Marenzio’s works are 35 in total, out of 185 in the entire LMS library. Marenzio remained known by musicians and historians for at least a couple of centuries after his death, partially due to his ‘poetic sensibility, poise, grace and purity of a small, familiar part of his output’, especially his secular music.407 In 1607, Giulio Cesare Monteverdi, brother of Claudio, named Marenzio as a composer of seconda prattica, along with De Wert, Peri, and Caccini. Seventeenth-century English writer Henry Peacham called Marenzio ‘the delicious air and sweet 406 See Appendix. 407 Ibid. 201 invention in madrigals’ and a composer ‘who excelleth all other whatsoever’.408 In the eighteenth century, Marenzio had a revival in England, especially due to organisations as the Academy of Vocal Music (1726, aka the Academy of Ancient Music) and the Madrigal Society (1741), and also writers such as Charles Burney and Sir John Hawkins. Hawkins even inserted all of Marenzio’s four-voice ‘Dissi a l’amata’ (1585) into his General History of Music.409 The other two composers to come closest to having the most works featured in the collection are also madrigal composers: Thomas Morley, with 170 works, and Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, with 144 works, followed by Thomas Weelkes, with 125 works. Palestrina, on one hand, has a reputation for popularity in the eighteenth century, not only by antiquarians. In the 1770s, Burney’s overall view of early music composers was merely to tolerate it, but his regard of Palestrina was as ‘the Home of the most Ancient Music’, which ‘merits all the reverence and attention which it is in a musical historian’s power to bestow’.410 Palestrina’s music was also included in English antiquarian manuscripts dating to the seventeenth century. Another example of an antiquarian who valued Palestrina’s music is Henry Aldrich (1647-1710). The scholar Thomas Day has shown that Henry Aldrich, Dean of Christ Church, Oxford, copied Palestrina’s Doctor bonus as an English contrafacta, changing the title to ‘We have heard with our ears’, among other contrafacta, including Sicut cervus 408 Ibid. 409 Ibid. 410 Charles Burney, A General History of Music, Vol. 1 (London, 1776–1789. Reprint, Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2010–2014), p. 198; cited in Lovell, ‘ “Ancient” Music in Eighteenth-Century England’, Music & Letters (1979): 403. 202 with the text ‘O God thou art my God’.411 Similarly, John Hawkins’s quote about ‘naturalizing’ the Italian masters was specifically addressing Aldrich’s recompositions of works by composers he admired. The works were recopied with additional measures of Aldrich’s own music; the eighteenth-century versions of the Sicut cervus and its contrafactum are housed in the British Library in London and the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge. William Weber argues that Aldrich, both as a collector and as a musician and composer, was a force for the aesthetic movement that supported and cultivated ancient music, holding meetings with many accomplished music professionals and amateurs in England. Palestrina’s presence in the archives of the LMS arose not only from their appreciation for the composer’s musical style and reputation, but also because his ecclesiastical ‘stile antico’ fitted well with the ideological position of their antiquarian project. Overall, antiquarians shared Pepusch’s displeasure with the state of contemporary music and looked to monuments of musical history as a more morally and technically robust alternative to debased and insubstantial modern efforts. As Jen-Yen Chen writes, ‘the Palestrina style remained an actively cultivated idiom in major musical centres of Europe. The persistent interest in the stile antico did not manifest a historicist mindset, however; rather, it stemmed from a desire to promote specific values epitomised by Palestrina’s compositions and apply these to modern music’ (such as Johann Joseph Fux).412 An exhaustive reading of Fux’s Gradus ad 411 See Thomas Day, ‘A Renaissance Revival in Eighteenth–Century England’, The Musical Quarterly 57 (1971): 579–580 412 Jen–Yen Chen, ‘Palestrina and the Influence of “Old” Style in Eighteenth–Century Vienna’, Journal of Musicological Research 22 (2003): 1–44. 203 Parnassum (1725) demonstrates that Fux misused the mystique surrounding Palestrina and his music to push his more conservative ideas about music and ‘rescue’ music from its current state of ‘corruption’.413 Fux’s belief was that good music originated from close observance of Palestrina’s musical values and adoption of his practices as put forth in his works. Noteworthy also is that many of these composers are excellent examples of the English madrigal tradition, and Weelkes is one of them. The society’s library includes madrigals and ballets by Weelkes, in a total of 89 volumes that contain fifty-eight (58) works total by Weelkes. The Weelkes works are from four important collections published by Thomas East in the late sixteenth century and early seventeenth century. In the MadSoc library, they are represented in sixteen volumes, eight from the eighteenth century, one from 1799, and the rest from the nineteenth century: 1. A6–11. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set B. English and Italian madrigals, with some motets and extracts from masses, 4/5/6 voices. 2. A16–21. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set D. Madrigals for 4 and 5 voices. Composed by different authors. Five part–books. 3. A28–39. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set H. Madrigals and motets for 4, 5 & 6 voices in 12 part-books, 2 copies each. 4. A40–46. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set K. Madrigals and motets for 6, 7 & 8 voices. Seven part–books (Choir 1 and Choir 2). 5. A47–51. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set M. Madrigals and motets for 3, 4 & 5 voices in 5 part-books. 6. B11–18. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set F. Madrigals and motets for 4, 5 & 6 voices in 8 part-books. 413 Ibid. 204 7. C2. Paper; early 19th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals, etc., in score (presented 1802–10). 8. C3. Paper; c. 1800. Obl. 4°. Madrigals, etc., in score. 9. C7. Paper; WM 1799. Obl. 4°. Madrigals for 3–6 voices, in score, in the hand of the Rev. John Parker. Purchased by V. Novello, 1825. 10. C9. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. A similar volume to C7. Madrigals for 4–10 voices, in score, in the hand of the Rev. John Parker. Purchased by V. Novello, 1825. Pp. 1–62 consist of Bennet’s Madrigals to four voices1599, not in the original order and with various changes in the words. Pp. 149–246 are from Weelkes' "Ballets and Madrigals to Five Voices", 1598. 11. C11. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. Similar vol. to C10, Paper; 19thC, obl. 4°. Madrigals, etc., for 4/5/6 voices in score, hand of Rev. John Parker. 12. C13. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. A similar volume to the above, which is C10. 13. D24–27. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals, motets, etc, in parts (TTBB part-books only) Sir J L Rogers may have been the copyist. 14. J. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. 48 vol. Madrigals, motets, etc., in parts. 15. J82. Paper; 18th Century, fol. English and Italian madrigals and motets for 4 & 5 voices in score in various hands. 16. J83. Paper, 18th Century, fol. Madrigals and motets for 3–6 voices, in various hands, in score. A6–11, which contains only one of the most common reappearing works, ‘Three virgin nymphs’, was copied in the eighteenth century as part books, entitled ‘English and Italian madrigals, with some motets and extracts from masses’ (see Appendix). It also includes eight other madrigals by Weelkes, as well as works by Morley, Palestrina, Victoria, Wilbye, Ingegniri, Marenzio, Gesualdo, 205 Gibbons, Ferrabosco, Tallis, le Jeune, Lassus, Byrd, Sweenlinck, and Battishill. A16–21 also only features ‘Three virgin nymphs’, and was also copied in the eighteenth century, entitled ‘Madrigals for 4 and 5 voices. Composed by different authors in five part-books’. Alongside the Weelkes piece, which is the only work by Weelkes in this volume, it also contains works by Palestrina (as well as an adaptation by Henry Aldrich), J. Farmer, Gesualdo, Marenzio, quite a few pieces of Morley, Wilbye, Kirbye, Lassus, Victoria, Arcadelt, Byrd, Blow, and Gibbons. On the other hand, Volumes A28–39, which feature ‘Three virgin nymphs’ and ‘All at once well met’, is a collection copied in the eighteenth century and entitled ‘Madrigals and motets for 4, 5 & 6 voices in 12 part-books’. These are the only Weelkes works there, but there are also works by Palestrina, Morley, Byrd, Lassus, Wilbye, Marenzio, Gesualdo, De Wert, Gibbons, Battishill, Carrissimi, and others. Volumes A 40–46 and A 47–51 both feature three works each by Weelkes. In A40–46 is ‘As Vesta was’, Laudate Dominum (Double Choir), and ‘When Thoralis delights’. It is also from the eighteenth century, entitled ‘Madrigals and motets for 6, 7 & 8 voices’ in seven part-books. The other composers there are Dr Cooke, Morley, Lupi, Colonna, Palestrina, Byrd, among others. A47–51 includes ‘Three virgin nymphs’, as well as ‘Now country sports’ and ‘Cold winter’s ice’, and works by Morley and Wilbye (quite a few), East, Bateson, Bennett, Kirbye, Victoria, Palestrina, Marenzio, Cavendish, etc. It was copied in the eighteenth century as ‘Madrigals and motets of 3, 4 & 5 voices in 5 part-books’. B11–18, ‘Madrigals and motets for 4, 5 & 6 voices in 8 part-books’, contains quite a few madrigals by Weelkes: 16 in total, including ‘All once well met’, ‘As Vesta was’, ‘When Thoralis delights [to walk]’, and ‘Thule, the period of (Part 2) The Andalusian merchant’. It also features works 206 by many of the aforementioned composers, and two works by Monteverdi: ‘O primavera’ and ‘Perfidissimo volto’. C2 and C3 are collections of works copied in the early nineteenth century: C2 is ‘Madrigals, etc., in score (presented 1802–10), whereas C3 is ‘Madrigals, etc., in score’ c. 1800. C2 contains ‘As Vesta was’, and C3 contains ‘All once well met’, and the other composers included are many already mentioned, too. C7, copied in 1799, purchased by Vincent Novello in 1825, includes ‘When Thoralis delights’. C9 was copied in the nineteenth century, and is a particularly interesting set of volumes, because it contains madrigals from Weelkes’s ‘Ballets and Madrigals to Five Voices’ (1598). ‘All at once well met’ is one of those madrigals, which is also in volume C11, another nineteenth century copy, ‘for 4, 5 & 6 voices in score, in the hand of the Rev. John Parker.’ C13, yet another nineteenth century copy, contains ‘As Vesta was’, as well as four other madrigals by Weelkes. D24–27 is also copied in the nineteenth century: ‘Madrigals, motets, etc, in parts’ with 10 works by Weelkes, among them ‘As Vesta was’ and ‘When Thoralis delights to walk’. The final three collections that include some of these FOUR frequently reappearing works are J, J82, and J83. J is from the nineteenth century, ‘Madrigals, motets, etc., in parts’, whereas J82 and J83 are from the eighteenth century: ‘English and Italian madrigals and motets for 4 & 5 voices in score…’ and ‘Madrigals and motets for 3–6 voices… in score’. J contains ‘As Vesta was’ and ‘When Thoralis delights’, and is a large collection of 48 volumes. J82 includes ‘Three virgin nymphs’, and J83 ‘When Thoralis delights’. However, it is interesting to look at the style of the Weelkes pieces that are so beloved to be included in so many different LMS volumes. First, a word about terminology. As Katie Bank perceptively discusses in her recent book, Knowledge Building in Early Modern English Music, the 207 historiography of the English madrigal matters, and it is important to be careful about how one interprets the words that people use to discuss the genre. Bank brings into focus the terms ‘light’ and ‘grave’ in relation to the English madrigal, which is interesting when compared to how antiquarians discuss various forms of music, such as madrigals, glees, catches, and rounds. Banks argues that ‘[t]he extent to which contemporary conceptions of “light” and “grave'' coincide with our own is not only a question of etymology or semiotics but one tied to historiography’ and cautions that ‘modern scholars have used these terms [like “light” and “grave”] in ways that strip them of their contemporary nuance.’414 However, in the eighteenth-century antiquarian collections, Weelkes was in good company with many Italian composers and other English composers, and English composers are very prevalent throughout the Madrigal Society collection, including full collections of Byrd’s Cantiones sacrae (1589) and Gradualia I and II (1605 and 1607). There are also many examples of Italian and English madrigals copied and collected by the Madrigal Society members. Whatever sort of reputation Weelkes had in his day, he seemed to have reformed himself by the eighteenth century, or perhaps his drunkenness or whatever unruly behaviour he was known for in the past, was not a cause for concern by the eighteenth century. ‘Three virgin nymphs’ ‘All at once well met’ ‘As Vesta was’ 414 Katie Bank, Knowledge Building in Early Modern English Music (London and New York: Routledge, 2021), p. 38. 208 ‘When Thoralis delights [to walk]’ These four works have much in common in musical style and share musical styles with other works by Weelkes and other English madrigalists, and three of the four (all but ‘All at once well met’) are mentioned in Fellowes’s 1916 PRMA article on Weelkes.415 The works have the descriptive text-setting common with madrigals of the day, with the three nymphs in ‘Three virgin nymphs’ cast as soprano voices against the bass voice Silvanus. For the eighteenth-century antiquarians, Weelkes’s madrigals were perfect for their singing occasions. A genre that was growing in popularity during the long eighteenth century, from about the 1760s until the nineteenth century, was the glee, and one expression that is impossible to escape when looking up the glee in this period is that of ‘essentially English’. Alongside the catch and round, the glee is synonymous with England. That the glee is ‘essentially English’ is one of the quintessential phrases about English music, particularly for scholars of the late nineteenth- and early twentieth centuries looking back on the long eighteenth century. For example, in 1910, the textbook History of Foreign Music featured a section on England that discusses the glee: Cathedral music declined, and for a while the glee was cultivated almost to the exclusion of all other forms. The glee is essentially English and is for three or four voices in harmony unaccompanied, each voice having a separate melody of its own. There always has been a fondness in England for part-singing and an aptitude for it into the bargain. Quiller-Couch tells of three old men from whom he took the score of 415 See Edmund H. Fellowes, ’Thomas Weelkes,’ Proceedings of the Musical Association 42 (1915): 117–43. 209 “A fine old English Gentleman," who used their cracked old tones in perfect unison. The glee, it may be added, was not necessarily brimful of joy but was so-called from the Saxon word “gligg," to sing together, and frequently was melancholy in spirit. Samuel Webbe was the most celebrated in the province of the glee and such compositions as “Discord, Dire Sister” and “When Winds Breathe Soft” have lost no favor. Sir John Goss (1800–1880) was perhaps the last of the true glee writers. He is also well known for excellent church music. The “catch” was similar to the glee, though usually designed for ludicrous effects and the Noblemen and Gentlemen's Catch Club was an important organization affected in 1761.416 Another example is from the Cornhill Magazine, Volume 18, Issue No 103 from July to December 1868 (published by Smith, Elder & Co in London at 65 Cornhill St), which features a tongue-in-cheek section entitled, ‘ “The English Are Not A Musical People”.’ In it, the author, Sir George Alexander Macfarren (1813–1887), writes about the glee and the catch. About the glee, Macfarren writes: Upon the whole, although the glee be admitted as a class of composition essentially English, it is a class in which we have no great occasion for pride, since, as a class, the excellent pieces which form the minority of its instances are too exceptional to give it specific dignity.417 Macfarren continues by complaining that ‘Musical England has been “under a cloud” ’ since ‘she has been governed by kings and queens and princes who have spoken German as their native speech, or been the sons or daughters of German fathers or German mothers or both;’ calling the English glee ‘at best regarded as a rainbow on the cloud, giving promise of the renewed fertility of our native land after 416 Hubbard, William Lines, (ed) The American History and Encyclopedia of Music: History of Foreign Music, with Introduction by Frederick Starr, Volume 3 (Chicago, New York, Toledo, OH: Irving Squire, 1910), pp. 204–5. 417 George Macfarren, ’The English are not a Musical People,’ in Cornhill Magazine, (ed) W. A. Thackeray (London: Smith, Elder, and Company, 1868), pp. 358–9. 210 the drying up of the deluge.’418 Macfarren then goes on to share his colourful opinion of the gathering, and of the music, demonstrating his views clearly: ‘The character of these pieces is, in many cases, such as to suit the after-dinner temperament of that order of gentlemen who considered themselves unworthy of the title if they went to bed with less than two bottles of wine within their waistcoats. It is vain-glorious, mock-heroic, bibulous, or sentimental, so as to fit it to the several stages of bottledom of those who heard, and the several degrees of inward complacency of those who sang it.’419 Macfarren’s descriptions are fitting of a man who was a schoolmate of Cardinal John Henry Newman and known for his conservative views and musical composition style. It is quite the opposite of the standard beau monde associated with the founding long eighteenth-century English club pursuits, which were a social phenomenon specific to the period: the emergence of an urban, primarily metropolitan, “world of fashion”. The precise criteria that denoted membership of the beau monde were endlessly debated. To be fashionable in the eighteenth century was not merely to be modish or trendy. … Members of the eighteenth-century beau monde therefore laid claim to what might be described today as the ‘it’ factor: an elusive yet exclusive form of social distinction.’420 Summary The purpose of this chapter was twofold. First, it was to draw together the repertoire of the LMS with the concepts of reception history and aesthetics. It expands beyond Byrd and examines closely the three composers who appear most frequently in the library: Marenzio, Palestrina, and 418 Ibid., p. 359. 419 Ibid., p. 359. 420 See Hannah Greig, The Beau Monde: Fashionable Society in Georgian London. London, New York, and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. 211 Weelkes. The theory is that due to the large quantity of works in the library, these composers must have been admired by the antiquarians. Secondly, and most importantly, it was to detail the sources in the collection, so that it is possible to read through the Appendix easier. 212 Conclusion The subject of this PhD thesis is the London Madrigal Society and the role of antiquarianism in the reception history of early English music during the long eighteenth century. While scholars have argued for different years as barriers for the long eighteenth century, such as 1660–1815, or even 1660–1800, the parameters of this thesis of 1726–1832 were selected because of the years’ direct influence on musical antiquarianism and music clubs. The year 1726 was the founding of the Academy of Ancient Music, which as one of the earliest official music clubs, had a profound impact on antiquarian music clubs and music-making. The year 1832 was also a significant year in British society, as the year when the Great Reform Act passed, just a few years after the 1829 Catholic Emancipation Act. The Reform Act, which sought to address corruption in the British electoral system, did not rectify many issues, and in many cases exacerbated the voting rights for working class voters. While middle-class voters were able to vote, working class voters faced new barriers, and it was also the first time that women were specifically forbidden from voting. Interestingly, the Reform Act benefited Catholic voters, who had just been granted rights with the 1829 Emancipation Act. This was a significant change in society that marked a turn towards industrialisation and the true periodisation or historiography of the nineteenth century. This thesis argues that antiquarians play a crucial role in the formation of English—and therefore British—musical aesthetics and identity. The main purpose of this thesis has been to establish the contribution of antiquarianism to the reception history of English music, and for the influence of antiquarianism upon the construction of English identity, aesthetics, musical taste, and reception 213 history in the long eighteenth century. The topics often overlap, but at the root is a fascinating history of preservation for which scholars should—and can—be grateful. Another aim of this thesis was to demonstrate the contributions of musical antiquarianism in the long eighteenth century to the formation of British national identity. As I have shown, the London Madrigal Society was significant to this process. In this research, I also investigated the assumption that early music suffered in appreciation and development in London during the eighteenth century. Writers on the period have tended to the view of the public as only enjoying contemporary music. However, this thesis demonstrates that the antiquarians, and specifically the Academy of Ancient Music and the London Madrigal Society, were active in copying, preserving, performing, and quietly maintaining and cultivating an interest in early music from England and the continent. This does constitute a kind of reception of early music and is important for a full understanding of how early music has been consumed and received throughout the history of English society, especially in the Enlightenment. Chapter 1 revealed the wealth of primary sources offered by the London Madrigal Society library, and the secondary sources related to antiquarianism and the activity of the LMS founders and the long eighteenth century. It demonstrated how crucial a study of musical antiquarianism is for the study of English music in the long eighteenth century, particularly in London. Chapter 2 then defined and explored antiquarianism in London during the long eighteenth century and argued for the antiquarian clubs’ importance in the reception history of early music. Furthermore, Chapter 2 related the antiquarians to the tradition of club music-making in eighteenth-century London and established 214 their activity as a true reception of Byrd and other significant English composers. Chapter 3 then examined the type of reception undertaken by the antiquarians, especially those related to the LMS. It also exposed further the connection between the antiquarian societies and other club music societies, as well as highlighting the flavour of antiquarian reception, and its particular emphasis on Byrd and other similar composers. In Chapter 4, I then turned to musical taste, exploring in detail the composers that the antiquarians preferred, and argued for their construction of Englishness throughout the long eighteenth century, and how Byrd was a focus of their antiquarian canon making. Chapter 5 then naturally consisted of an exploration of identity and Englishness, as it became clear that there was a canon of important English composers that had a significant influence on the antiquarian imagination, including Handel, Tallis, and Byrd. Finally, Chapter 6 explained the entirety of the Madrigal Society catalogue and library in detail, and the thesis concluded with the Appendix, which lists each composer and work in the library on loan to the British Library since 1954. Within this significant reception history of early music in the long eighteenth century, Byrd’s music was a constant feature and was intimately connected to the tradition of social singing, taken up again at the height of the enlightenment’s beaux monde. As was discussed in Chapter 5, the beaux monde was a period in English history focused on the refined elite. Indeed, the translation from French to English is ‘fine world’, and in London during the early eighteenth century, when the term was first coined in English, it referred to the fashionable, high society. Hannah Grieg writes of this as including ‘[s]trategic political alliances and social networks [that] needed to be established or rewoven, and hectic rounds of visits, excursions, and balls were planned to forge such connections. Season-long 215 subscriptions for opera and theatre boxes were secured, appropriate concert series identified, and guest lists decided for weekly “at home” assemblies.’421 As the mention of opera demonstrates, music was an important aspect of cultivating a fashionable position in society. While Byrd did not write an opera, and the London Madrigal Society (LMS) was not interested in opera, they were a very tightly run group with expectations and a fashion of their own, with a wealth of records detailing their aesthetic preferences and meetings where their membership could indulge in their musical preferences. This thesis’s most significant contributions to the field are the following: (1) it has extended the reception history of early music to the long eighteenth century, (2) it has connected the reception history of early music to the long history of antiquarianism in England, (3) it has connected these musical antiquarians to the popular club societies of the eighteenth century, and (4) it has uncovered the riches of the London Madrigal Society’s library and made it more available to future researchers. In The Oxford Handbook for Music Revival, John Haines distinguishes between early music, without capitalisation, and Early Music, with capital letters. The difference, according to Haines, is the following: ‘We may define early music as reflecting a modern nostalgia for a musical past considered ironically superior for its presumed innocence; and Early Music, as an institutionalized performance movement peeking out of this general movement in the late twentieth century’.422 This thesis has drawn attention to the period when the transformation between early music to Early Music was 421 Hannah Grieg, The Beaux Monde, p. 15. 422 John Haines, in (eds) Caroline Bithell and Juniper Hill, The Oxford Handbook of Music Revival (London, New York, and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), p. 74. 216 happening; when the antiquarians and members of music clubs such as madrigal societies around the country were coming together to keep the traditions of group singing alive despite the public’s focus on opera and oratorio. In the nineteenth century, when the English decided to return to the music of their country and revive its excellence, the music clubs and the work of the antiquarians were rich with treasures for the taking. In 1840, the Musical Antiquarian Society was founded with the express purpose for publishing works by English composers, including works by celebrated composers such as Purcell, Byrd, and Wilbye, and furthering the legacy of the eighteenth-century antiquarians.423 As a publishing project for English music, the Musical Antiquarian Society appears to be a through line to the antiquarian societies of the long eighteenth century, and an impetus for the later revivals of the long twentieth century. As I argued in Chapters 2 and 3, antiquarians were fiercely committed to preserving the music of earlier generations for those generations who would eventually come to pass. Indeed, the repertoire is so similar to the music I discussed in chapters 3 and 4, including music by Purcell, Byrd, and Wilbye. Rather than ignoring antiquarians for being too old-fashioned, what remains to be done is to investigate their influence upon the larger movements of reception history and revival that have been documented in Britain during the later nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Similarly, there is much more to be done on the significance of composers that appear frequently in the LMS library, such as Byrd, Weelkes, and Marenzio. In a 1998 article, ‘On the Study of Music as Material Social Practice’, 423 Erik Reid Jones, ‘The Victorian Revival of Purcell’s Music: Publications and Publishers’, The Choral Journal 36 (1995): 21. 217 Bruce Horner investigates the recent changes in 1990s musicology and its ‘movement to break the disciplinary structures of traditional musicology’.424 Horner argues that this musicology was particularly successful in its commitment to socially grounded criticism and in the resulting ‘blurring of the (sub)disciplinary boundaries between “musicology” and “ethnomusicology,” ’ and ‘the blurring of the division between the music of “high” (usually Western “art”) and “low” culture.’425 Horner’s binaries between ‘low’ and ‘high’ culture and between ‘new’ and ‘old’ musicology are not unlike the binaries faced by the antiquarians, for which they were derided, but also not unlike their antiquarian project of championing early music during a time that looked to modern and contemporary composers. As discussed in Chapter 2, antiquarians were often dismissed and seen as strange for favouring relics or, in the case of music, strange harmonies. When visiting Rome in the early eighteenth century, Joseph Addison writes of the ancient Roman ‘imperial medals’ he purchased, due to their ‘affinity with passages of ancient poets’, which he termed ‘poetical cash’.426 Addison, despite his dislike for antiquarianism and ‘pedantic’, ‘anti-social … Men of deep Learning without common Sense’, is still drawn to these objects.427 David Alvarez argues that it is because of the political motives of English neoclassicism, which sought to ‘establish and strengthen an ostensibly enlightened “public sphere” by 424 Bruce Horner, ‘On the Study of Music as Material Social Practice’, in The Journal of Musicology 16 (1998): 159–60. The footnotes in the article provide helpful references for the musicology that Horner describes. 425 Ibid. 426 Joseph Addison, Dialogues upon the Usefulness of Ancient Medals, Especially in Relation to the Latin and Greek Poets. By the Right Honourable Joseph Addison, Esq (Glasgow: printed by R. Urie), 1751; cited in David Alvarez, ‘“Poetical Cash’: Joseph Addison, Antiquarianism, and Aesthetic Value’, Eighteenth-Century Studies 38 (2005): 509. 427 Joseph Addison, and Richard Steele. The Tatler. By Isaac Bickerstaff Esq. Vol. 1. London: printed for the author, 1709-[1711]. Eighteenth Century Collections Online (accessed 24 June 2024), p. 367; cited in Alvarez, Ibid. 218 undermining traditional forms of authority in the name of sociability and critique while nonetheless regulating this space through rhetorical and aesthetic force’.428 Musical antiquarians were an example, most likely, of Addison’s ‘Men of deep Learning without common Sense’, or at least in his opinion. Yet the antiquarians were very dedicated to preserving their craft, and to cultivating the music that others thought was without value—not unlike the popular music and art music divide in musicology. Byrd was a crucial part of their canon. Using Byrd’s consort songs as an example, Horner argues that Byrd’s published songbooks define social practice partially because of the convention of printing in part books and not in full score. ‘The dispersal of songs into three or more parts, each printed in a separate book, establishes a relationship in which responsibility for making the songs into wholes is shared among songwriters and performers. Byrd’s famous reminder to performers in the preface to his 1611 book that “the well expressing of [songs] … is the life of our labours” suggests just such a relationship.’429 Indeed, Byrd famously wrote in his Psalms, Sonnets, and Songs of Sadness and Piety (1588), in order to encourage singing, that ‘The exercise of singing is delightfull to Nature, & good to preserue the health of Man’, thus ‘Sing singing is so good a thing, I wish all men would learne to sing’.430 At this time in Byrd’s life, he was part of a project, part-political, part-aesthetic, of defending music. The 1586 The Praise of Musicke, the first apologetic treatise on music in English, was written to defend music against the Christian reformers in England who wished to eradicate music from religious life: ‘the resolution of al 428 Alvarez, Ibid., p. 509. 429 Bruce Horner, op. cit., p. 190. 430 William Byrd, Psalmes, Sonets, & Songs of Sadnes and Pietie (London: Thomas East, 1588), p. 2. 219 our late diuines: Bucer, Bullinger, Caluin and the rest, which with one consent agree that it is an indifferent thing, hauing no hurt, but rather much good in it, if it bee discreetly and soberly vised’.431 Other examples of such reformers and puritans include the vehemently anti-Catholic Philip Stubbes, who in his 1583 The Anatomie of Abuses, writes of ‘sweete Musicke’ as ‘first delighteth the eares’ but then ‘make the stomach so quasie, nice and weake, that it is not able to admit meat…’432 Additionally, Stubbes accuses music of ‘alluring the hearers to a certaine kind of effeminacie’ which when bringing about ‘filthy dauncing’ between the women and men, can ‘estangeth the minde, stirreth vp filthy lust, womannisheth the mind, rauisheth the heart, inflameth concupisc ce, & brigeth in uncleannes’.433 There is not space to investigate the implications of these accusations, and their connection to Neoplatonist theories of medicine, the humours, and the mind-body connection in the early modern era, but suffice it to say, these are not kind words to say about music. Certainly, as a deeply religious and Roman Catholic composer of music, Byrd would have sought to join in the defence of music. One of his answers is the madrigal, ‘A gratification unto Master John Case, for his learned booke, lately made in the praise of Musicke’, which Byrd penned to words by Thomas Watson, and which was written in homage to the person who was thought to be the author of The Praise of Musicke.434 The prima pars text read as follows: 431 Hyun-ah Kim, The Praise of Musicke, 1586: An Edition with Commentary (London and New York: Routledge, 2018), pp. 3–4. 432 Margaret Kidnie, ‘A Critical Edition of Philip Stubbes’s anatomie of abuses’ (PhD thesis: University of Manchester, 1996), pp. 4–5, 39. 433 Kidnie, Ibid., p. 67. 434 For more on the authorship of The Praise of Musicke, see Hyun-ah Kim, op. cit. 220 Let others prayse what seemes them best, I lyke his lines aboue the rest, aboue the rest, aboue the rest, whose pen hath painted Musickes prayse, he soundly blames the senceles foole, & Barbarous Scithyan, of our dayes. our dayes. and barbarous Scithyan of our dayes. of our daies. He writes of Angells Armony, aboue the Harpe of Mercury, of Mercury, he wrytes of sweetly turning Sphæres, how Byrds & Beasts & wormes reioyce, how Dolphyns lou'd Arions voice, he makes a frame for Midas eares for Midas eares.435 Here, through Watson, Byrd uses his music to declare his support of the medium, and calls all others ‘senceles foole[s]’ for deriding music, and aligns himself with ‘Angells Armony’ the ‘Harpe of Mercury’, the ‘sweeting turning [music of the] Sphæres’, and even inserts himself into the poem as ‘Byrds & Beats & wormes’ rejoicing with the ears of Midas.436 Byrd has aligned himself as solely in the music camp, and he has advocated for the importance of music and singing, not alike the antiquarians have done with their social singing clubs. I argue that it is because of these two identifications of Byrd’s music—as suitable for singing at social clubs, but also as germinal to the great English defence of and tradition of music—that Byrd became an important and fetishised composer in the London Madrigal Society. Byrd’s music is intimately connected to the tradition of social singing, which was then taken up again in the eighteenth 435 Thomas Watson, ‘A Gratification Vnto Master Iohn Case, for His Learned Booke, Lately made in the Praise of Musicke’, in A Gratification Vnto Master Iohn Case, for His Learned Booke, Lately made in the Praise of Musicke, London, 1 sheet] (London, 1586). 436 Ibid. 221 century at the height of the beaux monde. Byrd and his music, then, function as an exemplar for the LMS. Byrd’s philosophy of music, of creating printed part-books and encouraging community singing, is in line with the philosophy of the Madrigal Society. It is therefore not surprising that so much of his music was copied by the antiquarians, including the sacred music. I think it is because of Byrd’s devout Roman Catholic faith, and his favour with Elizabeth I and reputation as owner of a printing monopoly, that he was able to stand up to those who would seek to eliminate musical expression in English worship. The great monuments of his musical works, especially the Latin-texted works, not only as wonderful pieces of art, are also great monuments of his commitment to English musical traditions. There are many future areas where this research can lead, and many areas where it can be extended. Scholarship has merely uncovered the tip of the iceberg when it comes to musical antiquarianism, especially in the earlier years of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. When compared to the work done in pure history, art history, and philosophy, music history and musicology are woefully behind. This is partially because of the current fashions in the twenty-first century, which have revealed the dangers and pitfalls of binary oppositions, and yet have not done everything necessary to eradicate them in terms of antiquarianism and old-fashioned, positivist research. The ‘New’ Musicology of the 1990s is over thirty years old now, and it is time for musicology to find new boundaries and move on from the labelling of antiquarians and other researchers interested in preservation and uncovering lost treasures as moth-eaten and left for the worms. 222 APPENDIX THE MADRIGAL SOCIETY CATALOGUE Rough list of the contents of the Manuscripts on Loan to the British Library from the Madrigal Society. Prepared by Chris Banks in 2005; with annotations by Samantha Bassler red. A 1–4. Paper; 18th century, obl. 8°. Set A. Italian and English madrigals, etc., in 4 part-books (Canto, Alto, Tenore, Basso). The English madrigals are numbered separately, reversing the book. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marenzio Dissi a l’amata mia. 2 Lasso Per pianto la mia carne. 3 Lasso Appariran per me. 4 Lasso Poi ch’el mio largo pianto. 5 Pevernage O come gran martire. 6 Palestrina O che splendor. 7 Palestrina I vaghi fiori. 8 Palestrina Morí quasi il mio core. 9 Palestrina Veramente in amore. 10 R. de Mel Crespi dorati crini. 11 R. de Mel Privo di voi. 223 12 R. de Mel (Pt. 2) Labbia amorose. 13 Nanino Donna vidi. 14 Nanino Lego questo mio. 15 O. Scaletta A che cor mio. 16 A. Dueto Ecco mormorar l’onde. 17 A. Dueto (Pt. 2) Ecco gia l’alb’. 18 A. Dueto Vede nel prim’ entra. 19 A. Dueto Ardie gela a tua. 20 A. Dueto Di diletto in diletto. 21 A. Dueto Non sia chi pensi. 22 A. Dueto Nel mezzo del giardin. 23 N. Faignient Basciami vita mia. 24 N. Faignient Questi ch’inditio. 25 N. Faignient Le seul espoir. 26 N. Faignient Le tien espoir. 27 S. Cornet La peine dure. 28 S Cornet (Pt 2) Fortun’ adverse. 29 C. de Rore Anchor che col partire. 224 30 Anon. Amanti che dite Written for SSB & organ from “I Naviganti” by Carissimi 31 C. le Jeune O gratios’ e bella. 32 F. Ferina Morirò cor mio. 33 R. Giovanelli Ahi che faró ben mio. 34 V. Ruffo Prima che spunt’il sol. 35 V. Ruffo Ben mille nott’ho 36 Pevernage Fra l’altre virtú. 37 Pevernage Quando la voce. 38 Pevernage (Pt. 2) Con humil atto. 39 Pevernage Ardo donna per voi. 40 Pevernage Dolce mio foco. 41 G. de Wert Chi salirá. 42 C. Verdonck Donna bella. 43 C. Verdonck Lasso che per. 44 C. Verdonck A che più. 45 C.[?] De Lauro Nova leggiadra. 46 P. Phillips Voi volete. 225 47 P. Phillips Amor sei bei rubini (Pt. 2) Perche non poss’. 48 G. Croce Era presso al morire. 49 Marenzio Non vidi mai. 50 P. de Monte Qual piú crudel. 51 P. de Monte Quando dagl’occhi. 52 P. de Monte Benedictus qui venit. 53 P. de Monte Benedictus qui venit. 54 P. de Monte Benedictus qui venit. 55 P. de Monte Benedictus qui venit. 56 P. de Monte Adjuva nos Deus. 57 Victoria O sacrum convivium. 58 Victoria O vos omnes. 59 Victoria Veni sponsa Christi. 226 A 1–4. Reversing the book. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Bennet Cruel, unkind. John Bennet, Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 (London, William Barley, under assign of Thomas Morley): https://imslp.org/wiki/Madrigalls_to_Fovre_Voyces_(Bennet%2C_John) . 2 Bennet I wander up and down Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 3 Bennet Mourn silly soul disdained Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 4 Bennet So lovely is thy dear self Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 5 Bennet Sing loud ye nymphs and shepherds Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 6 Bennet Whenas [sic] I looked Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 7 Bennet My dear why do you stay me Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 8 Bennet Come shepherds follow me Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 227 9 Bennet Thirsis sleepest thou Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 10 Bennet Ye restless thoughts Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 11 Bennet Since neither tunes of joy Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 12 Bennet Oh grief! Where shall poor grief Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 13 Bennet I languish to complain me Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 14 Bennet O sleep, fond fancy Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 15 Bennet Flow O my tears Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 16 Bennet O sweet grief Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 17 Bennet Rest now Amphion Madrigal to Foure Voyces, 1599 18 Weelkes Our country swains Thomas Weelkes, Madrigals to 3, 4, 5, and 6 Voyces (London: Thomas Este, 1597): https://imslp.org/wiki/Madrigals_to_3%2C_4%2C_5_and 228 _6_Voyces_(Weelkes%2C_Thomas) 19 Weelkes Now country sports Madrigals to 3, 4, 5, and 6 Voyces, 1597 20 Weelkes Ay me, my wonted joys Madrigals to 3, 4, 5, and 6 Voyces, 1597 21 J. Worgan Go soft desires 22 J. Farmer Cease now thy mourning 23 Marenzio Alas what a wretched life 24 Marenzio Fair shepherds queen 25 Marenzio Every singing bird 26 J. Bateson Dame Venus hence to Paphos go 27 G. Kirby Lo here my heart 229 28 Morley April is in my mistress’ face 29 J. Farmer Thirsis, thy absence 30 Morley Come lovers follow me 31 Palestrina (Aldrich) We have heard with our ears 32 Palestrina (Aldrich) O God thou art my God (2nd Part) My flesh also 33 Morley Help I fall 34 Farmer Fair Phillis I saw A6–11. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set B. English and Italian madrigals, with some motets and extracts from masses. Nos 1–43 are for 4 voices, 44–106 for 5 voices, 107–147 for 6 voices. Six part-books (Cantus, Altus, Tenor, Quintus, Basso 1 & 2). FOR 4 VOICES 230 NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 M. Este O Stay fair cruel 2 M. Este My hope of councel 3 G. Renaldi Ben creder v’io (Part 2) Misero che l’offersi 4 Morley Corinda false, adieu 5 Morley Since my tears and lamenting 6 G. Renaldi Dolci rosate 7 G. Renaldi Come di voi piú bella 8 Palestrina Kyrie eleison Mass 'Veni sponsa Christi' 9 Palestrina Christe 10 Palestrina Kyrie 11 Palestrina Gloria Et in terra 12 Palestrina Qui tollis 13 Morley Now is the gentle season (Part 2) The fields abroad 231 14 G. Renaldi Vaghi leggiadri lumi (Part 2) Chi fin che dal mio cor 15 Palestrina Credo Patrem omnipotentem 16 Palestrina Quam pulchri sunt 17 Wilbye What needeth all this travail 18 Palestrina In diebus illis (In Sanctae Mariae Magdalenae) 19 Victoria Sancta Maria (In Sanctae Mariae ad Nivem) 20 Wilbye Alas what hope of speeding 21 Dr Pepusch As Silvia in a forest lay 22 Palestrina Dum Aurora 23 Palestrina Tollite jugum meum 24 Weelkes Now every tree 25 Weelkes Young Cupid hath proclaimed 26 Wilbye Lady when I behold 27 Wilbye Thus saith my Cloris bright 232 28 G. de Macque Amor el ver fu meco 29 G. de Macque Non vegg’ohi me 30 Victoria Ne timeas Maria (In Annunciatione B Mariae) 31 Victoria Pueri Hebraeorum (Dominica in ramis palmarum) 32 P. de Monte Da bei rami scenderrá [?] 33 Weelkes Three virgin nymphs 34 Palestrina Magnum hereditas mysterium (In die Circumcisionis) 35 P. Animuccia Tu mi ponesti 36 G. Blotagrio Amor io sent’un respirar From Melodia Olympica (ed. Peter Phillips),1591 37 G. B. Moscaglia Si dolci son gli sguardi From Melodia Olympica, as above 38 G. B. Moscaglia Solo e pensoso From Melodia Olympica, as above 1591 39 B. Spontone Vieni soave et dilettoso 40 P. Bellasio Donna i begl’occhi vostri 41 M. A. Ingegniri Non mi togl’il ben mio 42 Palestrina Fuit homo missus a Deo 233 43 Barsanti Chi mai vi fe - - A madrigal without a title nor words FOR 5 VOICES NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 44 Marenzio Deggio dunque partire (Part 2) Io partiró (Part 3) Ma voi 45 N. Faignient When shall I cease lamenting 46 G. M. Nanino Sweet sparkle of love’s fire 47 V. Ruffo Poi che'l cammin (Part 2) Quella che piú 48 L. Marenzio Arda pur sempr’o mora 49 Gibbons O that the learned poets 50 Converso When all alone my pretty love 51 V. Ruffo Qual piu scontento 52 V. Ruffo Chiara gentil’e bella 53 Marenzio Cadde giá di Tarquinio 234 54 Gibbons I weigh not fortune’s frown; (Part 2) I tremble not 55 Palestrina Kyrie from Missa 'Vestiva i colli' 56 Palestrina Christe 57 Palestrina Kyrie 58 Palestrina (Gloria) Et in terra 59 Palestrina Qui tollis 60 Gesualdo Se cosí dolce; (Part 2) Ma s'anverra 61 S. Felis Sleep, sleep mine only jewel; (Part 2) Thou bringst her home 62 Gesualdo Se taccio 63 V. Ruffo All' apparir 64 Palestrina In every place 65 G. Ferretti So gracious is thy sweet self 66 G. Nasco Non ha donna piú bella 235 67 Gesualdo Io tacerò 68 A. Ferrabosco The nightingale 69 G. Croce Cinthia thy song 70 V. Ruffo Udite amanti 71 V. Ruffo Qual sguardo 72 A. Ferrabosco I saw my lady weeping 73 G. M. Nanino All ye that joy in wailing 74 Gesualdo Gel’ha Madonn’ 75 D’Incerto Lumi mei cari 76 Tallis In manus tuas Domine 77 Gastoldi Clori mia pastorella 78 Gastoldi Un novo cacciator 79 S. Felis Da l’arcadia feconda; (Part 2) Questo pastor; (Part 3) Tirsi al pastor 80 Gesualdo Dall’ adorate; (Part 2) E qual arpa 81 N. Faignient Parmi veder la bella donna 82 F. Dentici Ahi crudel stato 236 83 Gastoldi Miracol in natura 84 Gesualdo Son si belle le rose 85 H. Angelini Tra le chiome 86 Marenzio Rose bianche 87 Scaramucci Non rumor di tamburi 88 Weelkes If thy deceitful looks 89 Weelkes Cold winter’s ice is fled 90 R. Joanellus Cantate Domino (Part 2) Laudate nomen ejus 91 C. Le Jeune Tous chemins soyent glissants 92 Lasso Oh d’amarissime onde 93 F. Barsanti Ne reminiscaris, Domine From Francesco Barsanti, Sei Antifone, published in London, before 1760 94 F. Barsanti Asperges me Domine From Sei Antifone, c. 1750 (as above) 95 F. Barsanti Agios o Theos From Sei Antifone, c. 1750 (as above) 96 F. Barsanti De profundis clamavi From Sei Antifone, c. 1750 (as above) 237 97 F. Barsanti Lauda Jerusalem From Sei Antifone, c. 1750 (as above) 98 Lasso Cantai hor piango; (Part 2) Tengan dunque From Di Orlando di Lassus il Primo Libro di Madrigali a cinque voci, novamente dato in luce. Libro Primo. In Venetia apresso di Antonio Gardano, 1555 (1st edn). 99 Lasso L’altr’ hier sul mezzo giorno Same as above 100 Lasso Perché nemica mia Same as above 101 Marenzio Tirsi, morir volea; (Part 2) Frenó Tirsi’l desio; (Part 3) Cosí moriro From Marenzio, Il primo libro de madrigali a cinque voci (1580), no. 5 102 Marenzio Fillida mia From Marenzio, Il secondo libro de madrigali a cinque voci, No. 6 103 Palestrina Angelus Domini descendit From Motettorum liber tertius 5–8vv, No. 5. 104 Palestrina Exaltabo te 105 Palestrina Tu di fortezza 106 G. Ferretti Donna crudel FOR 6 VOICES 238 NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 107 Palestrina Kyrie Missa `In te Domine speravi' 108 Palestrina Christe 109 Palestrina Kyrie 110 Weelkes Mars in a fury 111 Wilbye Lady when I behold 112 Lasso Angelus Domini descendit; (Part 2) Nolite timere 113 Wilbye Cruel behold 114 Wilbye Thou art but young 115 Marenzio Laura serena; (Part 2) Ella spargea si dolcemente 116 Weelkes If beauty be a treasure 117 Marenzio So saith my fair and beautiful Licoris 118 Palestrina (Gloria) Et in terra pax Missa 'In te Domine speravi' 119 Palestrina Qui tollis 120 Wilbye Why dost thou shoot 239 121 A. Feliciani For grief I die 122 Lasso Omnis enim homo 123 Lasso Oculi mei semper 124 Wilbye Draw on sweet night 125 Byrd This sweet and merry month 126 P. de Monte I begl’ occhi un dio (Part 2) Questi son 127 Palestrina (Credo) Patrem omnipotentem 128 Lucatello Giá primavera 129 Conversi O invidia Nemica; (Part 2) Ne però che 130 Converso Zephyrus brings the time; (Part 2) But with me wretch 131 Barsanti Inter iniquos projecerunt me 132 Lupi Audivi vocem de coelo 133 Gesualdo Il sol qual hor; (Part 2) Volgi mia luce 240 134 Wilbye Stay Corydon 135 Sweelinck Bien heureuse est Ps. 119 136 Palestrina Qui tollis peccata 137 Palestrina Et in spiritum 138 Croce Hard by a cristal fountain 139 C. le Jeune Pardessus nous leurs gros 140 C. le Jeune Comme l’oiseau 141 Croce Lord in thy wrath 142 A. Striggio Love hath proclaimed war 143 A. Striggio Nasce la pena 144 G. Ferretti Nasce la gioia 145 G. Ferretti Corretti tutti quanti 146 Croce O gracious and worthiest 147 Battishill Call to remembrance 241 A 11–14. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set C. English and Italian madrigals, etc., in 4 part-books (Canto, Alto, Tenor, Basso). The first 9 numbers are missing in the Canto part, and the first 2 in the Basso part. Nos 1–29 correspond to the English madrigals in A1–4, except for: No. 21 Edward Piers Hunting Song (Hey trola, trola) The following numbered 1–57 correspond to the Italian madrigals in A1–4. Then follow: NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 58 J. Worgan Go soft desires 59 Morley Come lovers follow me 60 Morley Et Jesum From an ancient manuscript in Dr Pepusch’s Library 61 Morley Quem dicunt hominus - [Dr Hutcheson] Return, return my lovely maid A15. Bass part-book. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Contents similar to the above, but unnumbered. The first 29 madrigals correspond to the English madrigals of Set A1–4, followed by: PAGE COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 76 J. Worgan The gladsome bloom of summer 79 J. Worgan Go soft desires 242 The following madrigals correspond to nos. 3–29 and 33–51 of the Italian madrigals in Set A1–4, followed by: PAGE COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 176 Kirbye Lo here my heart 179 Kirbye Benedictus 180 Kirbye Do fa mi re 182 Kirbye Fill the bowl with rosy wine 183 Kirbye Her well-turn’d neck (Apollo pursuing Daphne) 186 Kirbye If love alas be pain a 3 188 Kirbye Love is that madness a 3 189 Kirbye Thither she came a 3 192 Gesualdo Caro amoroso (Part 2) In sua beltá 196 Gesualdo Hai rotte 198 Gesualdo Watchful taper by whose silent light 201 F. Farina Moriró cor mio 203 Marenzio O lovely Berenice 243 204 Marenzio Sing muses 206 Marenzio I must leave her 207 Marenzio Alas we part forever 209 Marenzio But you sweetest of pleasures 210 Marenzio O love at length reward me A16–21. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set D. Madrigals for 4 and 5 voices. Composed by different authors. Five part-books, (Canto, Alto, Tenore, Basso, Quinto) with an additional copy of the Basso part in a later hand. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Palestrina We have heard with our ears Adapted by Aldrich 2 J. Farmer Soon as the hungry lyon (“Thomas” Farmer) 3 Palestrina Joy so delights my heart 4 Gesualdo Melting inchanting kisses 5 Victoria O vos omnes 6 J. Monton Salve mater salvatoris 7 Marenzio Veggo dolce mio bene 8 Morley Hark jolly sheppards 244 9 Wilbye Down in a valley 10 M. A. Perdevon Lady, that hand of plenty 11 G. de Wert Who will ascend to heaven 12 N. Faignient These that be certain signs 13 Morley Per che tormi From ‘A Plaine & Easy Introduction to Practical Music’ (London: Peter Short, 1597) 14 A. Ferrabosco Susanna fair 15 Palestrina Sweet love, when hope was flowing 16 Byrd This sweet and merry month 17 Morley Do re mi fa 18 Morley I love alas I love thee 19 Morley Help I fall 20 Kirbye Sleep now my muse 21 Morley Say gentle nymphs 22 Lassus Susanna fair 23 Morley Lo who comes here 245 24 Palestrina O God thou art my God; (Part 2) My flesh also longeth 25 Farmer Fair Phillis I saw 26 Wilbye Flora gave me 27 Munday Heigh ho chill [sic] go to plow no more 28 Waelrent Vorria morire 29 Weelkes Three virgin nymphs 30 Kirbye What can I do 31 Nanino Mentre ti fui 32 Kirbye Woe am I, my heart dies 33 Pizzoni Duo begl’occhi 34 Kirbye Alas what hope of speeding 35 Marenzio Sweet heart arise 36 Marenzio Farewell my love 37 Marenzio O merry world 38 Morley Within an arbour 39 Adam ab Fulda O vera lux 246 40 Victoria Veni spousa Christi 41 Gesualdo Crucifixus 42 Marenzio Sweet singing Amaryllis 43 Gesualdo Caro amoroso 44 Gesualdo Hai rotte 45 G. B. Colombi Udit’ amanti 46 Del Incerto Is this a composer’s name or is this ‘Uncertain’? Ogni loco mi porge 47 Hooper Teach me thy way, O Lord 48 Byrd O Lord, turn thy wrath away 49 Byrd Quodcunque ligaberis 50 G. Renaldi Vanne a madonna 51 Del Incerto Is this a composer’s name or is this ‘Uncertain’? A furore tuo Domine 52 Dr Croft Laudate Dominum Canon 4 in 1 53 W. Savage We beseech thee 54 G. de Wert Ben sempre deggio 247 55 F. Bianciardi Quand’ io miro 56 Blow Glory be the Father 57 Archadelt Com'esser puó 58 Gibbons Hosanna to the Son of David 59 Morley Now is the month of maying A22–27. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set G. Madrigals and motets for 4 & 5 voices. Six part-books, (Canto, Alto, Tenore, Quinto and Basso (2 copies). The Quinto and the Basso part still have the original binding. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Morley Burial Service 2 Palestrina Spare me, O God 3 Steffani Qui diligit Mariam (Haec fons) 4 Del Incerto Is this a composer’s name or is this ‘Uncertain’? Mortali che forte (a 3) 5 Arne Tell me where is fancy bred 6 Arne O salutaris hostia 248 7 Croft Burial Service Including Purcell’s ‘Thou knowest, Lord’ 8 Cooke In the merry month of May 9 Cooke How sleeps the brave 10 Gibbons The silver swan 11 S. Webbe A gen’rous friendship 12 Arne Come shepherds we’ll follow the hearse 13 Battishill Amidst the myrtles 14 Norris O’er Williams’ tomb 15 Dr Hutchinson Return, return my lovely maid 16 Gibbons Almighty and everlasting 17 Stradella Clori son fido amante 18 Staffani Gettano i Re 19 F. Anerio Gitene canzonette 20 F. Anerio Su questi fior 21 Ward Sweet Philomel 22 Ward A satyr once 23 G. Ferretti Within a greenwood 249 24 Giovanelli Lo, ladies, where 25 Marenzio Rose bianch’ e vermiglie 26 Croce O sacrum convivium 27 A. Masera Veni sponsa Christi 28 A. Masera Stabat mater 29 Morley What saith my dainty darling 30 Morley You that wont to my pipes sound 31 Morley Fire, fire 32 Morley These dainty daffodilies 33 Morley Ard’ ogn’ hora 34 Wilbye As matchless beauty 35 Wilbye I love, alas 36 Wilbye When Cloris heard 37 Byrd Come let us rejoice 38 Weelkes In pride of May 39 Weelkes While youthful sports 40 Petti Cruda Amarilli 41 Byrd Emendemus in melius 250 42 Creyghton I will arise and go to my father 43 Farrant Lord for thy tender 44 Byrd Come jolly swains 45 Ward O my thoughts surcease 46 Bateson Adieu, sweet love 47 Byrd Awake, mine eyes 48 Byrd Look down O Lord 49 Morley No, no, thou dost but flout me 50 Morley I will no more 51 Morley Come poss’ io morir 52 Morley Where is my sweet love flying 53 Morley Sport we my lovely treasure (Part 2) O sweet, alas 54 Morley When lo by break of morning 55 Ward Soft pity, wake 56 F. Anerio O tu che mi dai 57 F. Anerio O stay sweet love, can no entreaties 251 58 Anerio Io non hebbi 59 Anerio Pria senza fronde 60 Anerio C'aggia fuoco 61 Anerio Occhi piangete 62 East O stay fair cruel 63 East Sweet love, I err 64 Anerio Quando la vaga Flori 65 Anerio Se darmi a tutto 66 Jones Let thy salvation 67 Anerio Quest’ é quel chiaro 68 Anerio Quando’é mio vivo 69 Anerio Flori morir debb’io 70 Anerio O qui corret’ amanti 71 Anerio Giulia quel vago fonte 72 Anerio Non ved’ hoggi 73 Anerio Amor io son contento 74 Anerio Occhi ch’al mio 75 Saville The Waits 252 76 Dowland Come again, sweet love 77 J. Reading Benedictus sit Deus 78 Thomas Farmer Soon as the hungry lyon 79 Gibbons Dainty fine bird 80 Farrant Call to remembrance 81 Morley April is in my mistress’ face 82 Morley Hark jolly shepherds 83 Wilbye Weep, weep mine eyes 84 Bennett Sing loud ye nymphs 85 Dowland Sleep wayward thoughts 86 Munday Heigh ho Reversing the book NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Unknown Lord thou art gracious Ps. 33 2 Unknown The earth is Jehovah’s Ps. 24 3 Marcello? As for me, I walk Ps. 26 A28–39. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set H. Madrigals and motets for 4, 5 & 6 voices in 12 part-books, 2 copies each of Canto, Alto, Tenore, Quintus, Sextus, Bassus, in the original bindings. 253 NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Palestrina We have heard with our ears 2 Palestrina Joy so delights my heart 3 Morley Hark jolly shepherds 4 Byrd This sweet and merry 5 Morley Hark who comes here 6 Weelkes Three virgin nymphs 7 Morley Within an arbour 8 Lassus Susanna fair 9 Wilbye Flora gave me fairest flower 10 Marenzio Sweetheart arise 11 Gesualdo Hai rotte 12 G. de Wert Ben sempre deggio 13 Gibbons Hosanna to the Son 14 L. S. De Betaz When love and truth 15 Palestrina God is our hope 16 Padre Lupi Audivi vocem 254 17 Ferretti My lady still abhors me 18 Battishill Call to remembrance 19 Carissimi Plorate omnes 20 Stradella Piangete 21 J. Reading Benedictus sit Deus (College grace) 22 Morley Hard by a crystal fountain 23 Weelkes All at once well met 24 Saville The Waits 25 Farrant Call to remembrance 26 Croft God is gone up 27 L. Rossi Laudate Dominum 28 Palestrina When flowery meadows A40–46. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set K. Madrigals and motets for 6, 7 & 8 voices. Seven part-books (Choir 1: Alto 1 & 2, Tenor & Bass; Choir 2: Alto, Tenor & Bass), lacking the Canto part for Choir 1 & 2. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Dr Cooke The Syrens Song 2 Morley Phillis, I faine wold die now NG: based on Croce 255 3 Converso When all alone my pretty love 4 Weelkes As Vesta was from Latmos hill descending 5 Weelkes Laudate Dominum Double Choir 6 E. Lupi Audivi vocem 7 G. B. Colonna Victime paschali 8 Palestrina Surge illuminare 9 Giovanelli Donne la pura luce 10 Giovanelli O vago amata Iori 11 Massaino Canto amore 12 Dumont Cantantibus organis 13 Waelrent Fra rumor di tamburi 14 Weelkes When Thoralis delights 15 Byrd How oft the heathen poets A47–51. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set M. Madrigals and motets for 3, 4 & 5 voices in 5 part-books, Canto 1, Canto 2/Tenor, Alto, Quintus, Bass. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Morley Within an arbour 2 Morley Say gentle nymphs 256 3 Morley Hark jolly shepherds 4 Morley Ho! Who comes here 5 Morley I wander up and down 6 Morley I love, alas, I love thee 7 Wilbye As fair as morn 8 Wilbye Fly love aloft 9 Wilbye Ye restless thoughts 10 Wilbye Lady when I behold 11 Wilbye Adieu sweet Amaryllis 12 Wilbye Flora gave me fairest flower 13 East How merrily we live 14 Bateson Your shining eyes 15 Bennett Flow o my tears 16 Kirbye Farewell my love 17 Weelkes Three virgin nymphs 18 Kirbye Alas what hope of speeding 19 Victoria O sacrum convivium 20 Victoria Mens impletur 257 21 Palestrina Exaltabo te 22 Palestrina Città di Dio 23 P. Petti Cruda Arnarilli 24 G. Giorgi Dalle cime del Parnaso 25 Marenzio Sweet heart arise 26 Weelkes Now country sports 27 Dr Hutcheson Return, return, my lovely maid 28 Weelkes Cold winter’s ice 29 Cavendish Every bush now springing 30 Cavendish Cleora hath the fairer face A52–56. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set N. Madrigals and motets for 4, 5 & 6 voices in 5 part-books, Canto, Alto, Tenor, Basso, Quinto & Sesto, bearing the name of John Newman, 1719–1790. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Morley Hark, jolly shepherds 2 Morley Say gentle nymphs 3 Morley Ho who comes here 258 4 Morley No, no, thou dost but flout me 5 Morley Die now my heart 6 Morley I will no more come to thee 7 Morley Sport we, my lovely treasure 8 Morley (Part 2) O sweet, alas, what say you 9 Byrd Kyrie and Gloria a 3 10 Marenzio Sweet singing Amarillis 11 East O come again my love 12 East How merrily we live 13 Worgan Music the cordial of a troubled breast 14 Lassus The nightingale 15 Lassus Ut queant laxis Byrd Non nobis Domine 16 Faignient Basciami, vita mia 17 F. de Monte Quando da gl’occhi 18 G. Croce Era presso 259 19 Bennett Our country swains 20 Morley April is in my mistress’ face 21 Farmer Fair Phillis I saw 22 Morley Whither away so fast 23 Munday Haigh ho 24 Farmer Now each creature 25 Farmer So light is love 26 Wilbye Away, thou shalt not love me 27 Farmer Thyrsis thy absence 28 Bateson Your shining eyes 29 Palestrina We have heard with our ears 30 Palestrina Dear pity, how 31 Waelrent Vorria morire 32 Pevernage Gloria in excelsis 33 Faignient Questi ch’inditio 34 Bennett Sing aloud ye nymphs 35 Nanino Lego questo mio core 260 36 C. de Rore Anchor che col partire 37 Andreas Lorante of Alcala (1670) Et misericordia 38 Andreas Lorante of Alcala (1670) Kyrie 39 Adami ab Fulda O vera lux et gloria 40 Tallis Salvator mundi 41 Fuchs Kyrie 42 Fuchs Ad te Domine 43 Fuchs Ave Maria 44 Fuchs Kyrie 45 Byrd Miserere nostris Canon 2 in 1 46 Tallis Absterge Domini 47 Victoria O vos omnes [Before 48] Pilate’s Wife’s Dream Canon a 3 Quintus part only 48 Pizzoni Duo begl’ occhi 49 Gibbons Hosanna to the Son 50 Converso Sola soletta ‘When all alone’ 51 Ferretti Sei tanto gratioso ‘So gracious is’ 261 52 Ferretti Donna crudel 53 Marenzio Liquide perle 54 Incerto Ogni loco mi porge (Part 2) Poscia che per mio 55 Marenzio Arda pur sempre 56 Palestrina Elegerunt apostoli 57 Palestrina Exaltabo te 58 Palestrina Angelus Domini 59 Palestrina Tu di fortezza 60 Wilbye Lady when I behold 61 Wilbye Thou art but young 62 Lassus O d’amarissime onde 63 Gastoldi Un novo cacciator 64 S. Felis Da l’arcadia (Part 2) Questo pastor (Part 3) Tirsi al pastor 65 A. Ferrabosco The nightingale 66 Lupi Audivi vocem 262 67 V. Ruffo ‘Poi ch’ella mi’ (Part 2) Quella che piú 68 Morley Burial Service 69 Gibbons The silver swan 70 Brewer Turn Amaryllis to thy swain 71 Wilbye Stay Corydon thou swain 72 S. Felis Sleep, sleep mine only jewel (Part 2) Thou bringst her home 73 Weelkes Mars in a fury 74 Bennett Flow O my tears 75 Palestrina Spare me, O God 76 Victoria Rogate quae ad pacem 77 A. Steffani Mortali che fate 78 Handel Why hast thou cast us off From ‘Saul’ oratorio 79 Arne? O salutaris hostia 80 Arne Tell me where is fancy bred 81 Battishill Amidst the myrtles 263 82 S. Webb A gen’rous friendship 83 S. Webb Hear my prayer, O God 84 Wilbye Draw on, sweet night 85 Wilbye Why dost thou shoot 86 Ford Since first I saw your face 87 Marenzio So saith my fair 88 J. Reading Concinamus o sodales 89 Ward Fly not so fast 90 Tye Laudate nomen 91 Marenzio La bella ninfa 92 Marenzio Io piango 93 Palestrina Credo gentil 94 Palestrina Manus tuae 95 Marenzio Basciami 96 Marenzio Spirto a cui giova 97 Palestrina Anzi se foco 98 M. A. Grancino Dixit Dominus 99 A. Scarlatti Memento Domine 264 100 Marenzio Fillida mia 101 Palestrina E quella certa speme 102 A. Scarlatti Ecce audivimus 103 Marenzio Giá torna 104 Marenzio Corran di puro 105 Marenzio Mentre qual viva 106 Marenzio Scherzando con diletto 107 Marenzio Sanctus Score in Florida Verba p.86 A57–61. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Byrd: Cantiones sacrae, Bk 1, 1589. Five part-books, Superius, Medius, Contratenor, Tenor and Bassus. For contents, see Grove. B1–10. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 8°. Set E. Madrigals and motets for 3–8 voices, in 10 part-books, Canto, Alto, Alto or Tenore 2, Tenore, Basso (2 copies of each). (Most of these are found in score in C5). NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Palestrina Sanctus, Benedictus, Hosanna, Agnus Dei Mass is “Canite tuba in Sion” 2 L. Rossi Laudate Dominum 3 Byrd Turn our captivity 265 4 Byrd This day Christ was born 5 Byrd O quam gloriosum 6 Bateson Fair Hebe 7 Byrd Make ye joy to God 8 Gastoldi Come è soave cosa 9 H. Bacussi Fuggendo i rai cocenti 10 G. de Wert Ninfe leggiadre 11 Morley Stay, heart 12 A. Steffani Praise the Lord ye servants 13 ? Lord in thine anger 14 Ward Oft have I tender’d 15 Corona aurea (Part 2) Domine praevenisti 16 Marenzio Apollo s’ancor (Part 2) E per virtù 17 F. Anerio Amore se l’amorosa mio 18 F. Anerio Al tuo dolce ritorno 19 F. Anerio Falda di viva neve 266 20 R. de Mel In un bel bosco (Part 2) O dolci laccie 21 Gibbons Now each flowery bank 22 Gibbons How art thou thralled 23 Gibbons Fair ladies that to love (Part 2) ‘Mongst thousands good 24 Gibbons The silver swan 25 Gibbons Trust not too much, fair youth 26 Gibbons I weigh not fortune’s frown (Part 2) I tremble not (Part 3) I see ambition (Part 4) I feign not friendship 27 Gibbons O that the learned poets 28 Wilbye All pleasure is of this condition 29 Tomkins The fawns and satyrs 30 A. Ferrabosco Zephyrus brings the time 31 Bateson And must I needs depart 32 Morley Singing alone 267 33 Anerio L’aura che noi circonda 34 Phillips Apra a questo nuovo 35 Phillips Chi vi mira 36 A. Orlandini Chi vuol veder 37 P. Phillips Lascian le fresche 38 P. Phillips Fece da voi partita 39 Marenzio Fra l’herb’a pie d’un misto (Part 2) Per piú gradir 40 Marenzio Ecco ch’el ciel (Part 2) Ecco che mill’angei 41 G. Croce From profound centre (Part 2 Upon thy Word) 42 Marenzio Filli, caro mio 43 Marenzio Cantate ninfe 44 Bateson When Oriana walked 45 Gibbons O clap your hands 46 W. Beale Awake sweet muse LMS Madrigal competition Prize winner 1813 47 Anerio Trebo, non ti doler 268 48 S. Wesley O sing unto my roundelaie 49 Lotti In una siepe ombrosa 50 Weelkes Welcome sweet pleasure 51 Gibbons Dainty fine bird 52 Carissimi Plorate filii 53 Farmer Now each creature joys 54 Ward Hope of my heart 55 Nicholson Sing shepherds all 56 Petti Cruda Amarilli 57 Munday Haigh ho 58 Marenzio Occhi sereni 59 Dowland Sleep, wayward thoughts 60 Horsley Hosanna in excelsis 61 Bateson Sister, awake 62 Croce Cynthia thy song 63 Dr Rogers Teach me, O Lord 64 Aldrich O give thanks unto the Lord 269 65 Clemens non Papa Ye nightingales 66 Morales Ditimi o si 67 Massaino Su le fiorite sponde 68 J. de Latre La jeune dame 69 Richafort Jerusalem luge 70 P. Certon Sancta Maria 71 G. Zarlino Come si m’accendete 72 Vecchi Quella 73 Gibbons O Lord increase my faith 74 Child O praise the Lord 75 Dowland Go chrystal tears 76 R. Jones Farewell dear heart 77 Vecchi Leggiadretto Clorino 78 Obrecht Parce Domine 79 Pilkington Rest sweet nymphs 80 Willaert De retourner mon ami 81 G. de Wert Virgo Maria 82 Leo Tu es sacerdos 270 B11–18. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Set F. Madrigals and motets for 4, 5 & 6 voices in 8 part-books, Canto, Alto, Tenore, Basso (2 copies), Quinto (2 copies), Sexto. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Wilbye Sweet love if thou wilt gain 2 Weelkes When Thoralis delights 3 Bicci Dainty white pearl 4 Wilbye Softly, o softly drop mine eyes 5 Morley Shoot, false love 6 Morley Dainty fine sweet nymph 7 G. Ferretti Pietá ti mova 8 G. Ferretti Hor va, canzona mia 9 G. Ferretti My lady still abhors me 10 Wilbye Lady, your words do spite me 11 Wilbye Ye that do live in pleasures 12 G. Ferretti Siat' avertiti 13 Lassus The nightingale 14 Wilbye Oft have I vowed 271 15 Marenzio O hear me heavenly powers 16 R. Barera Donna per acquetar 17 S. Venturi Nel mar del pianto 18 R. Barera Fingo di non amare 19 G. Ferretti Dimmi donna crudel 20 Morley Lady, those cherries 21 Ferretti Far potess’ io 22 Morley I follow lo the footing 23 Cobbold With wreaths of rose 24 Ferretti Me bisogna 25 Wilbye Ah! Cannot 26 Morley Hard by a christal fountain 27 Wilbye The lady Oriana 28 Bennett All creatures now 29 Weelkes As Vesta was 30 R. Barera A te vaga gentil 31 Victoria Gaude Maria Virgo 272 32 Victoria Regina coeli (Part 2) Resurrexit sicut dixit 33 S. Venturi Usciva homai 34 Marenzio Strider faceva le zampogne 35 Marenzio Gia torna a rallegrar 36 Marenzio Mentre qual viva 37 Monteverdi O primavera 38 Monteverdi Perfidissimo volto 39 G. de Wert Fra le dorate chiome 40 Palestrina Ascendo ad patrem (Part 2) Ego rogabo 41 Palestrina Quando del terzo cielo 42 Ferretti Leggiadra Giovinetta 43 G. Belli Hark and give ear 44 B. Mosto Sweetly pleasing 45 R. Barera Questo legato in oro 46 J. Milton Fair Orian in the morn 47 Ellis Gibbons Round about her chariot 273 48 Kirbye With angels face 49 R. Jones Fair Oriana 50 Thomas Hunt Hark, did ye ever hear 51 Morley Love took his bow and arrow 52 Wilbye Hard destinies are love 53 Farmer Fair nymph, I heard 54 Weelkes Three times a day 55 Morley The nymphs in green 56 Ferretti Parmi di star 57 Marenzio Ecco l’aurora 58 Marenzio Ohimé se tanto amate 59 Morley Lo where with flowery head 60 Weelkes Like two proud armies 61 Weelkes Take here my heart 62 Morley My nymph the dear 63 Palestrina Ascendit Deus 64 Palestrina Confirma hoc, Deus 65 Ferretti Voglio far un gran 274 66 Weelkes Thule, the period of (Part 2) The Andalusian merchant 67 Wilbye Alas what a wretched life 68 Morley Our bonny boots 69 Tye Laudate nomen 70 Gibbons Lift up your heads 71 Child Sing we merrily 72 Wilbye Die hapless man 73 Ferretti Ti parlo 74 Wilbye There where I saw her 75 Marenzio Shall I live so far 76 Conversi My heart, alas 77 A. Feliciani For grief I die 78 Ferretti Chi cercasse 79 Wilbye Weep, weep, mine eyes 80 Farmer O stay sweet love (Part 2) I thought my love 81 Marenzio Spirto 275 82 Morley Arise, awake 83 Ward Phillis the bright 84 Farmer Now each creature 85 Ferrabosco Such pleasant boughs 86 Ferretti Come lovers forth 87 B. Pallavicino Cruel, why dost thou fly me 88 Byrd Bow thine ear 89 Ward Die not fond man 90 Ruffo Virgo sancta Barbara 91 Weelkes All at once well met 92 Palestrina Terra tremuit 93 Vecchi The white delightsome swan 94 Stradella Pupillett’ amorose 95 B. Pallavicino Chi mi bascia 96 Ward There’s not a grove 97 Vecchi Hor ch’ogni vento 98 A. Il Verso Deh! Se mostrar 99 Byrd Laudate pueri 276 100 Stradella Piangete occhi 101 Gibbons Hosanna to the Son 102 P. Nenna One day the sun 103 Marenzio Non al suo amante 104 Marenzio Come fuggir 105 Ward Out from the vale 106 Hilton Fair Oriana 107 Gastoldi Vezzosette ninf’e belle 108 Ward Come sable night 109 Ward Hope of my heart 110 Marenzio Occhi sereni 111 Marenzio When from old ocean’s peaceful bed 112 Marenzio Spiri dolce (Part 2) Tacciano i venti 113 Bateson Phillis farewell 114 Wilbye Despiteful thus 115 Wilbye Fly not so swift 116 Giovanelli L’alma guerrier 277 117 Bateson Sister, awake 118 Weelkes Phillis, go take thy pleasure 119 Weelkes Now is the bridals 120 Giovanelli Dalle labbia 121 Morley Sov’reign of my delight 122 Weelkes Sweet love, I will no more 123 Nicholson Sing shepherds all 124 Ferretti Mirate che m’ha 125 Weelkes I love and have my love 126 Bateson Who prostrate lie 127 Weelkes Give me my heart 128 Weelkes Hark, all ye lovely saints 129 Weelkes Sing shepherds after me 130 Weelkes Sweet heart arise 131 Weelkes Lady your eye 132 H. M. Guaitoli Qual primaver (Part 2) Non porta ghiaccio 278 133 Marenzio Scherzando con diletto 134 Marenzio Deh vezzose 135 Vecchi Leggiadretto Clorino 136 Wilbye Sweet honey-sucking bees (Part 2) Yet sweet take heed 137 Ward Upon a bank with roses 138 East Ye restless cares 139 Ferrabosco In flower of April 140 Aldrich God is our hope 141 Quintiani At sound of her sweet voice 142 Ferretti Far potess’ io 143 Venturi Tu sei vaga di 144 Byrd I laid me down to rest 145 Gastoldi Viver lieto voglio 146 East Hence, stars 147 Palestrina When flowery meadows 279 B19–24. Paper; 18th Century. obl. 8°. “No. 7” Psalms by Marcello. Six part-books, Alto, Alto o Tenore 2, Tenor (2 copies) & Basso (2 copies). NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marcello The heavens shall declare 2 Marcello He shall reward me 3 Marcello My heart is inditing 4 Marcello In thee O Lord 5 Marcello The heavens declare 6 Marcello Let all the earth 7 Marcello Plead thou my cause 8 Marcello Blessed is the man 9 Marcello May the Lord Jehovah 10 Marcello The king shall be joyful B25–27. Paper; 18th Century. obl. 8°. Madrigals for 2 & 3 voices, in 3 part-books, Canto, Tenore, Basso. The Alto part is missing. VOICE PART COMPOSER TITLE NOTES C, T Morley Now in the break of morning A, T, B Morley No, ‘tis all fruitless 280 A, T, B Morley This tyrant queen in G-Lbl Add. MSS 29382–5 A, T, B Bateson Beauty is a lovely sweet C, T Morley Sweet nymph come to thy lover C, B Morley To you the fairest A, T Morley Through mournful shades (Part 2) Then at some willow’s root (Part 3) How art thou changed A, T, B Morley Light approaching A, T, B Morley Her well-turn’d neck B28–30. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Anthems for 3 & 4 voices in 3 part-books, Canto, Tenore, Basso. The Alto part is lacking. VOICE PART COMPOSER TITLE NOTES C, T, B Byrd Sing ye to our Lord A, T, B Byrd O kneel and adore A, T, B Byrd Heavy O Lord on me A, T, B Byrd I will magnify thee S, A, T, B Byrd O thou source of light 281 A, T Byrd Unto thee O Lord (Part 2) Show me thy ways (Part 3) For thou art the God S, A, T, B Croft I will sing S, A, T, B Croft We will rejoice 282 B31–35. Paper; 18th Century, 8°. Madrigals by Regolo Vecoli, in 5 part-books, Canto, Alto, Tenore, Quinto & Basso, from “Il secondo libro de madrigali a cinque voci”, (Parigi: Adrien Le Roy e Robert Ballard, 1586). NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Regolo Vecoli Ne vostri dolci basci 2 Regolo Vecoli Aspro cor’e selvaggio (Part 2) Vivo sol 3 Regolo Vecoli Passa la nave (Part 2) Pioggia di lagrimar 4 Regolo Vecoli Poi ch’el mio largo 5 Regolo Vecoli Io piango B36. Paper; 18th Century, 4° & obl. 8°. A. Pevernage: Gloria in excelsis for 9 voices. Score and two sets of parts contained in a cardboard folder. C1. Paper; c. 1800. 4°. Madrigals, etc., in score. No. 3–15 bear the date 1799. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Wilbye Lady when I behold 2 G. de Wert Chi salirà 3 Steffani Gettano il re 4 Palestrina Morì quasi il mio core 5 Bennett Ye restless thoughts 283 6 Kirby Lo here my heart 7 Morley April is in my mistress’ face 8 Bennett Come shepherds, follow me 9 Marenzio Fair shepherds queen 10 Bennett When as I look’d 11 Bennett Thirsis sleepest thou 12 Weelkes Now country sports 13 Bennett So lovely is thy dear self 14 Lassus Per pianto la mia carne 15 Ruffo Prima che spunt’il sol 16 R. de Mel Privo di voi mio sol 17 Marenzio Every singing bird 18 Morley Help I fall 19 Morley Benedictus qui venit 20 Morley Benedictus 21 Morley Benedictus 22 Morley Benedictus 23 Morley - 284 24 Bateson Dame Venus 25 Victoria O sacrum convivium (Part 2) Mons??? impletur Incomplete 26 Morley Whither away so fast 27 Morley Cruel you pull away 28 Marenzio Alas what a wretched life 29 C. le Jeune O gratios' e bella 30 Anerio Gitene canzonett’ al mio 31 Anerio Su questi fior 32 Ward Fly not so fast 33 Palestrina O che splendor 34 Morley Since my tears and lamenting 35 Palestrina Tu di fortezza 36 Morley Clorinda false 37 Carissimi Amanti che dite C2. Paper; early 19th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals, etc., in score (presented 1802–10). NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 285 1 Marenzio Cantiam la bella Clori a 8 2 Steffani Qui diligit Mariam 3 Croce Hard by a christal fountain 4 Wilbye The Lady Oriana 5 Wilbye Ah cannot sighs 6 Weelkes As Vesta was 7 J. Milton Fair Orian in the morn 8 Ellis Gibbons Round about her chariot 9 Kirbye With angels face 10 Weelkes Three times a day 11 Weelkes Thule, the period of cosmography 12 Morley Hard by a cristal fountain 13 Morley Hark, alleluia 14 Wilbye Despiteful thus 15 Wilbye Fly not so swift 16 Morley Stay, heart 17 Steffani Praise the Lord ye servants a 8 286 18 G. Croce Lord in thine anger 19 Ward Oft have I tender’d 20 G.de Wert Ninfe e voi pastori 21 Byrd Emendemus in melius 22 Palestrina Pater noster 23 Palestrina God is our hope Adapted by Aldrich 24 Wilbye Sweet honey-sucking bees 25 Wilbye Ye that do live in pleasures 26 Morley Dentes tui 27 Morley O amica mea 28 Lotti Spirto di Dio 1736 29 Clemens non Papa Ye nightingales C3. Paper; c. 1800. Obl. 4°. Madrigals, etc., in score. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Ward Die not fond man 2 Weelkes All at once well met 3 Palestrina Terra tremuit 287 4 Vecchi The white delightsome swan 5 Wilbye Weep, weep, mine eyes 6 Wilbye Alas, what a wretched life 7 Wilbye There where I saw 8 Ward There’s not a grove 9 Vecchi Hor ch’ogni vento 10 A. Il Verso Deh! se mostrar 11 Byrd Laudate pueri 12 Wilbye Sweet love, if thou wilt gain 13 Wilbye Thou art but young 14 Ferretti Come poss’ io morir 15 P. Nenna One day the sun 16 Stradella Piangete occhi 17 Ward Hope of my heart 18 Marenzio Non al suo amante 19 Marenzio Come fuggir 20 Ward Out from the vale 288 21 Hilton Fair Oriana 22 Gastoldi Vezzosette ninf’e belle 23 Ward Come sable night 24 Weelkes Welcome sweet pleasure 25 Marenzio Occhi sereni 26 Marenzio When from old ocean’s peaceful bed 27 Ferretti Mirate che m’ha fatto 28 Ferretti Un pastor chies’ ad una ninf’ 29 Waelrent Tra rumor di tamburi 30 Morley Sovereign of my delight 31 Giovanelli L’alma guerrier’ ardita 32 Giovanelli Dalle labbia 33 Marenzio Spiri dolce 34 Bateson Phillis farewell 35 Marenzio Leggiadre ninf’e pastorell’ amante 36 Bateson When Oriana walk’d 37 Marenzio Nel più fiorito 289 C4. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals by Gibbons and others, and motets by Caldara (from Motetti a due e tre voci, 1715) in score. Nos 1–14 consist of Gibbons’ “First Set of Madrigals” 1612, in its entirety, although not in the published order. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 15 Wilbye All pleasure is of this condition 16 East Hence stars 17 Gibbons O Lord, I lift my heart 18 Gibbons O Lord, how so my woes increase 19 Tomkins The fauns and satyrs 20 Ferrabosco Zephyrus brings the time 21 Bateson And must I needs depart 22 Bateson Those sweet delightful lilies 23 Norcome With angel’s face and brightness 24 Anerio L’aura che noi circonda 25 Anerio Rider le piagge (Part 2) Non posso più 26 Anerio Non potean 290 27 Anerio Giá disfatto (Part 2) Esser non può (Part 3) Io non hebbi (Part 4) O beltà (Part 5) Corran dagl’occhi (Part 6) Ma di stare ved' io [???] (Part 7) Io mi distruggo 28 Phillips Apra a questo nuovo 29 Pallavicino Bene mio 30 Pallavicino Vorrei mostrar 31 Pallavicino In boschi ninfa 32 Philips Chi vi mira 33 Baccusio Fuggendo i rai 34 Orlandini Chi vuol veder 35 Philips Lascian le fresche 36 Philips Fede da voi 37 Bononcini Foss’ io quel rossignuolo 38 Caldara Transfige dulcissime Jesu 39 Caldara Laborari in gemitu 291 40 Caldara Exaudi Domine 41 Caldara Peccavi super numerum 42 Caldara Respice in me 43 Caldara Miserere mei, Domine 44 Caldara O sacrum convivium 45 Caldara Ego sum panis vivus 46 Caldara Ad Dominum cum tribularer 47 Caldara Transeunte Domine 48 Caldara Caro mea viva est 49 Caldara Benedictus Deus 50 Stradella La raggion m’assicura 51 Le Jeune Dimmi donna crudel C5. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals, etc., for 4–6 voices, in score (corresponding in many cases to the parts in B1–10) NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 292 1 Palestrina Sanctus, Benedictus, Hosanna & Agnus Dei (Mass: "Canite tuba in Sion"). First published: 1572 in Motettorum liber secundus 5–8vv (Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina), no. 11 2nd published: 1590 in Corollarium cantionum sacrarum, no. 63 2 Rossi Laudate Dominum 3 Byrd Turn our captivity 4 Byrd This day Christ was born 5 Byrd O quam gloriosum 6 Bateson Fair Hebe 7 Byrd Make ye joy to God 8 Anerio Amor se l’amorosa 9 Gastoldi Com’é soave cosa 10 Anerio Al tuo dolce ritorno 11 Anerio Falda di viva 12 Anerio Corona aurea (Part 2) Domine praevenisti 293 13 R. de Mel In un bel bosco (Part 2) O dolci lacci 14 Gibbons Now each flowery bank 15 Gibbons How art thou thralled 16 Gibbons Fair ladies that to love (Part 2) Mongst thousands good 17 Gibbons The silver swan 18 Gibbons Trust not too much 19 Gibbons I weigh not fortune’s frown (Part 2) I tremble not (Part 3) I see ambition (Part 4) I feign not 20 Wilbye All pleasure is of this condition 21 Tomkins The fauns and satyrs 22 Ferrabosco Zephyrus brings the time 23 Bateson And must I needs depart 24 Morley Singing alone 25 Anerio L’aura che noi 294 26 Philips Apra a questo nuovo 27 Philips Chi vi mira 28 Orlandini Chi vuol veder 29 Philips Lascian le fresche 30 Philips Fece da voi 31 Marenzio Fra l’herb’ a pie (Part 2) Per piú gradirla 32 Marenzio Ecco che’l ciel (Part 2) Ecco che mille augei 33 Croce From profound centre (Part 2) Upon thy word 34 Marenzio Filli caro mio 35 Marenzio Cantate ninfe 36 W. Beale Awake sweet muse Winner, Madrigal Prize Cup, 1813 37 A. Bicci Dainty white pearl 38 Morley Shoot false love 39 Ferretti Pietà ti mova 40 Ferretti Hor va canzona mia 295 41 Wilbye Lady, your words 42 Wilbye Ye that do live in pleasures 43 Lasso The nightingale 44 Marenzio O hear me heav’nly powers 45 R. Barera Donna per acquetar C6. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals for 4–10 voices, in score. Nos 27 onwards are in the hand of Thomas Oliphant. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marenzio Apollo s’anchor 2 Marenzio Vedi le valli 3 Marenzio Nova angeletta 4 Dowland Sleep wayward thoughts 5 Morley What saith my dainty darling? 6 Morley Dainty fine sweet nymph 7 Durante Messa a capella a tre voci 8 Travers Keep we beseech thee O Lord 296 9 Marenzio Ahi tu me'l neghi 10 L. S. De Betaz When love and truth 11 Saville The Waits 12 Dowland Come again, sweet love 13 Farrant or Hilton Lord for thy tender mercies’ sake 14 Bateson Sister awake 15 Farmer Now each creature 16 Wilbye Oft have I vowed 17 Marenzio Mentre qual viva 18 Bennet Since neither tunes of glory 19 Farmer Thirsis thy absence 20 Wilbye When Cloris heard 21 Wilbye Thus saith my Cloris bright 22 Wilbye As matchless beauty 23 Weelkes Phillis go take 24 Weelkes Take here my heart 25 Weelkes O my son Absalom 297 26 Marenzio Basti fin qui a 10 27 Pizzoni Sweet are the thoughts (Mitte amorosi baci) Adapted by T. Oliphant 28 Weelkes Death hath deprived me 29 G. Caimo Now tune the viol 30 Anerio Ah me! Where is my true love 31 Converso Can I live without the heart 32 Marenzio With sad sorrow wasting (Consumando mi vo) 33 Cavendish Every bush now springing 34 Tye How still and peaceful 35 B. Tomasi Stay one moment 36 Marenzio To Cynthia fair 37 Farmer Cease now thy mourning 298 C7. Paper; WM 1799. Obl. 4°. Madrigals for 3–6 voices, in score, in the hand of the Rev. John Parker. Purchased by Vincent Novello, 1825. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marenzio So saith my fair 2 Croce Cynthia thy song 3 Wilbye Draw on sweet night 4 Gibbons O that the learned poets 5 Ward Sweet Philomel 6 Lupi Audivi vocem 7 Wilbye Why dost thou shoot 8 Palestrina Angelus Domini 9 Ferretti Donna crudel 10 Marenzio Fillida mia 11 Ward A satyr once 12 Bennett Rest now Amphion 299 13 Bennett Flow o my tears 14 Lassus O d’amarissime onde 15 Bennett O grief 16 Weelkes When Thoralis delights 17 Weelkes O pray for the peace Canon 18 Pordevon Lady that hand of plenty 19 Waelrent O’er desert plains 20 Gibbons Hosanna to the Son 21 Colombi Udit’ amanti From 'Il Helicone' (1616): https://imslp.org/wiki/Il_Helicone_(Various) 22 Marenzio Sweet heart arise 23 Byrd Although the heathen poets 24 Byrd As I beheld 300 25 Byrd Come woeful Orpheus 26 Byrd Come jolly swains 27 Byrd Awake mine eyes 28 Byrd Prostrate O Lord I lie 29 G. de Wert Ben sempre deggio 30 Morley Say gentle nymphs 31 G. de Wert Chi salirà 32 Palestrina We have heard with our ears 33 Marenzio Veggo dolce mio bene 34 Biancardi Quand' io miro 35 Palestrina Veni sponsa Christi 36 Faignient These that be certain signs 37 G. Renaldi Vanne a madonna 301 38 Wilbye Sweet love if thou wilt gain 39 Wilbye Thou art but young 40 Bicci Dainty white pearl 41 Wilbye Sweet honey-sucking bees 42 Wilbye Oft have I vowed 43 Wilbye Ah cannot sighes nor tears 44 Palestrina Exaltabo te 45 Wilbye All pleasure is of this condition C8. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. A similar volume to the above. Madrigals for 3–6 voices, in score, in the hand of the Rev. John Parker. Purchased by Vincent Novello, 1825. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Weelkes Now is the merry month of May 2 Ward Phillis the bright 3 Weelkes O when I think 302 4 Weelkes (?) Sweet violets 5 When from old ocean’s peaceful bed 6 Ward Oft have I tender’d 7 Ward If the deep sighs (Part 2) There’s not a grove 8 Ward Out from the vale 9 Byrd Laudate pueri 10 Byrd Siderum rector 11 Marenzio Occhi sereni 12 Non é questa (Part 2) Ecco pur si 13 Marenzio Come fuggir 14 Marenzio Nel più fiorito 15 Vecchi Hor ch’ogni vento 16 Il Verso Deh! Se mostrar 17 Stradella Pupillete amorose 18 Ward O divine love 19 O my thoughts surcease 303 20 Gastoldi Vezzosette ninf’e belle 21 Gastoldi Se ben ved’o vita 22 Gastoldi Più d’ogn’ altr’ o Clori 23 Ward Weep forth your tears 24 Hilton Fair Oriana, beauty’s queen 25 Palestrina O bella ninfa mia 26 Cavendish Come gentle swains 27 Ward Come sable night 28 Ward Ye sylvan nymphs 29 de Monte Leggiadre ninfe 30 Marenzio Non al suo amante 31 Wilbye Cruel behold 32 Gastoldi Viver lieto voglio C9. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. A similar volume to C7. Madrigals for 4–10 voices, in score, in the hand of the Rev. John Parker. Purchased by Vincent Novello, 1825. pp. 1–62 consist of Bennet’s “Madrigals to four voices” 1599, not in the original order and with various changes in the words. Pp. 149–246 are from Weelkes' "Ballets and Madrigals to Five Voices", London, 1598. PAGE NO. COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 63 Lasso Appariran per me 304 66 Wilbye As matchless beauty 70 Wilbye When Cloris heard 73 Wilbye What needeth all this travail (Part 2) O fools, can you not see 80 Kirbye Sound out my voice (Part 2) She that my plaints 93 Morley Fly love that art so sprightly 96 Nicholson Sing shepherds all 106 Marson The nymphs and shepherds 114 Wilbye Weep O mine eyes 116 Kirbye What can I do 120 Wilbye Change me O heavens 125 Wilbye Love not me for comely grace 130 Kirbye Alas what hope of speeding 134 Wilbye I love, alas 138 Wilbye Happy streams 305 144 Wilbye Happy, O happy he 149 Weelkes Sweet heart arise 156 Weelkes I love and have my love 18 160 Weelkes Sing shepherds after me 14 166 Weelkes Say dainty dames 9 170 Weelkes Now is the bridals 13 176 Weelkes Lady, your eye 16 181 Weelkes Now is my Cloris 22 184 Weelkes We shepherds sing 17 188 Weelkes Whilst youthful sports 4 192 Weelkes On the plains 5 196 Weelkes Give me my heart 7 200 Weelkes In pride of May 11 203 Weelkes Phillis go take thy pleasure 10 208 Weelkes Unto our flocks 23 212 Weelkes Sweet love, I will no more 3 218 Weelkes To shorten winter’s sadness 2 306 220 Weelkes Hark all ye lovely saints 8 223 Weelkes Farewell my joy 21 230 Weelkes Sing we at pleasure 12 234 Weelkes Come clap your hands Phillis hath sworn 19 244 Weelkes All at once well met 1 248 Bateson Sister awake 254 Bateson O fly not love 261 Bateson Hark! Hear you not 276 Marenzio Vieni Clori gentil (a 10) 285 Bateson Who prostrate lie 290 Molinaro Qual musico gentil 307 C10. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals, etc., for 4, 5 & 6 voices in score, in the hand of the Rev. John Parker. The madrigals by Venturi come from the “Primo libro de madrigali” 1592. Purchased by V. Novello, 1825. PAGE NO. COMPOSER TITLE NOTES p. 1 G. Ferretti Within a greenwood 8 Lassus The nightingale 14 G. Belli Hark and give ear 18 G. Ferretti My lady still abhors me 22 Wilbye Softly drop my eyes 30 L. Quintiani At sound of her sweet voice 35 G. Ferretti Far potess’ io 38 Wilbye Lady your words do spite me 43 Wilbye Thus saith my Cloris bright 46 Wilbye Ye that do live 53 S. Felis Sleep, sleep mine only jewel (Part 2) Thou bringst her home 63 R. Giovanelli Lo, ladies, where my love 68 R. Giovanelli Delay breeds danger 308 72 B. Mosto Sweetly pleasing singest thou 79 G. Ferretti Dimmi donna crudel 82 G. Ferretti Siat’ avertiti 86 R. Barera Donna per acquetar 92 R. Barera Se ben di Gigli 97 S. Venturi Nel mar del pianto 102 V. Nenti Donna te dico 104 S. Venturi Usciva homai 109 G. Ferretti Leggiadra Giovanett’ 112 G. Ferretti Voglio far un gran mare 114 R. Barera A te vaga gentil 118 R. Barera Fingo di non amAre 122 R. Barera Unica mia speranza 128 S. Venturi Quando l’ombre bramar 133 S. Venturi (Part 2) Non gli torment’ 138 S. Venturi Superbi colli 143 S. Venturi (Part 2) Così se bene 149 S. Venturi Tu sei vaga 309 155 S. Venturi Occhi se lacrimare 161 S. Venturi Ride Clori 166 R. Barera Questo legato in oro 172 S. Venturi Quell' aura 177 G. B. Lucatello Già primavera 185 A. Pevernage Gloria a 9 191 L. Marenzio Rose bianch’e 197 Palestrina Quando del terzo cielo 203 Marenzio Strider faceva 209 Marenzio Mentre qual viva C11. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. A similar volume to the above. PAGE NO. COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 B. Rogers Laudate Dominum An Act song a 8 16 Ward Fly not so fast 18 Palestrina Terra tremuit 24 Palestrina Confirma hoc 30 Palestrina Sacerdotes Domini 310 36 Palestrina Ascendit Deus 41 Palestrina Sanctus, Benedictus & Agnus Dei Mass 'Canite tuba in Sion' 55 S. Durante Lovely and gracious 58 Ferrabosco In flower of April 66 Marenzio Shall I live so far 71 Vecchi The white delightsome swan 78 Victoria Agnus Dei Missa 'Quam pulchri sunt' 84 Wilbye Lady when I behold 89 R. Trofeo Pregovi donna 90 Wilbye Die hapless man 97 Wilbye Weep, weep mine eyes 104 Converso My heart, alas! 113 Wilbye Alas what a wretched life 118 Marenzio When Melitaeus’ soul (Part 2) Now twinkling stars 131 Marenzio The fates alas too cruel 135 Wilbye There where I saw 311 145 Duetto Ecco mormorar l’onde (Part 2) Ecco gia l’alb[a]??? 151 Tye Laudate nomen Domini 153 Morley What ails my darling 157 Youll Come love, let’s walk 160 Youll In the merry month 162 A. Feliciani For grief I die 169 Farmer O stay sweet love (Part 2) I thought my love 175 Farmer Now each creature 178 East Round about I follow 180 East Young Cupid hath proclaimed 184 R. Trofeo Pregovi donna Canzonette leggiadre, 1600 186 Weelkes All at once well met 190 Ward Die not fond man 202 Ward Hope of my heart 210 Ward Upon a bank 312 218 East Ye restless cares C12. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. A similar volume to the above. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES p.1 Ferretti Mirate che m’ha fatto 5 Steffani Praise the Lord, ye servants a 8 18 (Stradella?) E pur giunta mia vita 22 (Stradella?) Feritevi ferite see C15 31 Lasso Fuyons tous d’amour le jeu 34 Bateson Thircis on his fair Phillis 40 Bateson Fair Hebe 46 Croce Lord in thine anger 58 ‘Bird’ Praise our Lord = ‘Byrd’ 65 Vecchi Leggiadretto Clorino 72 Ferretti Un pastor chies’ ad una ninf’ ` 76 Waelrent Tra rumor di tamburi 84 Waelrent Quanto debb 86 Giovanelli Dalle labbia 313 93 Giovanelli Ut re mi fa 102 Giovanelli Rallegrar mi poss'io 109 Giovanelli L’alma guerrier’ ardita 121 Ward My true love hath my heart 129 Ward Retire my troubled soul 136 Morley Stay heart, run not so fast 144 Morley Sovereign of my delight 148 Wilbye I fall, O stay me. 154 Wilbye (Part 2) And tho’ my love abounds 159 Wilbye Fly not so swift 165 Wilbye Despiteful thus 172 Marenzio I will go die 176 Bennet I languish to complain me 179 Lassus Te nunc laetetur 185 Lassus Ove le luci 192 Molinaro Vezzosi augelli 194 Molinaro Deh mira egli 314 196 Molinaro Vola fra gl’alti 199 Byrd Make ye joy to God 205 Nanino Sweet sparkle of love’s fire 211 ? Taci prendi 215 Byrd Turn our captivity 226 Byrd This day Christ was born 234 Byrd O quam gloriosum (Part 2) Benedictio??? et claritas 245 Byrd Blessed is he 249 Byrd Wedded to will is witless 256 Byrd I laid me down to rest 260 Byrd What pleasure have great princes 270 Bononcini Foss’ io qual rossignuolo Canzone 286 Stradella La ragion m’assicura 315 C13. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. A similar volume to the above. PAGE NO. COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Morley Hark, alleluia 6 Morley I follow, lo, the footing 14 Morley Lady, those cherries 18 Bennet All creatures now 24 Weelkes As Vesta was 34 Morley Arise, awake 40 Cobbold With wreath of rose 47 Morley The nymphs in green 52 Morley Hard by a crystal fountain 64 Ferretti Parmi di star 68 Marenzio Scherzando con diletto 74 Marenzio Spirto a cui giova 80 Marenzio Ecco l’aurora 87 Marenzio Ohimé se tanto amate 91 Marenzio Lunge da voi (Part 2) Me da voi 316 99 Marenzio Deh vezzose 105 Marenzio Corran di puro latte 112 Marenzio Quando vostra belta 119 Ferretti Ti parlo 122 Ferretti Chi cercasse 126 Ferretti Come poss’ io morir 130 Guaitoli Qual primavera 135 Guaitoli Non porta giaccio 142 Marenzio Ombrose e care selve 150 Morley Lo, where with flowery head 153 Morley Love took his bow 157 Wilbye Hard destinies are love 164 Farmer Fair nymphs, I heard 172 Weelkes Like two proud armies 178 Weelkes Take here my heart 184 Weelkes Cold winter’s ice 189 Morley Our bonny boots 194 Morley My nymph the dear 317 199 Morley O grief, e’en on the bud 202 Weelkes Thule (Part 2) The Andalusian merchant C14. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals in score, chiefly in the hand of the Rev. John Parker; after p. 136, in the hand of Mr Groombridge. Purchased by John Bagley, 1832. PAGE NO. COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 F. Anerio Al tuo dolce ritorno 6 F. Anerio Amor se l’amoroso 12 F. Anerio Falda di viva neve 17 F. Anerio Chiare e lucenti stelle 21 F. Anerio Febo non ti doler 27 F. Anerio Donna ben saprei 32 R. de Mel In un bel bosco (Part 2) O dolce laccie??? 44 R. de Mel Fra l’oro e i gigli 50 R. de Mel Quel vago 56 Quartieri Fortunati pastori 62 Anerio Se l’anime più belle a 8 318 82 Soriano Quando la mesta 87 Soriano Ameni colli 92 Unattributed Cangiami o ciel 98 Marenzio Già torna a rallegrar 104 Monteverdi Stracciami pur il core 112 Gastoldi Com’é soave cosa 118 Marenzio Oimè, il bel viso (Part 2) Per voi convien 130 Croce Candide perle 136 Marenzio In quel ben nato 144 Steffani Qui diligit Mariam C15. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals and motets by Steffani, Stradella, Marenzio, etc., in the hand of the Rev. John Parker. PAGE NO. COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Morley Ard’ ogn’ hora 4 Steffani Beautus vir 29 Steffani Sperate in Deo 52 Petti Cruda Amarilli 59 Stradella Clori son fido amante 319 70 Steffani Gettano i re dal soglio 78 Steffani Qui diligat Mariam 96 Stradella Spunta il dì 100 Stradella Per valletta o per campagne 102 Stradella Aure fresche 106 Stradella Tirsi un giorno 119 Stradella Colpo de bei vostr’ occhi 123 Stradella Piangete occhi 135 Stradella Sperai nella partita 140 Stradella Feritevi, ferite 150 Stradella E pur giunta 154 Stradella Care labbra 156 Bateson When Oriana walked 166 Bateson Phillis farewell 172 Croce From profound centre (Part 2) Upon thy word 184 Bateson Music some think 190 Marenzio Leggiadre ninf’ 320 196 Marenzio Spiri dolce favonio (Part 2) Tacciano i venti 210 Marenzio Come inanti (Part 2) Così questa 221 Marenzio In un lucido rio 226 Marenzio Al suon de le dolcissime 230 Marenzio Tra l’herb’ a pie (Part 2) Per più gradir 241 Marenzio Filli mia bella 245 Marenzio Donna più d’altr’ adorna 249 Marenzio Con la sua man 254 Marenzio Cantate ninfe 258 Marenzio Per duo coralli 262 Marenzio Vaneggio 267 Marenzio Ecco che’l ciel (Part 2) Ecco che mill’ augei 275 Marenzio Qual per ombros’ (Part 2) Può te agguagliar 283 Marenzio Donò Cinthia a Damone 321 286 Marenzio Quell’ ombra C16. Paper; Late 18th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals by Marenzio in score, in the hand of Edmund Thomas Warren. Nos. 1–4, 60–7 are from the 1st book à 4; 7–19 from the 7th book à 5; 20–38 from the 8th book à 5, 39–59 and 5 from the 9th book à 5; 6 from the 6th book à 6. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marenzio Ma per me lasso 2 Marenzio Ahi dispietata morte 3 Marenzio Zefiro torna 4 Marenzio Vezzos’ augelli 5 Marenzio Ahi tu mel neghi 6 Marenzio O fortuna 7 Marenzio Cruda Amarilli 8 Marenzio (Part 2) Ma gridiran per me 9 Marenzio Disa venturosa 10 Marenzio Al lume de le stelle 11 Marenzio Ami Tirsi 12 Marenzio O dolcezz’ amarissime 13 Marenzio (Part 2) Qui pur ve 14 Marenzio Sospir nato di foco 322 15 Marenzio Arda pur sempr’ o moro 16 Marenzio Questi vaghi concenti 17 Marenzio (Part 2) Deh se potessi 18 Marenzio O fido, o car’ Aminta 19 Marenzio (Part 2) O Mirtilla 20 Marenzio O occhi del mio core 21 Marenzio Anima bella 21* Marenzio Dunque romper la fè 22 Marenzio Filli volgendo i lumi 23 Marenzio Vita soave 24 Marenzio Provate la mia fiamma 25 Marenzio Vieni, deh vieni a me 26 Marenzio Ahi chi t’insidia al bosca[reccio] 27 Marenzio Ite amari sospiri 28 Marenzio Pur venisti cor mio 29 Marenzio Quand' io miro 30 Marenzio Deh Tirsi mio gentil 31 Marenzio Questi leggiadri odoro[setti] 323 32 Marenzio Care lagrime mie 33 Marenzio La mia Clori é brunetta 34 Marenzio Non sol dissi 35 Marenzio Dorinda! Ah diró 36 Marenzio Ferir quel petto 37 Marenzio Laura se pur sei 38 Marenzio Perfida pur potesti 39 Marenzio Così nel mio 40 Marenzio (Part 2) Et ella ancide 41 Marenzio Amor io ho molt[i] 42 Marenzio Dura legge d’amor 43 Marenzio (Part 2) E so com’in un punto 44 Marenzio Chiaro segno Amor 45 Marenzio Se sì in alto 46 Marenzio L’aura che’l verde 47 Marenzio (Part 2) Se ch’io non veggia 48 Marenzio Il vago e bello Armillo 49 Marenzio (Part 2) E dicea: O beate onde 324 50 Marenzio Solo e pensoso 51 Marenzio (Part 2) Si ch’io mi cred’homai 52 Marenzio Vivo in guerra 53 Marenzio (Part 2) E gl’occhi al cielo 54 Marenzio Fiume ch’ha l’onde 55 Marenzio Lasso dicea 56 Marenzio Parto e non parto 57 Marenzio Credete voi ch’io vivo 58 Marenzio Crudele acerba 59 Marenzio La bella man vi stringo 60 Marenzio Vieni montan 61 Marenzio (Part 2) Corbo malvaggio 62 Marenzio (Part 3) La santa Pale 63 Marenzio Nov’ angeletta 64 Marenzio Vidi le valli 65 Marenzio Chi vuol udir 66 Marenzio Dolci son le quadrell’ 67 Marenzio (Part 2) Come doglia 325 68 Marenzio Menand’un giorno 69 Marenzio I lieti amanti 70 Marenzio Tutto’l di piango 71 Marenzio Lasso che pur 72 Marenzio Su’l carro della mente 73 Marenzio (Part 2) Vedi ch'egl’ama C17. Paper; Late 18th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals by Wilbye for 3–6 voices in score, in the hand of Edmund T. Warren, consisting of the 1st and 2nd sets complete, and “The Lady Oriana” from the Triumphs of Oriana. Nos. 1–13 are for 3 voices, 14–27 for 4 voices, 28–48 for 5 voices and 49–65 for six voices. C18. Paper; Late 18th Century, obl. 4°. Thomas Bateson’s First Set of Madrigals for 3, 4, 5 & 6 voices, in score, from the edition of 1604. C19. Paper; Late 18th Century, obl. 4°. John Ward’s First Set of English Madrigals for 3, 4, 5 & 6 voices in score, from the edition of 1613. C20. Paper; Late 18th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals by Thomas Weelkes in score from the original printed editions, viz. The First Set of Madrigals, 3, 4, 5 & 6 voices (Thos. Este 1597) and The Second Set of Balletts and Madrigals for 5 voices (Thos. Este 1608). C21. Paper; A similar volume to the above, containing Weelkes’ Madrigals for Five Voices (1600), Madrigals for Six Voices (1600) and Airs or Fantastic Spirits (1608). C22. Paper; Late 18th Century, obl. 4°. Thomas Watson’s “Italian Madrigals Englished” in score from the edition of 1590. C23. Paper; Late 18th Century, obl. 4°. Nicholas Yonge’s “Musica Transalpina” for 4 voices in score from the edition of 1588. C24. Paper; Late 18th Century, obl. 4°. Nicholas Yonge’s “Musica Transalpina”, Bk 2, for 5 & 6 voices in score from the edition of 1588. 326 C25. Paper; Late 18th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals for five voices in score from Musica Transalpina, Second Set, 1597. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Vecchi The white delightful swan 2 Ferrabosco Zephyrus brings the time 3 Eremita So far dear life 4 Croce Cynthia thy song 5 Eremita Fly if thou wilt be flying 6 Quintiani At sound of her sweet voice 7 Ferrabosco Brown is my love 8 Ferrabosco The wine that I so dearly got 9 Marenzio Dolourous mournful cares 10 Ferrabosco In flower of April 11 Quintiani Hills and woods 12 Ferrabosco Lady my flame 13 Ferrabosco Sweet Lord, your flame 14 Nanino Sweet sparkle of love’s fire 327 15 Quintiani Now springs each plant 16 Venturi Sweet eyes admiring C26. Paper; Late 18th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals for six voices in score, from Musica Transalpina, First Set 1588, and Second Set 1597. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marenzio I will go die 2 Ferrabosco These that be certain signs 3 Ferrabosco So far from my delight 4 Ferrabosco She only doth not feel it 5 Anon. Lo here my heart 6 Marenzio Now must I part 7 Conversi Zephyrus brings the time 8 Conversi But with me wretch 9 Ferrabosco I was full near my fall 10 Ferrabosco But as the bird 11 Marenzio I sung sometime 328 12 Marenzio Because my love 13 Palavicino Love quench this heat 14 Palavicino Cruel why dost thou fly me 15 Croce O gracious and worthiest 16 Marenzio Shall I live so far 17 Marenzio So saith my fair and beautiful 18 Feliciano For grief I die 19 Bicci Dainty white pearl 20 Croce Hard by a crystal fountain C27. Paper; 1790–93, obl. 4°. Bennett: Madrigals to Foure Voices 1599 and Farmer: First Set of English Madrigals 1599, scored from the original editions by Paul Hobler. C28. Paper; Late 18th Century, obl. 4°. William Byrd: Gradualia, Book I, 1605. In score, in the hand of John Danby. “From an ancient copy in score in the possession of Sir John Hawkins”. For contents, see Grove. C29. Paper; c. 1780, obl. 4°. William Byrd: Gradualia, Book II, 1607. In score, in the hand of John Danby. “From the MSS parts in the possession of Sir John Hawkins”. C30. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 4°. Motets for 4 voices in score. The inscription on the cover “Motecta a Gul. Byrd” is misleading, since only three of them can be identified among Byrd’s works. NUMBER PAGE NO. COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 p.1 Victoria Vita dulcedo 329 2 p.2 Victoria Ad te suspiramus 3 p.3[E3] unattributed Pleni sunt coeli 4 p.6 unattributed Benedictus qui venit 5 p.8 unattributed Crucifixus 6 p.11 unattributed Christe eleyson 7 p.13 unattributed Domine Deus 8 p.14 unattributed Crucifixus 9 p.16 unattributed Domine Deus 10 p.17 unattributed Benedictus 11 p.18 unattributed Benedictus 12 p.20 Victoria Salve regina 13 p.21 Victoria Ad te clamamus 14 p.22 unattributed Et Jesum 15 p.24 Victoria Et Jesum 16 p.26 unattributed Laudate Dominum 17 p.30 unattributed Stella quam viderant 18 p.34 Byrd Visita quaesumus 19 p.38 Byrd Ecce quam bonum 330 20 p.41 unattributed Deus adjutor meus 21 p.44 unattributed Ibant apostoli 22 p.47 unattributed Sanctificavit Dominus 23 p.51 Palestrina Hodie beata virgo 24 p.56 unattributed Derelinquat impius 25 p.60 unattributed In te confidet anima 26 p.63 unattributed Kyrie eleison 27 p.64 Victoria Ne timeas Maria 28 p.68 unattributed Surrexit pastor bonus 29 p.72 unattributed Sint lumbi vestri 30 p.76 unattributed Vigilate ergo 31 p.79 unattributed Misericordias Domini 32 p.83 unattributed Voca me et respondebo 33 p.87 unattributed Domine exaudi 34 p.91 Victoria Senex puerum 35 p.95 unattributed O Domine Jesu Christe 36 p.99 Victoria Sancta Maria 331 37 p.104 Byrd Ave regina coelorum 332 D16. Paper; WM 1806, obl. fol. Madrigals for 3 & 4 voices in score, in the hand of the Rev. John Parker. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES p.1 Wilbye So light is love 6 Wilbye There is a jewel 11 Wilbye Ah cruel Amaryllis 15 Bateson Love would discharge 18 Bateson Your shining eye 21 Wilbye Flourish ye hillocks 25 Wilbye Dear pity, how 29 Wilbye As fair as morn 33 Bateson Beauty is a lovely sweet 35 Weelkes A village pair 39 Wilbye Away, away 43 Wilbye O what shall I do? 47 Wilbye Ye restless thoughts 51 East O come again 54 East In the merry month of May 57 East Corydon would kiss her 333 60 East O do not run away 65 East Alas must I run 68 Wilbye Fly love aloft 71 unattributed Sweet violets 74 Bateson Come follow me 79 Bateson Aye me! my mistakes 96 Dowland Now, o now I needs must part 99 Dowland Sleep wayward thoughts 103 Dowland Rest awhile ye cruel cares 107 Dowland His golden lochs 111 Dowland Come again 113 Dowland If my complaints 117 Dowland Come heavy sleep 121 Bateson Whither so fast 124 East O stay fair cruel 127 East Sweet love, I err 130 Jones Let thy salvation 133 Anerio Occhi piangete 334 135 Anerio Caggia fuoco 136 Anerio Se darmi a tutte 138 Anerio Quest'é quel chiaro giorno 141 Anerio Pria senza fronde 143 Marenzio Vedi le valle 146 Marenzio Nova angeletta 150 Marenzio O bella man 155 Marenzio (Part 2) Candido leggiadrett’e caro 158 Marenzio Menand’ un giorno 161 Marenzio Vienne Montan 165 Marenzio (Part 2) Morbo malvaggio 168 Marenzio (Part 3) La santa pale 173 Marenzio Hor vedi amor 177 Marenzio Apollo s’ancor 180 Marenzio (Part 2) E per virtù 183 Marenzio Su'l carro della mente 186 Marenzio (Part 2) Vedi ch’egl’ ama 335 190 Marenzio Chi vuol veder 194 Marenzio Vezzosi augeletti 199 Marenzio Madonna sua mercè 202 R. M. A Duetto Di diletto 205 R. M. A Duetto Vede nel prim’ 208 R. M. A Duetto Ardi e gela 211 R. de Melle Privo di voi 214 R. de Melle Labbia amoros’e di dolcezza 219 Pallavicino Chi vuol veder 222 Marenzio Dolci son le quadrell’ 225 Marenzio (Part 2) Come doglia 228 Marenzio Veggo dolce mio 231 Marenzio Zefiro torna 234 Marenzio (Part 2) Ma per me 238 Marenzio Non vidi mai 243 Marenzio Lasso dicea 246 Marenzio Ahi! dispietata morte 249 Marenzio Non al suo amante 336 253 Marenzio Tutto’ l di piango 257 Marenzio (Part 2) Lasso che pur 260 Marenzio Dissi a l’amata mia 264 Marenzio O lieti amanti 267 R. M. A Duetto Nel mezzo del giardin 271 R. M. A Duetto Non sia chi pensi 275 Spontone Vieni soav’ e dilettoso 278 Ruffo Prima che spunt’il sol 281 Ruffo Ben mille notti D17. Paper; 18th Century, 4°. Solo and verse-anthems, psalms, etc., in score, in several hands, mainly anonymous. The majority have a figured bass accompaniment. FOLIO VOICES COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 A solo, SATB T. F. Forster Sing unto God 6 SSB G. Carissimi Militia est vita ? ATB G. Carissimi Surgamus, eamus 19 SS (Carissimi?) Quo tam laetus (“Per santo martire”) 24 SSS Carissimi Cum reverteretur David 28v ATB (Carissimi?) In te Domine speravi 337 37v SB - Fily pues mi vida 38v - Arcier che m’hai ferita Fragment of an aria 39 ATB Carissimi Turbabuntur impii 45 SSATB (Carissimi/) Annunciate gentes 51v SS Carissimi Nigra sum 54 SSATB - Blessed be God 56 B solo, SATB (J. Clark?) O be joyful. 63v BB Purcell An Hymn upon the last day (Awake ye dead) 66 SAB - The Lord is King 72 SS - No vain world 80 J. Clark I will love thee, O Lord Harmonia Sacra, pp 101–112 of 86 SS - O praise the Lord with one consent 94 Goudimel I said I would take heed Adapted from Ps. 39 on fol. 109v 96 ATB & SATB Croft The souls of the righteous 108 - Fragmentary bass part of an anthem ending: “And lead me in the way everlasting” 338 108 (Byrd) Non nobis Domine 108v B solo - Rejoice in his holy name 109v (Goudimel) Je l’avois dit que tant que je vivrois Ps. 39 from Mawt & de Bèse Psalter 1565 110 TB soli & strings - Blessed is the man 113 S solo, SATB -(Blow? Croft?) I waited patiently for the Lord 117 SATB. - Hear me when I call Ps. 4 119 SAATB - Have mercy upon me, O God 122 SATB (Goudimel) Psaume 63 No words 123 SATB (Goudimel)? O praise the Lord with one consent 123v - All people that on earth do dwell - (Goudimel)? It is a thing most seemly 124 (Goudimel)? From lowest depths of misery 125 S solo - Have mercy upon me, O God 129 A solo, SATB (Greene?) Acquaint thyself with God 133v B solo Carissimi O vulnera doloris 339 136 A solo, SATB (Greene?) Lord how are they increased Ps 3. 140v B solo Greene My soul truly waiteth 144 S solo - I will magnify thee With acct. for str. & flutes 156 SATB Stroud Hear my prayer 164 SAATB (Tallis) I call and cry 168 SAATN (Byrd) Bow thine ear 172 Rev. W. Henley As pensive by the streams we sat; As pants the hart Two psalms, words and music by Rev. W. Henley D18–20. Paper; Late 18th Century, 4°. Catches, canons, glees and madrigals for 3 or 4 voices, in parts. The catches are given in score. The 4th part-book is missing. PAGE NO. COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Arnold “An Image of Pleasure” (Solice of Life) Glee 3 Webbe Alcock Arne Who can express Like as the Hart Follow my path Canon Canon Canon 4 Ireland Jolly Bacchus Glee 6 Ireland Could gold prolong my fleeting breath Glee 7 Cooke In the merry month of May Glee 340 9 S. Long Hush, the god of love Glee 10 S. Long Where’er you tread Glee 11 Giardini Beviamo tutti Glee 12 Baildon C. Thomas Adam catched Eve Adieu, good night Catch Catch 13 Weelkes The Nightingale Glee 14 Morley Fair Phillis I saw Glee 15 Arne In friendship, wine Canon 16 Arne Cooke My beloved is mine Lover, thou must be presuming Canon Glee 18 Dyne Fill the bowl with rosy wine Glee 19 Arne Nares Is the devil in you To all lovers of harmony Glee Glee 21 Cooke Round, round with the glass, boys Glee 23 Cooke How sleep the brave Glee 24 Bates Sir you are a comical fellow Catch 25 Earl of Mornington Says Sue to Prue Catch 26 Ireland Let’s drink, boys, and be jolly Catch 341 27 Hutchinson From flow’ry meads Catch 28 Wilbye Fly love to heaven Madrigal 29 Wilbye Away, thou shalt not love me Madrigal 30 Wilbye As fair as morn Madrigal 31 Ireland Bacchus to arms Glee 33 Ireland Great God of sleep Glee 34 - Young men and maidens Canon 35 Webbe Fill me a bumper Catch 36 Webbe See, the jolly god appears Catch 38 Ireland Where weeping yews Elegy - Berg On May morning (Now the bright morning star) Glee 40 Anon. ‘Twas on a bright morning Catch 41 Webbe Rise my joy Glee 42 Anon. I want to dress Catch 43 Morley Within an arbour Glee 44 Cooke Hark hark the lark Glee 45 Cooke O come ye fair Ode 46 J. S. Smith Midst silent shades Glee 342 47 Webbe Now I’m prepared Glee 49 Berg Arne I married a wife Hush to peace Glee Glee 50 Atterbury Who like Bacchus can control Glee 51 Harington Boyce O thou whose notes Long live King George Glee Catch 52 Smart Anon With my jug in one hand Look, neighbour, look Glee Catch 53 J. Eccles Hayes Wine does wonders Melting airs soft joys inspire Glee Glee 54 Arne You ask me dear Jack Glee 55 Byrd Non nobis domine Canon 56 Webbe Attend ye sons of mirth Glee 57 Harington You know where Quaker’s Wedding (Sister, oh say) Glee Catch 58 Brewer Rogers Turn Amaryllis, to thy swain Come, all (worth???) souls Glee Glee 59 East How merrily we live Glee 60 Taylor Farewell sorrow, farewell pain Glee 343 61 Anon. With a jolly full bottle Glee 62 Hook Golden sun, thy warmth display Canzonet 65 Webbe Anon. Come live with me Lie still my dear Glee Catch 66 Battishill Arne Consigned to dust Sweet muse Glee Glee 68 Baildon Adieu to the village delights Glee 69 Paxton How sweet, how fresh - D21–23. Paper; early 19th Century, obl. 4°. Glees, etc. for 3 voices in parts. (ATB) NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 (Cooke) Hark, hard, the lark 2 (Arne) Come shepherds will follow 3 Tho’ solemn wisdom’s sullen pow’r 4 (Baildon) Adieu to the village delights 5 (Dyne) Fill the bowl with rosy wine 6 Drink to me only 344 7 When festive mirth and converse 8 Joan said to John 9 Look, neighbour, look 10 O Absalom, my son 11 Come follow me to the greenwood tree 12 (Arne) You ask me dear Jack 13 When gay Bacchus 14 R. Taylor Farewell sorrow, farewell pain 15 Atterbury Who like Bacchus can confront 16 Fill every man his cup 17 Eccles Wine does wonder 18 East How merrily we live 19 Calcott The new mariners 20 When Arthur first in court 21 We be three poor fishermen 22 To all ye ladies now at hand 345 23 How should we mortals spend our hours 24 (Cooke) [added later] How sleep the brave 25 Webbe O come o bella ardor 26 Calcott Peace to the souls of the heroes 27 G. T. Smart Merry merry gypsies all are we 28 Reeve Who has seen the miller’s wife D24–27. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. Madrigals, motets, etc, in parts (TTBB part-books only; S & A are missing). The presence of a madrigal by Sir J L Rogers (first president of The Madrigal Society, in 1820) suggests that he may have been the copyist. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Gibbons O clap your hands 2 Gibbons (Part 2) God is gone up 3 Weelkes When Thoralis delights to walk 4 Morley Singing alone sat my sweet Amaryllis 5 Morley Hard by a crystal fountain 6 J. Saville Fa la la 7 Wilbye Lady, when I behold 346 8 L. Rossi Laudate Dominum omnes gentes 9 Bateson O fly not love 10 B. Cooke Amen 11 Wilbye Why dost thou shoot 12 Bicci Dainty white pearl 13 Byrd Bow thine ear 14 Marenzio Come fuggir 15 Croce Cynthia, thy song and chanting 16 Morley Our bonny boots 17 Ward Sweet Philomel 18 Morley April is in my mistress’ face 19 Croce Hard by a chrystal fountain 20 Dowland Now, O now, I needs must part 21 Clari Kyrie eleison 22 Tye In life’s gay morn 23 Weelkes Now let us make a merry greeting 347 24 Gibbons Hosanna to the Son of David 25 Bennet Thyrsis, sleepest thou 26 Greene O clap your hands 27 Ward Die not, fond men 28 Palestrina Dum esset summus pontifex 29 Wilbye Lady, your vows do spite me 30 Gibbons Dainty fine bird 31 Gastoldi Vezzosette ninf’e belle 32 Weelkes Give me my heart 33 Morley The nymphs in green amaying 34 Converso When all alone 35 Wilbye The Lady Oriana 36 Weelkes Lady your eye 37 Wilbye Sweet honey-sucking bees 38 Marenzio I will go die for pure love 39 Ferretti My lady still abhors me 348 40 Bennet All creatures now 41 Festa Down in a flow’ry vale 42 Morley Arise awake 43 Bateson Sister, awake 44 Weelkes Now is my Cloris fresh as May 45 Leo Tu es sacerdos 46 Fanant Lord, for thy tender mercies sake 47 Ward Sweet Philomel 48 Croft Cry aloud and shout 49 Croft Glory be to the Father 50 Cavendish Come gentle swains 51 Byrd Sing joyfully 52 Morley Lo where with flow’ry head 53 Ward Phillis the bright 54 Morley Fire, fire 55 Gibbons Holy, holy, holy 56 Palestrina Miserere mei 349 57 Leo Tu es sacerdos 58 Croft God is gone up 59 Wilbye Draw on sweet night 60 Ferretti Mirate che m’ha fatto 61 Bennett Flow O my tears 62 Bateson Phillis farewell 63 Cavendish Every bush new springing 64 Ward Upon a bank with roses 65 Marenzio Cantiam la bella Clori 66 Ward Hope of my heart 67 Hilton Fair Oriana 68 Palestrina We have heard with our ears 69 Gibbons Ah dear heart 70 (Purcell) In these delightful pleasant groves 71 Tye How still and peaceful 72 Gibbons O that the learned poets 73 Marenzio So saith my fair and beautiful Licoris 350 74 Bennett Since neither tunes of joy 75 Wilbye What needeth all this travail 76 Wilbye (Part 2) O fools, can you not see 77 Weelkes Come clap thy hands 78 Weelkes Phillis hath sworn 79 Wilbye Oft have I vowed 80 Stradella Clori son fido amante 81 Bateson Those sweet delights 82 Weelkes Phillis to take thy pleasure 83 Quintiani At sound of her sweet voice 84 Farmer Now each creature joys??? the other 85 Bennett O sleep fond fancy 86 Leo Kyrie eleison 87 Bateson Who prostrate lie 88 Wilby Thou art but young 89 Sir J. L. Rogers O say, ye saints who shine 351 90 Gibbons The silver swan 91 Weelkes As Vesta was 92 Weelkes Sweetheart arise 93 Marenzio Basti fin qui le pene F47–51. Paper; c 1800, obl. 8°. Madrigals for five voices by Gesualdo, from the editions of 1585–1611. In five part-books (Index at the back of Quintus part). Lib. I NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Gesualdo Baci soav (Part 2): Quest ha 2 Gesualdo Madonna io ben vorrei 3 Gesualdo Com’ esser può 4 Gesualdo Gel’ha madonna 5 Gesualdo Mentre madonn’ il lasso (Part 2): Ahi troppo saggia 6 Gesualdo Se da si nobil mano (Part 2): Amor pace 7 Gesualdo Si gioioso mi fanno 8 Gesualdo O dolce mio martire 352 9 Gesualdo Tirsi morir volea (Part 2): Frenò Tirsi 10 Gesualdo Mentre mia stella 11 Gesualdo Non mirar 12 Gesualdo Questi leggiadri 13 Gesualdo Felice primavera (Part 2): Danzan le ninfe 14 Gesualdo Son si belle le rose 15 Gesualdo Bell’ Angioletta Lib. II NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Gesualdo Caro amoroso (Part 2): Ma se tale ha 2 Gesualdo Hai rotte 3 Gesualdo Se per lieve (Part 2): Che sentir 4 Gesualdo In più leggiadro velo 5 Gesualdo Se così (Part 2): Ma s'avvera 353 6 Gesualdo Se taccio 7 Gesualdo O com'è gran martire (Part 2): O mio soave ardore 8 Gesualdo Sento che nel partire 9 Gesualdo Non è questa (Part 2): Ne tien face 10 Gesualdo Candida man qual nava 11 Gesualdo Dall' odorate (Part 2): E quell’ arpa 12 Gesualdo Non mai 13 Gesualdo All apparir 14 Gesualdo Non mi togl' Lib. 4 NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE 1 Gesualdo Luci serene 2 Gesualdo Tal hor sano 3 Gesualdo Io tacerò (Part 2): In vani dunque 4 Gesualdo Che fai meco mio 354 5 Gesualdo Questa crudele 6 Gesualdo Hor ch’in gioia (Part 2): O nella gioia 7 Gesualdo Cor mio, deh! (Part 2): Dunque non m’offendete 8 Gesualdo Sparge la mortal 9 Gesualdo Moro e mentre sospiro (Part 2): Quando di lui 10 Gesualdo Mentre gira costei 11 Gesualdo A voi mentre 12 Gesualdo Ecco morirò (Part 2): Ahi gia mi 13 Gesualdo Ard’il mio cor 14 Gesualdo Se chiudete 15 Gesualdo Il sol qual hor (Part 2): Volgi mia??? luce Lib 6. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Gesualdo Se la mia morte 355 2 Gesualdo Beltà poi che t’assenti 3 Gesualdo Tu segui o bella 4 Gesualdo Resta di darmi 5 Gesualdo Chiaro risplender 6 Gesualdo Io parto e non 7 Gesualdo Mille volte il dì 8 Gesualdo O dolce mio tesoro 9 Gesualdo Deh! Come invan 10 Gesualdo Io pur respiro 11 Gesualdo Alme d’amor 12 Gesualdo Candido e verde fiore 13 Gesualdo Ardita Zanzaretta 14 Gesualdo Ardo per te 15 Gesualdo Ancide sol la morte 16 Gesualdo Quel nò crudel 17 Gesualdo Moro lasso 18 Gesualdo Volan quasi 19 Gesualdo Al mio gioir 356 20 Gesualdo Tu piangi o filli 21 Gesualdo Anchor che per amarti F55–57. Paper; c 1800, obl. 8°. Motets for 4 voices by Palestrina, in parts (Cantus, Altus, Bassus–lacking Tenor). PAGE NO. COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Palestrina Dies sanctificatus 3 Palestrina Lapidabant Stephanum 5 Palestrina Valde honorandus est 7 Palestrina Magnum haereditas mysterium 9 Palestrina Tribus miraculis 11 Palestrina Hodie beata virgo 13 Palestrina Ave Maria 14 Palestrina Jesus junxit 16 Palestrina O rex gloriae 18 Palestrina Loquebantur variis linguis 21 Palestrina Benedicta sit 23 Palestrina Lauda Sion 25 Palestrina Fuit homo 357 27 Palestrina Tu es pastor ovium 29 Palestrina Magni sanctus Paulus 32 Palestrina Surge propera amica mea 35 Palestrina In diebus illis 40 Palestrina Beatus Laurentius 42 Palestrina Quae est ista 46 Palestrina Misso Herodes 49 Palestrina Nativitas tua 52 Palestrina Nos antem gloriari 56 Palestrina Salvator mundi 58 Palestrina O quantus luctus 62 Palestrina Congratulamini 65 Palestrina Dum aurora 70 Palestrina Doctor bonus 75 Palestrina Quam pulchri sunt 81 Palestrina Tollite jugum meum 84 Palestrina Isti sunt viri sancti 88 Palestrina Hic est vere martyr 358 93 Palestrina Gaudent in coelis 97 Palestrina Iste sunt qui ante Deus 102 Palestrina Beatus vir qui suffert 106 Palestrina Veni sponsa Christi 109 Palestrina Exaudi Domine F63–64. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Songs for 2 & 3 voices, in parts (2 parts only). The songs by W. Markham are not listed elsewhere NUMBER F63 folio F64 folio COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 1 1 Morley Now in the break of morning 2 2v 2v Morley Sweet nymph come to thy lover 3 3v 3 Morley O thou that art so cruel 4 5v 5v Morley Leave now mine eyes 5 7 7 Morley Lo here another love 6 8 8 Morley Miraculous, love’s wounding 7 10 Worgan O soft desires (à 4) There are discrepancies in the catalogue between putting an 359 accent about the a to indicate the number of voices, and not putting an accent about the a to indicate the number of voices. 8 10v 10v (Handel) See the yielding fair 9 11 Purcell When Myra sings 10 12v 10 Purcell Fair Cloe my breast so alarms 11 13v 13 Eccles Wine does wonders à 3 12 14 13v Purcell Andin each track of glory 13 15 14 Purcell Sound the trumpet 14 15v 15 J. Corfe Of all joys we are possesst 15 16v W. Markham Away with dull thinking. A dialogue 16 17v 25 S. Cooke Awake, old England, rouse. Vernon’s Call 17 19 W. Markham Come, friends, times are hard. A dialogue 18 20 15v Purcell Come let us agree 360 19 20v 16 Aldrich How happy are we 20 21 16v (Morgan) By shady woods 21 21v 17 Purcell Cease, ye rovers, cease to range 22 22 18 Corelli Bacchus, assist us to sing 23 22v W. Markham The jolly bowl does glad my soul 24 22v 21v Purcell Let Caesar and Urania live 25 23v 19 W. Smith Why Harry, what ails you 26 24 19v Eccles The loud alarms of war 27 25 20 J. Morgan Great love, thou universal king 28 25v 20v Purcell Lost is my quiet 29 27 23 Cooke Joy to the happy pair 30 27v 24 - Plenty, mirth and gay delights 31 28 24v (Handel) Bacchus, god of mortal pleasure 32 29v 18v Carey In these groves with content 361 33 29v 26v Morley Go ye my canzonets 34 31 27v - I go before my darling 35 31v 28 Morley Fire and lightning 36 32v 29 Morley Flora wilt thou torment me 37 33 30 Morley In nets of golden wires 38 34 31 Morley I should for grief and anguish 39 34v 31v - Thro’ mournfull shades 40 35 32 - (Part 2): Then at some willow root 41 35v 33 - (Part 3): How art thou chang’d, O Thirsis 42 22 Purcell Sound a parley 43 18v 25v - Awake, old England, awake F65–69. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Madrigals by Gesualdo, Book 2, in parts (Canto, Alto, Tenore, Basso, Quinto). Some of the madrigals have an English review added in a later hand. For contents, see F47–51, Lib. 2 F70–74. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. A similar set to the above. Madrigals by Gesualdo, Book 4, in 5 part-books. For contents, see F47–51, Lib. 4. 362 F75. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Madrigals by Gesualdo, Book 2, in score, in the same hand as the above, and with an English version added in places. Contents as before. F76. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Anthems and psalms in score. The fly leaf bears the signature of "T.R. Simpson. 1739", whose name also appears on the ornamental end-plates with a musical border: a) Handsome Patie or Corn Riggs are bonny, b) Mira’s Singing and Beauty, which are copied from Bickham’s “Musical Entertainer”. FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 (Weldon?) O praise God in his holiness 2v O give thanks unto the Lord Ps. 105 4 Tans’ur Lord tune my heart Canon 4 in 1 6v Purcell Sing we merrily 11v Praise the Lord, O my soul Ps. 103 12 I am the resurrection and the life A Funeral Anthem 15 O give thanks unto the Lord Ps. 136 16 O praise the Lord, all ye heathen Ps. 117 19 Great is the Lord Ps. 48 22v Blow Gloria Patri Canon 4 in 1 24 O how amiable Ps. 84 29 O praise the Lord all ye angels 363 31 Awake up my glory Ps. 57 33v Blessed are all they Ps. 128. Proper for a wedding 35v I will give thanks Ps. 138 37v I will magnify thee Ps. 30 Reversing the book: 41 O come loud anthems Ps. 95 42 The Lord is our defense Ps. 46 42v Remember David’s troubles, Lord 43 A psalm tune Ps. 139 44 A psalm tune Ps. 1 45 Give laud unto the Lord Ps. 198 47v O give thanks unto the Lord Ps. 106 48 Now Israel may say Ps. 124 Those that do put their trust Ps. 125 49v My soul, praise thou the Lord Ps. 146 50 Ye children which do serve the Lord Ps. 113 50v The man is blest Ps. 112 ff 51v–60 contains psalm tunes, without words. 364 F78. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Anthems, madrigals, etc., in score. The anthems are taken from Leighton’s “Tears or Lamentations”. FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Bennett Whenas I looked 6 Leveridge You that this merry catch do hear 7 Colonna Ad novum coeli jubar Cantata, in several sections, interspersed with instrumental ritornelli 25 (Bennett) So lovely is thy dear self 29v Byrd Look down O Lord 32 Dowland From silent night 36 Byrd Be unto me, O Lord 39v R. Jones What shall I render to the Lord 42 Ferrabosco In thee O Lord I put my trust 43v Wilbye I am quite tired 46 Ward O let me tread 48v Weelkes Most mighty and all-knowing God 365 50v Gibbons O Lord how do my woes increase 52v Peerson O God that no time dost despise 54v Jones Let thy salvation be my joy 57 Lupo O Lord give ear 59 Pilkington Hidden, O Lord are my most horrid sins 61v Bennett Rest now Amphion 68 Bennett Oh sweet griefs 73 Bennett O grief! Where shall poor grief 78v Bennett Since neither tunes of joy 82v Bennett Flow O my tears 85v Bennett Ye restless thoughts 89 Caix d’Hervelois Keyboard suite in A 111v de Castro Si aux cieux chanson à 2 113 de Castro (Part 2): Si l’ambrosie 114v de Castro (Part 3): Si madame a scen??? 115v de Castro (Part 4): Pour la douleur 366 Reversing the book: 131 Purcell King Arthur Music from Act 1 132v (Arne) Blow, blow thou winter wind Melody only 133v At St Osyth by the mill 135 (Arne) “When daisies pied” Melody and bass only F79. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Anthems and madrigals in score. As in the preceding, the anthems are taken from Leighton’s “Tears or Lamentations”. FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 2v Worgan The gladsome bloom of summer 7v Worgan Happy the man (duet) 8v Worgan Go soft desires 13v (Le Jeune) O gratiosa bella 16v (Bennett) Flow, O my tears 21v Lo here my heart 26 Marenzio Dissi a l’amata mia 30v Marenzio Dolorosi martir 34v Qual piu crudel martir 38 Palestrina Veramente in amore 367 42 Byrd Look down, O Lord 45v Byrd Be unto me, O Lord 51v Jones What shall I render 55 Ferrabosco In thee, O Lord 57 Wilbye I am quite tired 60 Ward O let me tread in the right path 62v Weelkes Most mighty and all-knowing 65 Gibbons O Lord how do my woes increase 67v Peerson O God that no time dost despise 71 Jones Let thy salvation be my joy 74v Lupo O Lord, give ear 78 Pilkington Hidden, O Lord, are my 81v Bennett Rest now Amphion 88v Bennett Oh sweet grief F80. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Madrigals, etc., for 3–6 voices, in score. FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 368 1 Worgan The gladsome bloom of summer 5 G. J. Immyns Love is that madness 9 Night must involve the world 11v No warning of th’approaching flame 13 If love, alas, be pain 15 Palestrina Benedictus (Mass “Ave regina coelorum”) 19 (Bateson) Your sparkling eye 21v (Bateson) Ah me, my mistress scorns my love 31 Anerio Il giovenil mio core 34v di Lasso Di pensier in pensier (à 5) 39 di Lasso (Part 2): Così le chiome 43 - Diri??? a quest’arde (à 6) 47 Palestrina Vestiva i colli 51 Marenzio Cade gia di Tarquinio 55 de Wert Salve principe invito 3rd book of madrigals 60v (de Wert) Dunque non vedi (à 5); 3rd book of madrigals 369 63 Croce Tirsi morir volea F81–85. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. English and Italian madrigals for 3–5 voices, in five part-books, inscribed “Presented by Mr Immyns” NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 [Autore Incerto]??? Amor quando m’invia 2 de Monte Quando da gli occhi 3 Byrd Sing ye to our Lord 4 Wilbye Flourish ye meadows 5 D. Lauro Nova leggiadra stella 6 de Monte Da bei rami 7 Byrd I have been young 8 Bateson Love would discharge 9 Byrd The eagle’s force 10 Morley See, see, my dearest treasure 11 Wilbye Ye restless thoughts 12 Le Jeune Qui est-ce qui conversera 13 Vecchi Precipitose rupi 14 de Wert D’un si bel foco 370 15 Ingegneri Chi vuol veder 16 Pallavicino Quando benigna stella 17 [Autore Incerto] Qual più crudel martire 18 Farmer Thirsis, thy absence 19 Ingegneri Non mi togl’il ben mio 20 Morley Come lovers follow me F86. Paper; 18th Century, obl 8°. Motets and madrigals for 2–5 voices in score. ff34v–43 contains an index giving incipits of collections by Marenzio, Claude de Jeune and others. FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Vacqueras Domine ne memineris (à 2) 2v Si deus pro nobis (à 3) 3v Josquin des Pres Domine ne memineris (à 2) 5 di Lasso Aegra currit (à 2) 5v di Lasso Quoniam qui talia 6v di Lasso Expandi manus 7 di Lasso Tota die 7v di Lasso Non avertas faciem 8v di Lasso Putruerunt et corruptae 371 9v Le Jeune O gratios’ e bella (à 4) 11v Ruffo Prima che spunt’il sol 15v di Lasso Quia dixi 17 di Lasso Ne proficias 18 di Lasso Quia apund Dominum 19 di Lasso Dixi confitebor adversum 20v G. M. Nanino Lasso ch’ogni augeletto (à 5) 24v Verdonck Magnificat Copied from Sadler engraving 26v Lupi Christe eleison 27 Benedictus 28 Goldwin I have set God away Reversing the book: 44v J. de Castro Si douce est la douleur 51v Christe eleison (Missa 'Vestiva i colli') Crucifixus, Benedictus 56v Palestrina Crucifixus; Benedictus; Pleni sunt 372 57v O God, O Lord, how wonderful G1–8. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 8°. Madrigals by Marenzio, in score, for 5 voices. Books 1–6, 8, 9. The words are missing in various places. G1: Il Primo Libro de Madrigali à 5 Voci FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marenzio Liquide perle 4 Marenzio Ohime dov’èl mio 7v Marenzio Spuntavan già 11 Marenzio (Part 2) Quando il mio vivo 15 Marenzio Quando i vostri begli 18v Marenzio Tirsi morir volea 21v Marenzio (Part 2) Frenò Tirsi 24v Marenzio (Part 3) Cosi moriro 26v Marenzio Dolorosi martir 32v Marenzio Che fa hoggi 35v Marenzio Lasso ch’io ardo 38v Marenzio Venuta era madonna 42v Marenzio (Part 2) In tanto il sonno 373 46 Marenzio Madonna mia gentil 48v Marenzio Cantava la più vaga 52v Marenzio Questa di verde 56 Marenzio Partirò dunque 59v Marenzio O tu che fra le selve à 8 G2: Libro Secondo de Madrigali à 5 FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marenzio Deggio dunque 4v Marenzio (Part 2) Io partirò 7v Marenzio (Part 3) Ma voi caro ben 10v Marenzio Perchè di pioggia 13v Marenzio Amor io non potrei 18v Marenzio Amor poichè non 21 Marenzio (Part 2) Chi strinse mai 24 Marenzio Quando sorge l’aurora 27 Marenzio Fillida mia 31 Marenzio Al vago del mio 35 Marenzio Itene a l’ombra 374 38v Marenzio La bella Ninfa 42v Marenzio O voi che sospirate 48 Marenzio Strider faceva 52 Marenzio Io piango 54v Marenzio Già Febo il tuo 58 Marenzio Hor tu gli cedi 62 Marenzio (Mi fa lasso) 66 Marenzio Già torna 71 Marenzio Se'l pensier à 8 G3: Libro Terzo de Madrigali à 5 NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marenzio Madonna poich’uccider 3v Marenzio Caro dolce mio ben 7v Marenzio Rose bianche 11v Marenzio Ohimè il bel viso 16 Marenzio Per voi convien 20 Marenzio La pastorella mia 24 Marenzio (Part 2) Ecco ribomba 375 27v Marenzio Lunge da voi 29 Marenzio (Part 2) Ma da voi 32v Marenzio Ohimè se tanto amate 35v Marenzio Scherzando con diletto 38v Marenzio Se la mia fiamma 42v Marenzio Ecco più che mi 46v Marenzio Ridean gia per le 50v Marenzio Piagge herbe 53v Marenzio Occhi lucenti 58v Marenzio Deh vezzose 62 Marenzio Scaldava il sol 65v Marenzio Si presso a voi 69v Marenzio Togli dolce ben 72 Marenzio O dolce anima G4: Il Quarto Libro de Madrigali à 5 FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marenzio Giunto a la tomba 376 6v Marenzio (Part 2) Non di morte 10v Marenzio (Part 3) Dagli hor tu 14v Marenzio (Part 4) Et amando morrò 18v Marenzio Mentre il ciel 22v Marenzio Disdegno e gelosia 26 Marenzio (Part 2) Tal che lasso 29 Marenzio Scendi dal Paradiso 33v Marenzio Corran di puro 38 Marenzio Filli l’acerbo 41v Marenzio (Part 2) Tu morendo 46v Marenzio Real natura 50v Marenzio (Part 2) Come due masse 53v Marenzio Spirto a cui giova 57 Marenzio Ecco l’aurora 62 Marenzio Quando vostra beltà 67 Marenzio Vaghi augelletti 70 Marenzio Sapete amanti 377 73v Marenzio Senza cor 78 Marenzio Cadde gia di Tarquinio 80v Marenzio A che tormi G5: Libro Quinto de Madrigali à 5 FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marenzio Sola angioletta 3v Marenzio (Part 2) Lasso vedrò 6v Marenzio (Part 3) Quando ripenso 9 Marenzio (Part 4) O qual gratia 11v Marenzio (Part 5) Non vide il mondo 14v Marenzio (Part 6) Ben credo ch’ancor 17 Marenzio Consumandomi vo 20 Marenzio Il suo vago 23v Marenzio Ohimè l’antica fiamma 26v Marenzio Quella che lieta 30 Marenzio (Part 2) Ben potè ella 33 Marenzio La rete fu di 378 37 Marenzio (Part 2) Per la dolce 41 Marenzio Dolor tant’è la 44v Marenzio Sotto l’ombra 48v Marenzio Chi vuol veder 51v Marenzio L’alto e nobil 55v Marenzio Filli tu sei piu bella 58 Marenzio (Part 2) Io son il più costante 62 Marenzio Occhi miei 64v Marenzio (Part 2) Ma forse non sapete 67 Marenzio Se voi sete 71 Marenzio Basciami mille volte 74 Marenzio Liete verdi 77 Marenzio (Part 2) Che s'il gridar 80v Marenzio Due rose fresche 83v Marenzio Non vede un simil 85v Marenzio S'io vissi cieco 92 Marenzio (Part 2) O fera voglia 379 G6: Libro Sesto de Madrigali à 5 FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marenzio S'io parto 4 Marenzio Clori nel mio 8v Marenzio Donna de l’alma mia 11v Marenzio Anima cruda 15 Marenzio Udite lacrimosi 19 Marenzio Stillo l’anima 23 Marenzio Ah dolente partita 26 Marenzio Ben ho del caro 29v Marenzio (Part 2) Dille la mia speranza 32v Marenzio Amor se giusto 37 Marenzio Hor chi Clori 39 Marenzio Deh Tirsi 42 Marenzio (Part 2) Che se tu s’el 44v Marenzio Clori mia 47v Marenzio Mentre qual 52v Marenzio Voi bramate 380 56 Marenzio Rimanti in pace 59v Marenzio (Part 2) Ond’ ei di 63 Marenzio Ecco maggio 66 Marenzio Cantiam la bella Clori à 8 G7: Libro Ottavo delli Madrigali à 5 NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marenzio O occhi del mio core 4 Marenzio (Part 2) Anima bella 5v Marenzio Dunque romper 8v Marenzio Filli volgendo 11 Marenzio Vita soave 14 Marenzio Provata la mia 15v Marenzio Ahi chi t’insidia 17v Marenzio Vieni, deh vieni 19 Marenzio Ite amari sospiri 21v Marenzio Pur venisti 23v Marenzio Quando io miro 381 28v Marenzio Questi leggiadri 30v Marenzio Care lagrime 33v Marenzio La mia Clori 35v Marenzio Non sol dissi 40v Marenzio Se tu dolce 45v Marenzio Dorinda, ah dirò 50 Marenzio Ferir quel petto 54 Marenzio Laura se pur 58 Marenzio Perfida pur potesti G8: Il Nono Libro de Madrigali à 5 FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Marenzio Così nel mio parlar 6v Marenzio (Part 2) Et ella ancide 11 Marenzio Amor io hò 15v Marenzio Dura legge d’amor 21 Marenzio (Part 2) E so’ com’in un 27 Marenzio Chiaro segno amor 31v Marenzio Se si alto 382 36v Marenzio L’aura ch’el verde 42v Marenzio (Part 2) Si ch’io non veggia 47 Marenzio Il vago e bello Armillo 49 Marenzio (Part 2) E dicea 55v Marenzio Solo e pensoso 61v Marenzio (Part 2) Si ch’io mi credo 65v Marenzio Vivo in guerra 71 Marenzio (Part 2) E gl’occhi 76 Marenzio Fiume ch’a l’onde 80v Marenzio Ahi tu mel neghi 85v Marenzio Parto o non parto 90v Marenzio Credete voi 94 Marenzio Crudele acerba 98v Marenzio La bella man vi G9–15. Paper; early 17th Century, obl. 8°. Motets and masses for 7 and 8 voices in seven part-books, corresponding to those in Add. 34000–34002. All are anonymous in the part-books. Some are to be found in Hasler’s Sacrae Symphoniae, 1613 and Schadaeus: Promptuarii Musici, 1611–17. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 383 1 Palestrina Beata es, virgo Maria 2 Salve regina 3 G. Gabrieli Domine, Dominus noster Hasler No. 64 4 Merulo Deus noster Hasler No. 50 5 Ecce tu pulchra 6 Agazzari Paratum cor 7 Agazzari Ave stella matutina Schadaeus Pt 4 8 Kyrie; Et in terra; Sanctus; Agnus Dei 9 H. Praetorius Ecce Dominus veniet C.78 (1) 10 H. Praetorius (Part 2) Et regnabit 11 Incipit oratio Hyeremiae 12 (Part 2) Aegipto dedimus 13 (Part 3) Jerusalem convertire 14 Croce Gaudeamus omnes D. 25.c 15 Agnus Dei 16 G. Gabrieli Iam non dicam Schadaeus Part 2, No 46 17 Lassus Decantabat populus 384 18 A. Gabrieli Maria Magdalena Hasler No. 35 19 Tallis Et in terra pax 20 Tallis Qui tollis 21 Tallis Benedictus 22 Tallis Pleni sunt 23 Victoria Ave regina 24 Victoria (Part 2) Gaude gloriosa 25 Clemens non Papa Pater peccavi A 19, No. 44 26 Clemens non Papa (Part 2) Quanti mercenarii 27 Morales Andreas, Christi famulus A 144, No. 26 28 Morales (Part 2) Dilexit Andream 29 Angelus ad pastores 30 Massaini Tulerunt Dominum Hasler Nos 56, 57 31 Massaini (Part 2) Cum ergo fleret 32 Victoria Ave Maria 33 Victoria Alma redemptoris 34 Victoria (Part 2) Tu quae genuisti 35 Byrd Quomodo cantabimus 385 36 Byrd (Part 2) Si non proposuero 37 G. Gabrieli Misericordias Domini Hasler No. 62 38 Vecchi Peccantem me D.250.m 39 Bassani O Domine, Jesu Christe Hasler No. 84 40 G. Gabrieli Jubilate Deo Hasler No. 61 41 Victoria Salve regina Coll. Edn. Vol 7, p. 120 42 Victoria (Part 2) Vita dulcedo 43 Victoria (Part 3) Ad te clamamus 44 Victoria (Part 4) Ad te suspiramus 45 Victoria (Part 5) Eia ergo 46 Victoria (Part 6) Et Jesum 47 Victoria (Part 7) O clemens G16–20. Paper; early 17th Century, obl. 8°. Motets for 6, 7 & 8 voices in 5 part-books (Cantus, Altus, Tenor, Quintus, Bassus) wanting the other parts. All are anonymous, but many are to be found in Schadaeus’ and Hasler’s collections. NUMBER FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 386 1 f.1. [Salve regina] vita dulcedo (Part 2) Ad te suspiramus (Part 3) Et Jesum 2 f.3v. [Ave Maria] gratia plena 3 f.4 Tota pulchra es (Part 2) Vulnerasti cor meum 4 f.5v J. Regnart Puer natus est nobis (Part 2) Postquam consumati sunt K4.e.3 5 f.7v Agazzari Gaude virgo gloriosa C.30.e. 6 f.8v Mater ergo pietatis 7 f.9. Salve regina 8 f.9v Agnus dei 9 f.10v Benedicamus Deum 10 f.11v Ricci Viri Galilaei A.249.c. 11 f.12v F. de Rivalo Sic deus dilexit (Part 2) Venite ad me A.144. 12 f.14v Merulo Beata viscera 13 f.15v Ave sanctissima Maria 387 14 f.16v Lasso Ave verum corpus 15 f.17 J. Vaet Salve regina (Part 2) Et Jesum (Part 3) O pia 16 f.18v M. Deiss Ne derelinquas nos K4.e.3 17 f.19v Salve regina 18 f.20v Ave virgo gloriosa 19 f.21v Vincentius Domine, Deus meus (Part 2) Et cum deferit 20 f.23v J. Vaet Huc me sidereo A.144. 21 f.25. Lassus Decantabat populus A.144. 22 f.25v Massaini Non turbetur cor vestrum (Part 2) Ego rogabo B.93.a 23 f.27v Sancta Maria 24 f.28v O sapientia 25 f.29v A. Gabrieli Angelus Domini descendit A.251.a 26 f.30v J. B. Mosto Sanctificavit Dominus B.93 27 f.31v Bertholusius Osculetur me E.7.a 28 f.33 A. Gabrieli Angelus ad pastores A.251.a 388 29 f.34v Merulo Tribuat tibi B.93.a 30 f.35v Parmensis O altitudo divitiarum E.7 31 f.36v Merulo Dominus illuminatio mea 32 f.37v Merulo Hei mihi Domine 33 f.38v Merulo Spiritus sanctus in te E.7.a 34 f.39v A. Gabrieli Hodie completi sunt B.93.b 35 f.41 Beata es virgo Maria 36 f.41v Merulo Ecce Maria genuit B.93.b 37 f.42v Merulo Lux fulgebit 38 f.43v Massaini Exultate Deo B.93.b 39 f.44v Massaini Non vos me elegistis C.226.a 40 f.45v Lassus Laudate pueri 41 f.46v Qui tollis 42 f.47v Guami Jubilate Deo 43 f.49 A. Gabrieli Hodie Christus natus est B.93.b 44 f.49v Pevernage O virgo generosa (Part 2) O virgo felix K4.e.3 389 45 f.51v Clemens non Papa Ego flos campi A.144 46 f.52v Beata es virgo Maria 47 f.53v Tallis Suscipe quaeso (Part 2) Si errim iniquitates 48 f.55v A. Gabrieli Maria Magdalena A.251.a 49 f.57 Tallis Et in terra, Sanctus, Benedictus, Agnus Dei 50 f.63v G. Gabrieli Diligam te Domine Sacrae Symph. I G21–26. Paper; 17th Century, obl. 8°. Motets for 6 and 7 voices in 6 part-books (Cantus, Altus, Tenor, Quintus, Sextus, Bassus). The 7th part-book is missing. All are anonymous but are found in the same collections as the preceding. NUMBER FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 f.1 Parvulus filius 2 f.1v (Part 2): Angelus ad pastores 3 f.2v Ave regina coelorum 4 f.3v J. Vaet Salve regina à 6 K4.a.3 5 f.5v H. Baccusi Aspice Domine A.249.c 6 f.6v H. Baccusi (Part 2): Plorans ploravit A.144 390 7 f.7v J. Vaet Aspice Domine à 6 8 f.9 O pastor optime 9 f.9v Salve regina 10 f.10v A. Ferrabosco Virgo per incertos 11 f.11v Laetentur coeli 12 f.12v (Part 2): Tunc exaltabunt 13 f.13v Lassus In monte oliveti à 6 K4.e.3 14 f.14v Ferrabosco In monte oliveti A.251 Lindner 15 f.15v Ferrabosco O vos omnes A.251 16 f.16v Byrd Memento homo quod cinis 17 f.17 Oculi omnium 18 f.18v O bone Jesu 19 f.19v Eya dulcissime 20 F.20v Walliser Morti tuae tam amarae E.7 21 f.21v Bertholussius Domine ante te E.7 22 f.22v Gabutii Surrexit pastor bonus A.251.a 23 f.23v Luython Gloria, laus et honor à 6 E.7 391 24 f.24 Luython (Part 2): Plebs Hebrae 25 f.25 Buel Expurgati vetus à 6 E.7.a, part 2, 6 27 f.26v O. Vecchi Quem quaeris B.67.a 28 f.27v Zangins Angelus ad pastores à 6 E.7.a, part 1, 12 29 f.28v P. de Monte Illumina oculos meos A.125.c 30 f.29v Bianchardi Extollant vocem E.7 31 f.30v Vincentius Domine, Deus meus à 6 E.7.a 32 f.31v Vincentius (Part 2): Et cum defecit 33 f.33 Massaini Non turbetur cor vestrum à 7 B.93.a 34 f.33v Massaini (Part 2): Ego rogabo 35 f.34v Wert In dei Thalamum intrabo 36 f.35v Lassus Decantabut populus à 7 A.144 37 f.36v C. Vincenti Ecce dies veniunt E.7.a 38 f.37v C. Vincenti In diebus illis 39 f.38v Clemens non Papa Ego flos campi à 7 A.144 40 f.39v Beata es, virgo Maria 392 41 f.40v Lassus Vide homo ad te 42 f.41 De profundis clamavi 43 f.42v (Part 2): Sustinuit in verbo 44 f.43v A. Gabrieli Maria Magdalena à 7 A.251.a 45 f.44v Tallis Suscipe quaeso Domine 46 f.45v Tallis Si enim iniquitates 47 f.46v Tallis Et in terra pax; Qui tollis; Sanctus; Benedictus; Agnus Dei 48 f.52v A. Gabrieli Hodie Christus natus est à 7 B.93.6 49 f.53v P. de Monte Stellam quam viderant à 7 E.7., part 1 50 f.54v Osculati O rex: Domine virtutem E.7 51 f.55v Lux fulgebit 52 f.57 Lassus (?) Dicite vigiles 53 f.58v Massaini Non vos me elegistis 54 f.59v Massaini Exultate Deo B.67 55 f.60v Massaini Ite in universum mundum à 7 E.7.a, part 2 393 56 f.61v A. Gabrieli Angelus Domini descendit à 7 A.251.a 57 f.62v O sapientia 58 f.63v G. Gabrieli Audi domine à 7 E.7.a, part 2 G27. Paper; 17th Century, obl. 8°. Tenor part of 5-part motets by 16th Century composers. The names of the composers are not given FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES f.17 Clemens non Papa Pastores quidnam vidistis a 5 K3.e.8 17v Vaet Misit Herodes rex 18v Victoria Dum complerentur 19v Victoria (Part 2): Dum ergo essent 20v Victoria Ascendens Christus 21v Victoria (Part 2): Ascendit Deus 22v Venite filii see Add.34050[E8] 23v Laudate Dominum see Add.34050 24v Victoria Cum beatus Ignatius damnatus esset 25v Victoria (Part 2): Agnis crucis bestiae 26v Victoria Descendit angelus Domini 27v Victoria (Part 2): Ne timeas 394 28v Boni Domine quando veneris 29v (Part 2): Heu mihi 30v Ego sum resurrectis Add. 29366–8 31v Palestrina Ego sum panis vivus a 5 32v Palestrina Panis quem ego dabo 33v Giovanelli Quanti mercenarii A.213 34v Giovanelli (Part 2): Pater peccavi 35v Victoria Gaude Maria virgo 36v Giovanelli O sacrum convivium A.213 37v Byrd (1591) Salve regina 38v Byrd Domine, secundum multitudinem 39v Byrd Vigilate, nescitis enim G28–32. Paper; 17th Century, obl. 8°. Italian madrigals for five voices in separate part-books (Cantus, Alto, Tenor, Quintus, Bassus). The opening words only are given. The madrigals are anonymous, but nos. 1–18 are found in Il Helicone, 1616; nos. 19–25 in Il Quinto Libro delle Muse, 1575, and nos. 27–49 in Borchgrevinch’s Giardino Novo, lib. 1–2. NUMBER FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 f.1 Capilupi Baciai 2 f.1v Meo Vago augellin 3 f.2v Flaccomio Lumi 395 4 f.3v Colaianni Qual siepe 5 f.4v Guaitoli Non porta 6 f.5v Zanchi Baciai 7 f.6v Colombi Udit’ amanti 8 f.7v Piccioni Ut re mi fa sol 9 f.8v S. Rossi Occhi voi 10 f.9v Soriano Ninfa la falsa mano 11 f.10v Soriano Mestissimi 12 f.11v Guaitoli Lasso 13 f.12v Savioli Hor co’l canto 14 f.13v Nanino Caro dolce 15 f.14v Colombi A te sacro 16 f.15v Zanchi Trar mi volete 17 f.16v Franzosi Sogno 18 f.17v Marotta Vorrò veder 19 f.18v Striggio Ninfe leggiadre 20 f.19v Striggio In te si 21 f.20v A. Marri Si soave 396 22 f.21v C. Porta Non potea’l 23 f.23v Essenga Cuor mio 24 f.24v Feliciani Vini chiar’e 2 parts 25 f.26v Vecchi Amor m’ha 2 parts 26 f.28v Striggio Alba cruda 27 f.29v Molinaro Cantiam Muse 28 f.30v Leoni Come viver 29 f.31v Croce Qual di voi 30 f.32v Sabino La pastorella 31 f.33v Valcampi I tuoi capelli 32 f.34v Gistov Ma ben arde 33 f.35v Leoni Se la vita 34 f.36v Valcampi Ohimè 35 f.37v Casati Dubbii 36 f.38v Pallavicino A poco 37 f.39v Le Sueur La mia 38 f.40v Pallavicino Levo con la 39 f.41v Mancini Gia richiamava 397 40 f.43v Agresta Caro dolce G33–36. Paper; 17th Century, obl. 8°. Canzonets, psalms, madrigals, etc., in four part-books. No. 1–19, 69–80 are English versions of Dering’s “Canzonette”. The works by Lawes are from “Choice Psalms”, 1648. Nos 1–68, 94–107 are for 3 voices; No 69–93 for 4 voices. The bass part bears the name of Abraham Ratcliff. NUMBER FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 f.1 Dering Hence vain affections 2 f.1v Dering Why should I vainly hoping 3 f.2 Dering When shee had once decreed 4 f.2v Dering Can shee without offence 5 f.3v Dering When falsehood once prevailed 6 f.4v Dering Restless cares still encreasing 7 f.5 Dering When my heart was allured 8 f.5v Dering Though my feares doo affright me 9 f.6 Dering Thy changes doth much agreeve me 10 f.6v Dering While fond desires possesst me 398 11 f.7 Thou hast my heart despighted 12 f.7v Dering Tell me faire but unkind 13 f.8v Dering Can I approve such dealing 14 f.9 Dering Though that I am assured 15 f.9v Dering When sad grief did assail me 16 f.10 Dering Though love take a delighting (17) ??? ??? 18 f.11 Canst thou with change delighted 19 f.11v Anon Art thou come my delight to mee 20 f.12 Dering Gloria patri 21 f.12v (H. Lawes) Laudate dominum 22 f.13 W. Lawes Lord as the hart 23 f.13v W. Lawes Let God, the God of battails 24 f.14 W. Lawes Out of the horror of the deep 25 f.14v W. Lawes In the substraction of my years 399 26 f.15 W. Lawes I am weary of my groaning 27 f.15v W. Lawes Oft from my early youth 28 f.16 W. Lawes How long wilt thou forget me 29 f.16v W. Lawes Lord thy deserved wrath 30 f.17 Who trusts in thee 31 f.17v W. Lawes O thou from whom all mercy springs 32 f.18 W. Lawes Not in thy wrath 33 f.18v W. Lawes Thou mover of the rolling spheres 34 f.19 To thee I cry 35 f.19v W. Lawes Thou that art enthroned above 36 f.20 W. Lawes Come sing the great Jehovah’s praise 37 f.20v W. Lawes To thee O God 38 f.21 W. Lawes To the God whome we adore 39 f.21v W. Lawes Yee nations of the earth 40 f.22 W. Lawes Let all in sweet accord 400 41 f.22v W. Lawes My God, O why hast thou forsooke 42 f.23 W. Lawes Sing to the king of kings 43 f.23v W. Lawes They who the Lord their fortress make 44 f.24v W. Lawes Praise the Lord enthron’d on high 45 f.25v H. Lawes To hear me Lord be thou inclyn’d 46 f.26 Leonard Hodimonte Psiche, why wilt thou leave me 47 f.26v Weep not, Soma, I’m resolv’d 48 f.27 Have I deserved this 49 f.27v Vaine is thy mourning 50 f.28v Kiss me with thy rosie lips 51 f.29 Precious is the balm 52 f.29v Thy sweete name more odiferous 53 f.30 Bowe downe o Saviour blessed 54 f.30v After this evening of sorrow 55 f.31 I desire to be nigh thee 401 56 f.31v Feare not, God will be pleased 57 f.32 There are joyes and treasures 58 f.32v I am the blessed spirit 59 f.33 O come and inspire us 60 f.33v Show us thy loving kindness 61 f.34 My offences done 62 f.34v O my redeemer 63 f.35 Cease thy weeping, my dear beloved 64 f.35v To swim in wealth 65 f.36 Woe is me, miserable sinner 66 f.36v Saints and angells come hither 67 f.37 H. Lawes Lord showre on us thy grace 68 f.37v H. Lawes The bounty of Jehovah praise 69 f.38 (Dering) Cease thy affections mooving à 4 1,2: f.38, 3.f.1 402 70 f.38v Dering Since those ioyes are denyed 71 f.39 Dering If thy false heart take such delight 72 f.39v Dering Stay restless thoughts 73 f.40 Dering Weepe not, o weepe not 74 f.40v Dering Shall I for thee, false love 75 f.41 Dering Once did I live in happie state 76 f.41v Dering When shall my woes have ending 77 f.42 Dering O cruel anguish 78 f.42v Cease my teares 79 f.43v (Gagi) On desert strands I strayed 80 f.44 ? My love she hath refused 81 f.44v O bone Jesu 82 f.45v Wilbye When Cloris heard of her Amintas 83 f.46v Wilbye What needeth all this travail 84 f.47v Poor silly soul 85 f.48v With grief oppresst 403 86 f.49v What silly men are we 87 f.50v (Kirbye) Lo heare my heart 88 f.51v (Brewer) Turn Amaryllis to thy swain 89 f.52v Sad Philomel, thou usher of the spring 90 f.53v Tallis If you love me keep my commandments 91 f.54v When David heard 92 f.55v When graceless Absolon 93 f.56v O Lord come pitty my complaint 94 f.57v H. Lawes Lord judge my cause à 3 95 f.58 H. Lawes Cast off and scattered 96 f.58v H. Lawes With sighes and cryes 97 f.59 H. Lawes Lord for thy promis sake, defend 98 f.59v H. Lawes Woe is me 99 f.60 H. Lawes Lord showre on us thy grace 100 f.60v H. Lawes How are the Gentiles all on fire 404 101 f.61 H. Lawes To heare me Lord 102 f.62 - Cease my eyes, cease your lamenting (inc.) S only 103 f.62v, 61v H. Lawes How long O Lord 104 f.63, 62 H. Lawes Accept my prayers 105 f.63v, 62v H. Lawes Now in the winter of my age 106 f.64v, 63v H. Lawes Thy beauty Israel 107 f.65v, 64v H. Lawes The king Jehova 108 f.67, 66 (Fantasia, G minor) 109 f.67v, 66v Lament and moan 110 f.79, 75, 24, 79 Coperario (Fantasia) 111 f.80, 76, 25, 80 Lupo (Fantasia) 112 f.81, 77, 26, 81 Lupo (Fantasia) 113 f.81v, 77v, 26v, 81v Fantasia à 4 D minor 114 f.82, 78, 27, 82 Fantasia à 4 C major 115 f.83, 79, 28, 83 Fantasia à 4 G major 405 116 f.84, 80, 29, 84 R. Mico (Fantasia à 4 G minor) 117 f.84v, 80v, 29v, 84v R. Mico (Pavan à 4 F major) 118 f.85, 81, 30, 85 R. Mico (Pavan à 4 A minor) 119 f.86, 82, 31, 86 R. Mico (Pavan à 4 D minor) 120 f.86v, 82v, 31v, 86v R. Mico (Pavan à 4 G minor) In the Altus part: ff68–74 Weelkes Death hath deprived me à 6, in score G37–42. Paper; 17th Century, obl. 8°. Airs, fantasies and in nomines for 3–6 instruments, in six part-books. No 1–7 are in 3 parts, no. 8–27 in 4 parts, no. 28–58 in 5 parts, no. 59–84 in 6 parts. NUMBER FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 –7 ff.1–7 T. Lupo 7 unnamed compositions 8–27 ff.18–38 A. Ferrabosco, jnr. 20 unnamed compositions 28 f.50 T. Lupo 1 unnamed composition 29 f.50v J. Ward 1 unnamed composition 406 30–33 f.51v–54v T. Lupo 4 unnamed compositions 34–5 f.55v–56v Ferrabosco jnr 2 In nomines 36 f.57v J. Ward 1 unnamed composition 37–42 f.58v–64 T. Lupo 6 unnamed compositions 43 f.64v Wil. White 1 unnamed composition 44–49 f.65v–71 J. Ward 6 unnamed compositions 50 f.72 J. Ward Cor mio 51 f.72v - Miserere 52 f.73 - O vos omnes 53 f.81v Ferrabosco jnr In nomine 54 f.82v J. Coprario Del mio cibo 55 f.83v J. Coprario In te mio nuovo sole 56 f.84v J. Coprario In voi moro 57 f.85v J. Coprario In un boschetto 58 f.86v J. Coprario No posso più soffrire 407 59–61 f.95v–98 J. Ward 3 unnamed compositions 62 f.98v T. Lupo 1 unnamed composition 63–64 f.99v–101 J. Ward 2 In nomines 65–66 f.101v–103 J. Ward 2 unnamed compositions 67 –70 f.103v–107 T. Lupo 4 unnamed compositions 71–2 f.107v–109 W. White 2 unnamed compositions 73–74 f.109v–111 T. Lupo 2 unnamed compositions 75 f.111v J. Ward 1 unnamed composition 76–77 f.112v–114 T. Lupo 2 unnamed compositions 78–80 f.123v–125 J. Coprario 2 unnamed compositions 81 f.125v J. Coprario Al folgorante 82 f.126v J. Coprario Risurgente 83 f.127v J. Coprario Sospirando 84 f.128v J. Coprario Che mi G43. Paper; 18th Century, obl. 4°. Pietà crudele, for SSB with basso continuo, by Signor Gio. Battista Gigli. Score and parts, bound together. 408 G44–47, 49. Paper; 17th Century, 4°. Motets and madrigals for 5 and 6 voices in 5 part-books (the 6th is missing). All are anonymous, but several have been identified as by Ferrabosco. NUMBER FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 f.1 Ferrabosco Da pacem, Domine Add. 31417 2 f.1v Mirabile misterium 3 f.2v Peccata mea Domine 4 f.3 Ad Dominum cum tribularer 5 f.3v Ingemuit Susanna 6 f.4 Laboravi in gemitu meo 7 f.4v Musica eta sum 8 f.5 Ferrabosco Heu mihi, Domine 9 f.5v Tribulatione et dolorem 10 f.6 Conserva me, Domine 11 f.6v (Part 2): Vias tuas, Domine 12 f.7 Judica me, Domine 13 f.7v (Part 2): Vidi humilitatem 14 f.8 Sana me Domine 409 15 f.8v (Part 2): Ne derelinquas me 16 f.9 Ferrabosco Peccantem me quotidie 17 f.9v Incipit lamentatio 18 f.10v De lamentatione 19 f.19 Ferrabosco Vidi pianger madonna 20 f.19v Ferrabosco (Part 2): Come dal ciel 21 f.20 Qui per usind??? sospira 22 f.20v Ferrabosco Tu dolce anima mea A 259 23 f.21 Poi che lasso 24 f.21v (Part 2): Ch'io sento 25 f.22 (Part 3) Come sol 26 f.22v (Part 4) Ove le luci 27 f.23 Il caro e morto 28 f.23v (Part 2): Hor che la nobil 29 f.24 Palestrina Io son ferito 30 f.24v Palestrina Vestiva i colli 410 31 f.25 (Part 2): Così le chiome 32 f.25v Non ha tanti 33 f.26 Che dolce più 34 f.26v Dolci mentre’l ciel 35 Ferrabosco Se pur è ver 36 f.27v Ferrabosco Hor pien d’alto 37 f.28 Ferrabosco Mentre ti fui G55–59. Paper; 17th (?) Century, obl. 4°. Motets for 4 & 5 voices, with basso continuo, in parts (Cantus, Altus, Tenor, Bassus and Basso Continuo). Nos 43–49 and for 5 voices but lack the 5th part. All are anonymous. See Add. MS 31434 (where nos. 43, 44, 46, 47 are doubtfully ascribed to Henry Lawes). NUMBER FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 f.1 Anon. Benedictus Dominus 2 f.1v Anon. Hic est vere Martyr 3 f.2 Anon. Cantabo Domino 4 f.2v Anon. Heu mihi 5 f.3 Anon. Caro mea 6 f.3v Anon. Magnum hereditas 7 f.4 Anon. Vidi spetiosam 8 f.4v Anon. O bandite me 411 9 f.5 Anon. O bone Jesu 10 f.7v Anon. Dulcissime Jesu Christe 11 f.8 Anon. In caelis hodie 12 f.9 Anon. Kyrie eleison 13 f.10 Anon. Impetum inimicorum 14 f.10v Anon. Cantate Domino 15 f.11 Anon. Congratulamini 16 f.11v Anon. Inter vestibulum 17 f.12 Anon. Domine ne in furore 18 f.12v Anon. Deus qui nos 19 f.13 Anon. Diligam te Domine 20 f.13v Anon. Attolite portas 21 f.14 Anon. In Domino confido 22 f.14v Anon. O Jesu mi dulcissime 23 f.15 Anon. Salve regina 24 f.16v Anon. Cum complerentur 25 f.17 Anon. Magnificat 26 f.17v Anon. Ego sum panis vitae 412 27 f.18 Anon. Panis angelicus 28 f.18v Anon. O virgo prudentissima 29 f.19 Anon. O Maria sanctissima 30 f.19v Anon. Laetis nunc mentibus 31 f.20 Anon. Regina coeli laetare 32 f.20v Anon. O Jesu 33 f.21 Anon. Ave regina 34 f.21v Anon. O quam pulchra 35 f.22 Anon. Plorabo die 36 f.22v Anon. Dicite nobis 37 f.23 Anon. Laudate Dominum 38 f.23v Anon. Qui habitatis 39 f.24 Anon. Jesu dulcissime 40 f.24v Anon. Ave saluberrima 41 f.25 Anon. Salve regina 42 f.25v Anon. Cantate Domino 43 f.39v Anon. Benignissima Jesu 44 f.40 Anon. Benedictus tu 413 45 f.40v Anon. Salve regina 46 f.41 Anon. Exurgat Deus 47 f.41v Anon. O dulcis virgo virginum 48 f.42 Anon. Tibi laus 49 f.42v Anon. Ascendo ad patrem H (MS 114). Paper; 19th Century, fol. 28 pp. Thomas Tallis: motet for 40 voices “Spem in Alium”, in score, transcribed in 1834 by Thomas Oliphant for a copy made by John Immyns in 1751, where it is set to the words “O sing and glorify Heaven’s high majesty.” Enclosed is a copy of Don Alonzo Ramirez de Arellana: Canon recte et retro for 48 voices (Sanctus) printed by Welcher, London, 1765, 4th folio. J. Paper; 19th Century, obl. 4°. 48 vol. Madrigals, motets, etc., in parts: Canto primo 7 copies (1 blank), Canto secondo 7 copies (1 blank), Alto primo 3 copies, Alto secondo 4 copies, Tenor primo 6 copies, Tenor secondo 6 copies, Basso 15 copies. NUMBER COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 Wilbye Softly, O softly drop my eyes 2 Bennett All creatures now 3 Ward Die not, fond man 4 Weelkes As Vesta was 5 Weelkes Like two proud armies 6 Gibbons O that the learned poets 7 Wilbye Sweet love, if thou wilt gain 414 8 Weelkes When Thoralis delights 9 Ward There’s not a grove 10 Wilbye Lady when I behold 11 Marenzio So saith my fair 12 Wilbye Draw on sweet night 13 Wilbye Why dost thou shoot 14 Marenzio Come fuggir 15 Vecchi Hor ch’ogni vento 16 Wilbye Cruel, behold 17 Bateson Phillis, farewell 18 Wilbye Sweet honey-sucking bees 19 Petti Crud’ Amarilli 20 Gibbons The silver swan 21 Croft God is gone up 22 Horsley Hosannah & Benedictus 2 canons 23 Farmer Now each creature 24 Ward Hope of my heart 25 Nicholson Sing shepherds all 415 26 Wilbye Weep, oh weep, mine eyes 27 Marenzio Occhi sereni 28 Bateson Sister awake 29 Saville The Waits 30 Morley What saith my dainty darling 31 Weelkes Phillis go take thy pleasure 32 Weelkes Now is the bridals 33 Marenzio Dissi a l’amata mia 34 Bennett Flow O my tears 35 Ferretti Pietà ti mova 36 Weelkes Take here my heart 37 Clemens non Papa Ye nightingales 38 Palestrina We have heard with our ears 39 Steffani Gettano i Re dal 40 Steffani Qui diligit Mariam 41 Reading Benedictus sit Deus 42 Ferretti My lady still abhors me 416 43 Croce Hard by a chrystal fountain 44 Lupo Audivi vocem 45 Stradella Clori son fido amante 46 Wilbye Flora gave me fairest flowers 47 Bennett Come shepherds follow me 48 Ferretti Siat’ avertiti 49 L. Rossi Laudate Dominum omnes gentes 50 Pizzoni Due begl’ occhi 51 S. Wesley O sing unto my roundelay 52 Ferretti Donna crudel 53 Dowland Come again 54 Carissimi Plorate omnes virginem From Jephte, Historia Sacra 55 Byrd Bow thine ear 56 Creyghton I will arise 57 Farrant Lord for they tender mercies sake 58 Tye Laudate nomen Domini 417 59 Morley I love, alas I love thee 60 Beale Awake sweet muse 61 Gibbons Hosanna to the Son 62 Gibbons Almighty and everlasting God 63 Wilbye Stay Corydon 64 C. Evans Almighty Father, who hast given 65 Charles S Evans O God the Strength 66 Morley Singing alone 67 Weelkes To shorten winter’s sadness 68 Weelkes We shepherds sing 69 Leo Tu es sacerdos 70 Clari Domine Deus 71 Weelkes Now is my Cloris 72 Weelkes Say dainty dames 73 Weelkes Sing we at pleasure 74 Weelkes On the plains 75 Bateson Who prostrate lie 418 76 Kirbye Sound out my voice 77 Kirbye She that my plaints 78 Weelkes Come clap thy hands 79 Weelkes Phillis hath sworn 80 Weelkes Farewell, my joy 81 Bateson O fly not love 82 Marenzio Donò Cinthia 83 Marenzio Con la sua man 84 Marenzio Al suon de le dolcissime parole 85 Marenzio Quell’ ombra 86 Marenzio Vaneggio 87 Morley My nymph, the dear 88 Morley So where with flowery head 89 Morley Love took his bow 90 Weelkes Sing shepherds after me 91 Morley Our bonny boots 92 Bateson Hark, hear you not 93 Marenzio The fates, alas 419 94 Ferrabosco I was full near my fall 95 Ferrabosco But as the bird 96 Bicci Dainty white pearl 97 Marenzio I will go die for pure love 98 Leo Kyrie eleison 99 G. Eremita So far dear life 100 Quintiani Now springs each plant 101 Eremita Fly if thou wilt 102 Bateson When Oriana walked 103 Wilbye The Lady Oriana 104 Morley Those dainty daffodilies 105 Morley Fire, fire 106 Quintiani At sound of her sweet voice 107 Gastoldi Viver lieto 108 Ferretti So gracious is thy sweet self 109 Gibbons Dainty fine bird 110 Croce Cynthia thy song 420 111 Gastoldi Vezzosette ninfe 112 Ward Phillis the bright 113 Weelkes In pride of May 114 Morley Arise, awake 115 Kirbye Bright Phoebus greets 116 Morley Hard by a crystall fountain 117 Gibbons O clap your hands together 118 Gibbons God is gone up 119 Ward Sweet Philomel 120 Hilton Fair Oriana 121 Wilbye Lady your words 122 G. de Wert Ben sempre deggio 123 Colombi Udit’ amanti 124 Wilbye Thou art but young 125 Converso When all alone 126 R. Barera Se ben di gigli 127 Ferretti Within a greenwood 128 Farmer Fair nymphs I heard 421 129 S. Felis Sleep, sleep mine only jewel 130 S. Felis Thou bringst her home 131 Weelkes Sweetheart arise 132 Weelkes Lady your eye 133 Holmes Thus bonny boots 134 Giovanelli Delay breeds danger 135 Belli Hark and give ear 136 Marenzio Rose bianch’e vermiglie 137 Wilbye Thus saith my Cloris 138 E. Gibbons Round about her chariot 139 Greene O clap your hands 140 Wilbye Down in a valley 141 Palestrina Dum esset summus 142 East Hence stars 143 Bennett O sleep, O sleep fond fancy 144 Bennett Since neither tunes of joy 145 Morley April is in my mistress’ face 422 146 Bennett Thyrsis sleepest thou 147 Morley Stay heart run not 148 Weelkes Three times a day 149 Clari Kyrie eleison 150 Morley Since my tears and lamenting 151 Farmer You’ll never leave 152 Ferretti Dimmi donna crudel 153 Nenti Donna te dico vero 154 Marenzio Strider faceva 155 Ward Ye sylvan nymphs 156 Hawes Sweet Philomela 157 Ferretti Far potess’io 158 Marenzio Veggo dolce mio 159 Cobbold With wreaths of rose and laurel 160 W. Linley Ah me quoth Venus 161 Greene I will sing of thy power 162 Gibbons Sanctus 163 Marenzio Fillida mia 423 164 G. de Wert Who will ascend 165 Leo Tu es sacerdos 166 Faignient These that be certain signs 167 Morley I follow lo the footing 168 Lassus The nightingale 169 Wilbye Oft have I vowed 170 Bianciardi Quand’ io miro 171 J. Bayley Hark every shepherd 172 Nenkomm Blessings from the skies 173 Marenzio Basti fin qui 174 Farrant Call to remembrance 175 Tallis I call and cry 176 Dowland Now O now 177 Morley The nymphs in green 178 Marenzio Gia torna a rallegrar 179 Vecchi The white delightsome swan 180 Tye I will exalt thee 181 Tye Sing unto the Lord 424 182 Wilbye What needeth all this travail 183 Wilbye O fools can you not see 184 Ward Upon a bank 185 Byrd Sing joyfully 186 Ferrabosco In flower of April 187 Palestrina Miserere mei 188 Wilbye Die hapless man 189 Morley You that wont to my pipes sound 190 Giovanelli Lo, ladies, where my love comes 191 Gibbons Lift up your hands 192 Farrant Hide not thou thy face 193 Festa Down in a flowery vale 194 Marenzio Ecco ch’el ciel 195 Marenzio Ecco che mille angei 196 Morley Dainty fine sweet nymph 197 Ferretti Mirato che m’ha 425 198 Bateson Thou sweet delightful lilies 199 Gastoldi Piu d’ogn’altro 200 Pizzoni Sweet are the thoughts 201 Oliphant Stay one moment, gentle river 202 Anerio Ah me, where is my true love 203 Converso Can I live 204 Tye How still and peaceful 205 Caimo Now tune the viol 206 Marenzio With sad sorrow wasting 207 Marenzio To Cinthia fair 208 Cavendish Every bush new springing 209 Farmer Cease now thy mourning 210 Boyce O give thanks 211 Handel Thy pleasures, moderation give (L’Allegro, etc.) 212 Purcell In these delightful pleasant groves 213 Croft We will rejoice 426 214 Tye O God of Bethel 215 Ward Oft have I tendered 216 Ward Come sable night 217 Tye In life’s gay morn 218 Tye While others crowd 219 Byrd Come woeful Orpheus 220 Weelkes Give me my heart 221 Bennett O sweet grief 222 Weelkes Now let us make a merry greeting 223 Byrd Although the heathen poets 224 Waelrent Beside a fountain 225 Croft Cry aloud and shout 226 Blank Blank 227 Croft Glory be to the Father (1) 228 Croft Glory be to the Father (2) 229 E. Gibbons Long live fair Oriana 230 Cavendish Come gentle swains 427 231 Palestrina I will praise thy name 232 Morales Me ye have bereaved 233 Dowland Sleep wayward thoughts 234 Vittoria Regina coeli 235 Marenzio Cantiam la bella Clori 236 Wilbye I fall, O stay me 237 Wilbye And though my love 238 Wilbye Alas what hope of speeding 239 Lasso Oh d’amarissime onde 240 Wilbye Unkind O stay 241 Gibbons Ah dear heart 242 Gibbons Now each flowery bank 243 Greaves Come away sweet love 244 Wilbye (Novello) Fly love aloft 245 Morley Shoot, false love 246 Morley Sing we and chant it 247 Morley Leave alas this tormenting 248 Morley About the maypole 428 249 Wilbye (Novello) Away, away 250 Morley Why weeps alas 251 Sir J. L. Rogers O say ye saints 252 K. J. Pye, 1873 In a herber green 252a Weelkes O care, thou wilt despatch me J81. Paper; 18th Century, fol. Italian songs, arias, etc., in score for voices and instruments, and (reversing the book) concertos and keyboard pieces by Handel and other composers. NUMBER FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 f.1 Handel Se in ombre nascosto Il pastor fido 2 f.2 Handel Se m’ami o caro Il pastor fido 3 f.2v Scarlatti E pur il gran tormento 4 f.4v Astorga Non so, non so d’Irene cantata 5 f.8 Astorga Povero cor cantata 6 f.10 Astorga Quando senti un venticello cantata 7 f.12 Astorga Vedi quel ruscelletto cantata 8 f.13v Handel Io godo scherzo Amadis 9 f.16 Handel Tu partirai crudel Amadis 10 f.18 Handel Risplendete amiche Theseus 429 11 f.19 Handel E pur bello Theseus 12 f.20v Handel Qual nave Radamisto 13 f.21v Handel Dolce bene di quest' alma Radamisto 14 f.24 Handel Doppio torbide Radamisto 15 f.29v Handel Deh fuggi un traditore Radamisto 16 f.34v Handel Tu vuoi ch’io parta Radamisto 17 f.36 Handel Son lievi le catene Radamisto 18 f.39 Handel Ombra cara Radamisto 19 f.41v Handel Ferite uccidete Radamisto 20 f.43v Handel La sorte il ciel amor Radamisto 21 f.45v Handel Empio perverso cor Radamisto 22 f.46v Handel Troppo sofferse Radamisto 23 f.47 Handel Sommi Dei Radamisto 24 f.47v Handel Si che ti renderai Radamisto 25 f.49 Handel Cara sposa amata Radamisto 26 f.49v Handel Con vana speranza Radamisto 27 f.50v Handel Spero placare Radamisto 28 f.52v Handel Vanne sorella ingrata Radamisto 430 29 f.53v Handel Gia che morir Radamisto 30 f.54v Handel Son contento di morire Radamisto 31 f.55v Handel Pupille sdegnose Muzio Scaevola 32 f.56v Bononcini Da te che pasci ogn’ora Cantata 33 f.58v Luci barbare spieto (?) Duetto 34 f.61v Handel Figli d’un bel valore Astarte 35 f.62v A miei piedi 36 f.63v Thou soft machine 37 f.64v Handel Sventurato Floridante Reversing the book: 38 f.67 Handel Oboe concerto, in Bb major Concerto in Bb (oboe) 39 f.70 Non jura quest’alma 40 f.71 Handel Sonata (E minor) For traverso solo 41 f.73 Handel Sonata (G major) For traverso solo 42 f.74v Sig. Viridani Fugue for keyboard 43 f.76 Handel Largo & Allegro from Semele in B flat 44 f.77 Unnamed keyboard composition 431 45 f.80 Handel Overture & Gigue from Semele in F sharp minor 46 f.81v Unnamed keyboard composition 47 f.83v Prelude & fugue, A minor 48 f.85v J. S. Bach Fugue in A minor 49 f.86 Adagio 50 f.86v Unnamed piece in 9/8 time 51 f.87 Adagio 52 f.88v Overture in C minor 53 f.95v Handel Concerto grosso (Overture), Op. 3, No. 4 J82. Paper; 18th Century, fol. English and Italian madrigals and motets for 4 & 5 voices in score in various hands. NUMBER FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 f.1 Palestrina We have heard with our ears 2 f.5 Farmer Soon as the hungry lyon 3 f.7 Palestrina Joy so delights my heart 432 4 f.9 Gesualdo Melting inchanting kisses 5 f.13 Victoria O vos omnes 6 f.15 Mouton Salve mater salvatoris 7 f.17 Marenzio Veggo dolce mio bene 8 f.19 Morley Hark, jolly shepherds 9 f.22 Wilbye Down in a valley 10 f.27 M. A. Pordevon Lady that hand of plenty 11 f.29 Wert Who will ascend 12 f.32 Faignient These that be certain signs 13 f.35 Morley Per che tormi 14 f.37 A. Ferrabosco Susanna fair 15 f.43 Palestrina Sweet love when hope was flowing 16 f.46 Byrd This sweet and merry month 17 f.49 Morley Do re mi fa 18 f.51 Morley I love, alas, I love thee 19 f.54 Morley Help I fall 433 20 f.56 Kirbye Sleep now my muse 21 f.58 Morley Say gentle nymphs 22 f.60 Lassus Susanna fair 23 f.64 Morley Ho! who comes here 24 f.68 f.70 Palestrina O God thou art my God (Part 2): My flesh also longeth 25 f.72 Farmer Fair Phyllis I saw 26 f.75 Wilbye Flora gave me fairest flowers 27 f.79 Munday Hey ho, chill go to plough 28 f.81 Waelrant Vorria morire 29 f.82 Weelkes Three virgin nymphs 30 f.86 Kirbye What can I do 31 f.90 Nanino Mentre ti fui 32 f.92 Kirbye Woe am I 33 f.95 Pizzani Duo begl’occhi 34 f.97 Kirbye Alas what hope of speeding 35 f.100 Marenzio Sweet heart arise 434 36 f.105 Kirbye Farewell my love 37 f.108 Marenzio O merry world 38 f.112 Morley Within an arbour 39 f.115 Adam of Fulda O vera lux 40 f.117 Victoria Veni sponsa Christi 41 f.119 Gesualdo Crucifixus 42 f.121 Marenzio Sweet singing Amaryllis 43 f.127 Gesualdo Caro amoroso meo 44 f.131 Gesualdo Hai rotte sciolto 45 f.135 Colombi Udite amanti 46 f.139 Incerto Ogni loco 47 f.142 Hooper Teach me thy way, O Lord 48 f.144 Byrd O Lord, turn away thy wrath 49 f.148 Byrd Quodcunque ligaveris 50 f.153 Renaldi Vanne a madonna 51 f.154 Incerto A furore tuo 52 f.156 Croft Laudate Dominum canon 435 53 f.157 Unattributed We beseech thee, Almighty God Suggestion: Samuel Webbe; I will check next time I can get to the British Library. 54 f.159 Wert Ben sempre deggio 55 f.163 Bianciardi Quand' io miro 56 f.167 Blow Glory be to the Father canon 57 f.167v Arcadelt Com' esser può ch'io viva 58 f.169 Gibbons Hosanna to the Son of David J83. Paper, 18th Century, fol. Madrigals and motets for 3–6 voices, in various hands, in score. NUMBER FOLIO COMPOSER TITLE NOTES 1 f.1 Marenzio Dissi a l’amata mia 2 f.2v Morley Come lovers follow me 3 f.4v Lassus Susanna fair 4 f.7v Palestrina Veramente in amore 5 f.8v Pizzoni Mille amorosi baci 6 f.10 Nanino Lego questo 7 f.11 Tallis O Lord give thy holy spirit 436 8 f.12 Wilbye Draw on, sweet night 9 f.19 Gibbons O that the learned poets 10 f.22 Weelkes When Thoralis delights 11 f.27v Wilbye Why dost thou shoot 12 f.31v Wilbye Stay Corydon 13 f.39 Lupi Audivi vocem 14 f.41v Palestrina Angelus Domini 15 f.44v Lassus O d’amarissime onde 16 f.47v Ferretti Donna crudel 17 f.49v Marenzio So saith my fair 18 f.55 Ferretti So gracious is thy sweet self 19 f.56v Croce Cynthia thy song 20 f.59v W. Hursley Sanctus a 4 cori 21 f.66 Marenzio Fillida mia 22 f.68 Weelkes If beauty be a treasure 23 f.71v Stradella Clori son fido amante 24 f.79v Ferretti Donna crudel 25 f.81 Morley Now is the month of maying 437 26 f.82 Steffani Mortali che fate 27 f.83 Bennett Flow O my tears 28 f.84 Worgan The gladsome bloom of summer Reversing the book: 29 f.87v Palestrina Ad te levavi 30 f.89v Josquin des Pres Ave Maria 31 f.90 Byrd Non nobis Domine 32 f.90v Josquin des Pres O Jesu fili David 438 BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Addison, Joseph, and Richard Steele. The Tatler. By Isaac Bickerstaff Esq. Vol. 1. London: printed for the author, 1709-[1711]. Eighteenth Century Collections Online (accessed 24 June 2024). Addison, Joseph. Dialogues upon the Usefulness of Ancient Medals, Especially in Relation to the Latin and Greek Poets. By the Right Honourable Joseph Addison, Esq. Glasgow: R. Urie, 1751. Burney, Charles. A General History of Music, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Period. 4 Vols. 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