| Original Full Text | Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe Manuscript 2551 Persecution of Christian Confessions in Ukrainian Podilia During the 1930s Anatoliy Voynarovskiy Natalka Zhmud Valentyna Hrebenova Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree Part of the Christianity Commons PERSECUTION OF CHRISTIAN CONFESSIONS IN UKRAINIAN PODILIA DURING THE 1930S By Anatoliy Voynarovskiy, Natalka Zhmud and Valentyna Hrebenova Anatoliy Voynarovskiy, PhD (History), Associate Professor, Associate Professor of the Department of Culture, Methods of Teaching History and Special Historical Disciplines of Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University, Vinnytsia, Ukraine. Scientific interests: History of religion in Ukraine. Е-mail: voinarovskiy95@gmail.com ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9413-2025 Natalka Zhmud, PhD (History), Associate Professor, Associate Professor of the Department of Culture, Methods of Teaching History and Special Historical Disciplines of Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University, Vinnytsia, Ukraine. Scientific interests: Christian confessions, sociocultural identity, cultural landscape. Е-mail: zmudnatalka@gmail.com ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7463-918X Valentyna Hrebenova, PhD (History), Associate Professor, Associate Professor of the Department of Culture, Methods of Teaching History and Special Historical Disciplines of Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University, Vinnytsia, Ukraine. Scientific interests: Christian confessions, sociocultural anthropology, cultural landscape. Е-mail: grebenyova@gmail.com ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9343-7134 Abstract In this article, attention is focused on the characteristics of Bolshevik rule in the Podilia1 region, particularly its efforts to eradicate Protestantism. The legal framework of contemporary Ukraine declares the separation of religion from the state and guarantees the right to freedom of conscience and religion. This is of crucial and fundamental importance for building a rule-of-law state and civil society. Harmonious relations between society, religion, and the state are an extremely complex process that requires a thorough understanding of historical context. The role of religion has gained particular relevance at the current stage, as Ukraine defends its independence and develops a national church while maintaining tolerant coexistence with other confessions. The Ukrainian aspiration to create an independent democratic state between 1917 and 1921 ended in failure. The imposition of Bolshevik rule fundamentally altered the lives of 1 Podilia, also known as Podilian land, Poniźza, Podnistrovya, and Pobozhzhya, is a historical and geographical region of Ukraine with a rich history. In the Middle Ages, Bolohiv Land was an important political and economic center. It was known for its trade routes and crafts, making it significant in the context of inter-state relations. Founded in the 10th century, this principality became an important cultural and political hub. Terebovlia (modern-day Terebovlia) was noted for its developed architecture and rich traditions. In the 15th to 17th centuries, the Podilian principality was a crucial region that fought for autonomy and maintained cultural ties with Poland and Lithuania. Podilia is characterized by diverse relief, ranging from plains to hills and river valleys. Rivers such as the Dniester, Southern Bug, and Zbruch not only shape the natural landscape but also define historical borders. They became important routes for the transportation of goods and cultural ideas. Podilia is famous for its numerous castles and churches, which reflect various architectural styles. For example, the Kamianets-Podilskyi Castle is one of the most well-known examples of medieval architecture. The social life of Podilia is marked by active community engagement, particularly in education and environmental issues, highlighting the region's importance in modern Ukraine. OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 37Ukrainians, including the destruction of a crucial component of their worldview. While allegedly promoting freedom of conscience, the Bolsheviks applied a double standard. They banned religion, making its status not only separate from the state but the new regime also treated it with hostility. A particularly tragic chapter in the relationship between society, religious institutions, and the state was the era of Stalinist totalitarianism, particularly the 1930s, which was the peak of terror and the implementation of punitive-repressive measures that were a veritable crime against humanity. The situation was especially severe in the Podilia region, where for a century various religions and confessions such as Christians (Orthodox, Roman Catholics, Greek Catholics, Protestants, Old Believers), Jews, and Muslims coexisted relatively peacefully. However, Protestantism was seen as a threat not only as a religious institution but also due to its association with a bourgeois lifestyle, which was conceptually hostile to Bolshevik ideology. The subject of analysis is the set of measures by the Stalinist regime aimed at destroying Protestant movements as a source of “double evil.” Keywords: Protestantism, Podilia, confession, church, Stalinist totalitarianism, punitive-repressive policy. Historiography The issue of Bolshevik anti-religious policy in the Podilia region during the 1930s under Stalinist totalitarianism is a relevant topic with a significant body of historiographical work. Regarding Soviet historiography, it cannot be considered scientific as it is merely propaganda. For the communist regime, especially during the Stalin era, the church remained an adversary. Therefore, its evaluations were based on propaganda slogans such as, “religion is the opium of the people,” “religion is the servant of the kulaks,” “religion is the enemy of Soviet power,” and so on. Communist Party and state figures such as V. Bonch-Bruevich, N. Lukin, A. Vorobyev, P. Krasikov, Ya. Okunev, and I. Sukhoplyev argued for the “anti-people nature” of religion and the inevitability of the “decay and destruction of the church.” Atheistic literature methodologically explained to society the state's policy towards religion, justified its exclusion from public life and the repression of clergy, and published optimistic statistics on the “steady decline” in the number of believers and functioning churches.2 The historiographical revolution in domestic science began in the 1990s. There was a shift in the understanding of the object and subject of historical research. Soviet-Stalinist methodologies in historical science were gradually re-evaluated. Research into the place and 2 Алла Киридон, Державно-церковні відносини в радянській Україні 1917 – 1930 рр.: історіографічний дискурс. (Рівне: РІС КСУ, 2010), 127. [Alla Kiridon, State-Church Issues in Radian Ukraine 1917 – 1930: Historiographical Discourse. (Rivne: RIS KSU, 2010), 127.] OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 38role of spirituality in society, as well as the persecution of the clergy in Ukraine and regional peculiarities, became prominent.3 A significant contribution to the study of state-church relations in the 1920s and 1930s is the research conducted by A. Kiryidon, who introduced society as a third component of the "state-church" issue. This allows for a more comprehensive understanding of the complexity and contradictions of religious processes, particularly regarding the gradual formation of a societal segment that became a cornerstone for the state's policy of atheization.4 In Ukraine, there is a growing emphasis on local studies that highlight the regional features of the organization and mechanisms of Stalinist repressions, as well as the propaganda and agitation measures aimed at eradicating Protestantism.5 Some local studies address the topic of repressions against Protestant confessions through the lens of Podilia's multi-confessional landscape.6 3 Віктор Єленський, Державно-церковні взаємини в Україні 1917 – 1990 рр. (Київ: Товариство «Знання», 1991). 72 [Viktor Yelensky, State-Church mutualism in Ukraine 1917 – 1990. (Kiev: Partnership “Knowledge”, 1991). 72]; Володимир Пащенко, “Церковна контрреволюція: вигадка ДПУ – НКВС,” Київська старовина № 6 (1992): 89-94 [Volodymyr Pashchenko, “Church counter-revolution: the clue of the DPU - NKVS,” Kiev Starovina No. 6 (1992): 89-94]; Олександр Ігнатуша, “Вектори антицерковної політики радянської держави в Україні в 20-30-х рр. XX ст.,” Вісник Східноукраїнського національного університету імені Володимира Даля № 9 (79) (2004): 62-69 [Oleksandr Ignatusha, “Vectors of the anti-church policy of the Radian state in Ukraine in the 20-30s. XX century,” Bulletin of the Shidnoukrainian National University named after Volodymyr Dahl No. 9 (79) (2004): 62-69]; Володимир Нікольський, Репресивна діяльність органів державної безпеки СРСР в Україні (кінець 1920-х-1950-ті рр.). Історико-статистичне дослідження: монографія (Донецьк: Видавництво Донецького національного університету, 2003), 624 [Volodymyr Nikolsky, Repressive activities of the state security bodies of the USSR in Ukraine (late 1920s-1950s). Historical and statistical research: monograph (Donetsk: Department of Donetsk National University, 2003), 624]; Тетяна Бобко, “Православне духовенство в суспільному житті України 20-30-х рр. XX ст.” (кандидатська дисертація, Запоріжжя, 2005), 20 [Tetyana Bobko, “Orthodox clergy in the married life of Ukraine in the 20-30s. XX century.” (PhD thesis, Zaporizhzhya, 2005), 20]; Михайло Кузьменко, “Проведення репресивної політики проти священнослужителів в умовах радянської адміністративно-ідеологічної системи в 1918 – на початку 1930-х рр.,” Наука. Релігія. Суспільство. №2 (2002): 138-143 [Mikhailo Kuzmenko, “Carrying out a repressive policy against clergy in the minds of the Radyan administrative-ideological system in 1918 - at the beginning of the 1930s,” Science. Religion. Suspicion. No. 2 (2002): 138-143]. 4 Алла Киридон, Держава – церква – суспільство: інверсна трансформація в Україні. (Рівне: РІС КСУ, 2011), 216. [Alla Kiridon, Power – Church – Suspicion: Inverse Transformation in Ukraine. (Rivne: RIS KSU, 2011), 216] 5 Mykhailo Fedorenko and Serhii Makarchuk, “Protestant Pentecostals in the Post-War Repression in Southern Ukraine 1945 – 1953,” Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe 41, no. 4 (2021), https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree/vol41/iss4/8. 6 Олександр Логінов, “Червоний дракон” на Поділлі. (Вінниця, 2005), 52 [Oleksandr Loginov, “The Red Dragon” on Podillya. (Vinnytsia, 2005), 52]; Анатолій Войнаровський, “Антирелігійна кампанія більшовицького режими на теренах Вінниччини у 1930 – 1939 роках,” Вісник факультету історії, права і публічного управління. no. 19. (2021): 112-118 [Anatoly Voynarovsky, “Anti-religious campaign of the Bolshevik regime on the territory of Vinnytsia in 1930 – 1939,” Bulletin of the Faculty of History, Law and Public Administration. no. 19. (2021): 112-118]; Анатолій Лисий, “Репресії радянської влади щодо католиків подільського регіону (за слідчою справою ксьондза А. Туровського),” (Політичні репресії на Поділлі в ХХ столітті: матеріали Міжнародної науково-практичної конференції. (Вінниця, 23–24 листопада 2001 р.), 88-92 [Anatoly Lysiy, “Repressions of the Radian government before the Catholics of the Polish region (following OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 39Overall, the history of the Protestant community in the Podilia region during the establishment and consolidation of the Bolshevik regime is not extensively covered in existing literature. This is due to several factors, including the high level of secrecy maintained by Protestant communities in response to the terror and repression imposed on them by the communist authorities, resulting in a lack of sufficient historical sources. The fabricated cases against Pentecostal Zionists living in the southern parts of what is now Vinnytsia and Khmelnytskyi regions are mentioned in L. Misinkevich's research. The attitude towards the followers of this confession was characterized as radically hostile, aimed at the complete destruction and discrediting of the community. According to the study, 79 believers were prosecuted and six were executed. The rest received prison terms ranging from 3 to 10 years.7 In the scholarly work of V. Nesterenco, attention is given to the closure of prayer houses and the cessation of educational activities. The author highlights a new wave of comprehensive attacks on religious communities that began in 1935. The researcher notes that among the confessions affected were the Orthodox (both Synodal and Tikhonites), the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (UAOC), Catholics, and Jews, as well as one Lutheran church and four prayer houses belonging to Baptists and Adventists were closed.8 Thus, in the 1930s, all Protestant denominations, regardless of their geographic location and activities, faced the same fate; their community leaders and the most active believers were exiled to Siberia, were tortured in prisons or Gulag camps, while those who remained were forced to conduct their activities under strict government control. Therefore, a comprehensive and general study of the specifics of the anti-religious campaign against Protestant denominations in the Podilia region during the 1930s is currently lacking, which underscores the need and the scientific novelty of the topic. Key Definitions and Status of Major Figures in the Study The major institutions discussed in this article are the following: People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs (NKVD) – One of the executive-the right of A. Turovsky),” (Political repressions in Poland in the 20th century: materials of the International Scientific- practical conference (Vinnytsia, November 23–24, 2001), 88-92]. 7 Леонід Місінкевич, “Реалізація державної політики щодо релігії та віруючих на Поділлі в 20-30-ті рр. ХХ ст.,” Краєзнавство. № 1–4 (2003): 94-97 [Leonid Misinkevich, “Implementation of government policy for religion and believers in Podilla in the 20-30s. XX century,” Local history. #1–4 (2003): 94-97]. 8 Валерій Нестеренко, Злочин проти розуму і совісті: репресії сталінізму проти української інтелігенції та Церкви на Поділлі (нариси). (Кам’янець-Подільський: ПП «Медобори-2006», 2013), 104. [Valeriy Nesterenko, Zlochin against reason and conscience: repressions of Stalinism against the Ukrainian intelligentsia and the Church in Podilia (picture). (Kam’yanets-Podilsky: PP “Medobori-2006”, 2013), 104] OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 40administrative agencies (ministries) of the Soviet Union with union-republican jurisdiction. It was established on November 7, 1917, as the commissariat of the Temporary Workers' and Peasants' Government of Soviet Russia. On March 19, 1946, it was renamed the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR. State Political Administration of the Ukrainian SSR (DPU of the Ukrainian SSR) – The state security agency (special service) of Soviet Ukraine existed from 1922 to 1934. League of Militant Atheists – A public organization in the USSR founded in 1925 with the aim of ideological struggle against religion in all its forms. Officially dissolved in 1947, its functions were transferred to the All-Union Society for the Dissemination of Political and Scientific Knowledge (frequently called the “Knowledge” Society). Constitution of the USSR, December 5, 1936, Article 124 – To ensure citizens' freedom of conscience, the church in the USSR is separated from the state and the school from the church. Freedom of religious belief and anti-religious propaganda is recognized for all citizens. Denomination– An autonomous branch of the Christian church in Soviet and post-Soviet religious studies, interpreted as an intermediate type of religious organization between a sect and a church (Protestant confessions). Lutherans – Founded by German Catholic priest Martin Luther, who initiated radical reforms in the Catholic Church, leading to the Protestant Reformation in the 16th century. Lutherans began to spread in Ukrainian lands in the 16th century as the earliest Protestant movement. Baptists – Emerged as a later movement. They believe that holy baptism should be performed only in adulthood, consciously accepting faith in the Lord Jesus Christ. In Ukraine, Baptists became known in the 1860s-1870s. Evangelicals – Supporters of the global interconfessional movement in Protestant Christianity for whom the Gospel and the Bible are authoritative and considered the primary source of doctrine. Key characteristics of evangelical Protestant churches include emphasis on personal spiritual renewal, missionary activity, and ethical positions. Pentecostals-Zionists (Evangelical Christians or EC) – A Protestant movement within the evangelical tradition that emerged in the late 19th to early 20th century, characterized by a strong emphasis on the gifts of the Holy Spirit, such as prophecy and healing. The name comes from the Pentecost festival celebrating the descent of the Holy Spirit upon Jesus Christ's followers. Adventists– Representatives of the Christian interconfessional Protestant movement that emerged in the 19th century. The main feature is the preaching of the imminent Second OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 41Coming of Jesus Christ and the establishment of the "Kingdom of God." In modern times, it refers to the largest religious organization arising from the Adventist movement – the Seventh-day Adventist Church (SDA). Jehovah's Witnesses-Ilyintsi (Jehovists, Sabbatarians, Desna Brotherhood) – A religious organization that originated in the USA mixing elements of the Jewish and Christian traditions, it emerged in the Russian Empire in the 1840s, founded by Nikolai Ilyin. Jehovah's Witnesses-Ilyintsi separated themselves from the mainstream Jehovah’s Witnesses in the mid-20th century, emphasize the study of the Bible and consider themselves followers of the teachings about Jehovah, differing from traditional Protestant denominations. Dragonites (“Ioannites” – from the name of John of Kronstadt, representatives of the True Orthodox Church) – Religious communities whose activities had an anti-Soviet nature. From 1929, they went underground and were hence called “catacombers”. Red Dragonites – a religious community of Orthodox dogmatics with an anti-world and apocalyptic orientation. The “Red Dragon” is a symbolic name for the Bolshevik regime, associated with the end of the world. Apocalyptists – Emerged in the first half of the 20th century as a “moderate” movement for evangelical reform of the Catholic Church (preservation of liturgical rituals, Marian cult, icon cult, etc.). The Soviet regime used this movement as a tool to divide Catholicism. Innocentians-Mikhailovites (its(founder was Hieromonk Innocent). Emerged in the early 20th century. Innocentians did not participate in public life, opposed marriage and education, and engaged in begging.9 Korniyivtsi-Hlysts – Initially associated with the Russian Old Believers' movement (mid-17th century), which continued until the 20th century. In Ukraine, Hlysts were called “shalaputs” (they organized noisy provocative rituals), self-named “God's people.” They consider evangelical teaching non-essential, believing that subsequent generations after Christ had their own “Christs.” New Israelites – Emerged in the early 20th century from late Hlysts but differs from them in several aspects. Their teachings recognized the existence of one living God, denied the mystery of God, and preached the abandonment of many traditional Christian restrictions. 9 Today, this religious group does not have a large membership, but some communities continue to exist, primarily in Russia. Their beliefs and practices may differ significantly from traditional Christian denominations. The Innokentiytsi maintain their identity but are not widely known or widespread. OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 42Malyovantsi (founder was Kindrat Malyovanyi) – A group of spiritual Christians in the Russian Empire that emerged in the late 1880s from Stundists-Baptists. They have mystical characteristics similar to Hlysts. Tolstoyans – A religious-ethical social movement in the Russian Empire that arose during the political reaction of the 1880s under the influence of the ideas and works of Leo Tolstoy. They opposed the dominance of the official Russian Orthodox Church and did not recognize the ecclesiastical clergy. Skoptsy – Followers of the mystical sect of “spiritual Christians” that emerged from Old Believers. They considered the practice of castration a godly deed and a primary condition for the salvation of the soul. The Skoptsy sect was banned in the USSR after a high-profile trial in 1929. Molokans (self-name “spiritual Christians”) – one of the currents of Russian spiritual Christianity that emerged in the second half of the 19th century around Russian Orthodoxy. The Main Results of the Study Realizing the low effectiveness of anti-religious agitation and attempts at explaining the errors of religion, the Bolshevik leadership intensified the use of forceful methods to eradicate all manifestations of religious worldviews. From the late 1920s to the late 1930s, a new phase of total expulsion of the churches from Soviet society took place. Alongside this, at a nationwide meeting of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) on June 8, 1929, a decision was made to mandate the inclusion of anti-religious propaganda in the list of permanent agitation and propaganda measures for all structural units of the party organs. The second Five-Year Plan was declared as the “godless” one.10 With the onset of full-scale collectivization in Ukraine, the State Political Administration (hereafter DPU) received instructions outlined in Circular Letter No. 37, “On the State and Prospects of the Church Movement and the Current Tasks of the United DPU Organs,” dated March 22, 1930. The essence of these instructions was to “cleanse” the territory of the Ukrainian republic from the influence of religion. In the eyes of believers, this process was to appear as a natural consequence of the loss of trust in the Church and a reduction in religious sentiments, while repressive measures were to be made to seem voluntary: 10 Олександр Ігнатуша, “Спілка войовничих безвірників України (1926–1941 рр.): продукт і знаряддя модернізації по-сталінськи,” Український селянин. Вип. 7 (2003): 53-56. [Oleksandr Ignatusha, “The League of Militant Atheists of Ukraine (1926–1941): product and order of modernization in Stalin’s style,” Ukrainian Peasant. VIP. 7 (2003): 53-56.] OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 43“voluntary” expulsion of priests from areas of full collectivization, “voluntary” renunciation of clerical office, closure of churches due to the collapse of church communities, and so on.11 The religious aspects of the regional history of Podilia are, of course, part of a broader process affecting all Ukrainian territories occupied by the Russian Bolsheviks. However, the unique characteristics of the Podilia region led to specific features in the development of religious life and the formation of the sociocultural situation. Documents from local branches of the League of Militant Atheists in the 1930s, which were to become the “vanguard of Stalin's forces” in the fight against the Church, noted: “The region is a border area and thus particularly vulnerable to sabotage from capitalist countries.” In practice, this primarily indicated the priority of combating the Roman Catholic Church community. However, the spread of Protestant denominations, as an aspect of bourgeois lifestyle, also posed a threat to the authorities. Protestant churches went underground, which, according to the Bolshevik regime, were well-organized and covert.12 Protestant clergy were primarily carriers of democratic values, as they based their enlightenment efforts on the principles of Pietism (with a special focus on subjective knowledge of God through independent study and interpretation of sacred texts) and the ethics of capitalism (“live-work-prosper”). Such approaches led to the formation of respect for individual personality, private property, and critical thinking among believers, which fundamentally contradicted the totalitarian system. Protestantism largely spread through ethnic communities, which the authorities referred to as “national minorities”–primarily small groups of Czechs and Germans. However, this movement also grew through the peasantry, the dominant social class in Podilia, which actively resisted collectivization. Numerous reports from various government levels noted that the region had too few conscious working-class individuals, complicating the anti-religious struggle. According to the 1926 census,13 the vast majority of the inhabitants of Podilia were peasants (91.2%) and ethnic Ukrainians (86.8%). Unlike the 1897 census, which detailed 11 Віталій Гордієнко, “Тоталітаризм і релігія,” Університет. № 5 (2009): 57-62. [Vitaly Gordienko, “Totalitarianism and religion,” University. No. 5 (2009): 57-62] 12 Тези доповідей про стан антирелігійної роботи по Вінницькій області станом на 15. 02. 1933 р., Державний архів Вінницької області (далі - ДАВО), ф. 136, оп. 4, спр. 277, арк. 56 – 57. [Abstracts of evidence about the camp of anti-religious work in the Vinnytsia region as of February 15, 1933, State Archives of the Vinnytsia Region (hereinafter referred to as DAVO), f. 136, op. 4, reference 277, arc. 56 – 57.] 13 Всесоюзная перепись населения 1926 года. Том ХІІІ: УССР. Центральное статистическое управление СССР, Отдел переписи. (М.: Издание ЦСУ Союза ССР, 1929), 472. [All-Union Population Census of 1926. Volume XIII: Ukrainian SSR. Central Statistical Office of the USSR, Census Division. (M.: Publishing house of the Central Statistical Office of the USSR, 1929), 472] OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 44religious affiliations (Orthodox – 2,358,497 (78.14%); Jews – 370,612 (12.28%); Roman Catholics – 262,738 (8.7%); Old Believers – 18,849 (0.62%); Protestants – 3,876 (0.13%); Muslims – 3,460 (0.11%)), the 1926 census did not list religious affiliations, in accordance with the Bolshevik decree of February 2, 1918. Thus, in the Podilia region, the specifics of repressive measures by the authorities were influenced by the region's characteristics: its borderland status, agrarian nature, and multi-confessional character. Since the church was one of the main regulators of life in traditional rural (pre-industrial) communities, Bolshevik atheist propaganda and agitation efforts during the 1920s primarily resulted in the concealment of religious feelings, an increase in sympathy toward the church and clergy, and growing resistance to the regime. Due to severe persecution, Protestant denominations were often more organized in their secrecy compared to Orthodox and Catholic communities, which led some Orthodox Ukrainians to convert to Protestantism. The People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs (NKVD) and the State Political Administration (DPU) kept detailed records of the religious situation, as evidenced by data collected over the years. For instance, information at the end of 1933 noted: “Currently, a sharp 'surge' in sectarian activity is characteristic of the Vinnytsia region, with the following groups particularly active: a) Evangelicals (most active in Tomashpil, Sharhorod, and Kopaygorod); b) Baptists (Dunaivtsi, Smotrych, and Liubar); c) Jehovah's Witnesses (Dzhulyn, Teplyk, and Haisyn); and d) Dragonists (Liubar). A distinctive feature of their activities at this stage is their transition to underground forms, with local branches of the 'Godless' organization not actively combating them. At that time, the Vinnytsia region consisted of 64 districts (now part of the modern Khmelnytskyi, and partially Zhytomyr and Cherkasy regions). Sectarians in the area numbered around 15,000 and were actively engaged in anti-Soviet propaganda.”14 In the Vinnytsia region, according to the regional branch of the League of Militant Atheists, by 1934, there were 389 centers of atheism with a total of 19,598 members. These were distributed across various sectors as follows: 214 centers in factories, 9 in transportation, 84 in schools, 71 in collective farms and state farms, 11 in military units, and 4 in the political departments of machine-tractor stations.15 In the rural region, it is noteworthy that only 25.2% of atheists were found in collective farms and state farms. This reflects the failure of the anti-religious campaign 14 ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 454, арк. 23. [DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 454, arc. 23.] 15 Доповідні записки та довідки обласних організацій про роботу товариства «Безбожник», ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 454, арк. 24. [Additional notes and reports from regional organizations about the work of the “Atheist” partnership, DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 454, arc. 24.] OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 45in its moral and covert aspects, and sometimes even outright resistance from the population to the atheist policies. The sectarians were divided into those operating legally (10,000 people) and those operating illegally (5,000 people). The most widespread legal denomination was the Evangelicals (37 districts, 402 groups), followed by Baptists (21 districts, 111 groups), and the third largest group was the Seventh-Day Adventists (29 districts, 79 groups). The illegal sectarian groups included Christians of the Evangelical Faith (Tremblers, Dukhobors), whose numbers were not specified in the report. Among the registered groups were: 1.. Pentecostal Zionists: 101 groups, 22 preachers. 2.. Jehovists: 26 groups, with the largest presence in Teplyk. 3. Ionites: 460 people, primarily in Tulchyn and Haisyn. 4. Apocalypticists: 1,382 people, mainly in Vinnytsia and Koziatyn. 5. Innocentievtsy-Mikhailivtsy: 300 people, primarily in Pishchanka and Bratslav. 6. Korniievtsy-Khlysty: 222 people, mainly in Berdychiv. 7. Malovani: 24 groups. 8. Red Dragonists: 330 people, 15 groups.16 This report is exemplary in tracking all existing religious denominations and their activity localization. It is evident that there was more detailed information at the district departments, specifying the leaders of religious communities and their stance towards the regime. A widespread phenomenon that caused significant concern for the NKVD in the mid-1930s was the dissemination of religious leaflets with a pronounced anti-communist character. For instance, in the autumn of 1934, such a campaign became widespread in the southeastern areas of Vinnytsia Oblast. 16 ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 454, арк. 46. [DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 454, arc. 46.] OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 46 Examples of anti-Soviet posters by religious activists In a special report titled “On the Dissemination of Religious Leaflets,” the head of the Vinnytsia Oblast NKVD, Sokolinsky, informed the secretary of the Vinnytsia regional committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine under the label “Top Secret” that in the villages of Yampil, Trostianets, Pyshchany, and Tulchyn districts, counter-revolutionary activists among church officials were distributing leaflets in large quantities with the instruction “Pray and spread the leaflet 9 times.” Specifically, it was noted that “Nadiia Kozma, a resident of Olshanka in the Kryzhopil district, was distributing notes stating: “Pray to God and God will send his wrath upon the collective farms and Soviet power, and soon there will be no Soviet power.” It was also reported that “church officials” were actively involving schoolchildren and Komsomol members in the distribution of these leaflets.17 The text describes a clear hierarchy of relationships where party leadership is subordinated to the NKVD and carries out the directives of the secret police. This indicates a clear dominance of the security apparatus over the party. In the educational sphere, significant attention was given to the promotion of atheism. Anti-religious struggle began to be implemented most “effectively” in general educational institutions from 1929 onward, following the Second All-Union Congress of Militant Atheists. Religious teachers were dismissed from schools, and this category of individuals faced persecution even when attempting to find employment elsewhere. Even the children of priests were not admitted to 17 Вінницький обком КП(б)У. Відділ культури і пропаганди ленінізму. Доповідні та довідки про стан антирелігійної роботи, ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 621, арк. 34. [Vinnytsia Regional Committee of the Communist Party (b)U. Department of culture and propaganda of Leninism. Additional evidence about the camp of anti-religious robots, DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 621, arc. 34.] OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 47higher education institutions unless they renounced their parents.18 Even the choice of a life partner was often influenced by ideological considerations, with marriage to someone who had previously been associated with the church being deemed “undesirable” for communists.19 Starting in 1935, the region organized mass lectures on the topic of “Religion and Socialist Construction.” History and physics teachers were required to conduct anti-religious lessons. However, there were protests from both teachers and students. For instance, a teacher at the Litin school (her name was not mentioned in the report) issued a letter protesting church closures. As a result of these actions, she was dismissed from her position at the school.20 Significant attention in the anti-religious struggle was devoted to organizational and methodological work. Methodological guides and programs were prepared for various categories, including believers, children, students, and collective farm courses. An “Anti-Religious Textbook” was being prepared. Educational measures were also designed to undermine traditional rites and holidays. An example of this is the “Anti-Christmas Campaign Plan for Schools in the Region and the City of Vinnytsia,” developed by the methodological department of the League of Militant Atheists in Vinnytsia Oblast.21 Appropriate recommendations were also prepared for the city of Vinnytsia. An urban approach to combating religion was deemed desirable, with the following measures being suggested: ● convene a meeting with school principals, leaders of Young Pioneers, and leaders of Young Militant Atheists. Distribute a methodological letter to schools. ● Send a list of anti-religious literature. ● Set up a display with recommended literature at the children's library. 18 Про стан релігійного руху по Вінницькій окрузі, ДАВО, ф. 29, оп. 1, спр. 461, арк. 28. [About the camp of the religious movement in the Vinnitsa region, DAVO, f. 29, op. 1, ref. 461, arc. 28] 19 Василь Рудий, Розстріляне Надбужжя: історичний. нарис. (Вінниця: Видавництво-друкарня «Діло», 2007), 396. [Vasyl Rudy, Rozstrilians of Nadbuzhzhya: historical. drawing (Vinnytsia: Vidavnitstvo-drukarnya “Dilo”, 2007), 396.] 20 Інна Ніколіна, “Антирелігійна політика радянської влади в загальноосвітній школі УСРР у 20-х – на початку 30-х рр. ХХ ст.,” in “Релігійне життя Поділля: минуле і сучасне”: до 1020-ліття хрещення Русі та 250-річчя Вінницького кафедрального Спасо-Преображенського собору (Вінниця, 2008) ): 72-76. [Inna Nikolina, “Anti-religious policy of the Radyan government in the behind-the-scenes school of the Ukrainian SSR in the 20s - at the beginning of the 30s. of the twentieth century,” in “Religious life of Podillya: past and present”: until the 1020th anniversary of the baptism of Russia and the 250th century of the Vinnytsia Cathedral of the Transfiguration of the Savior (Vinnytsia, 2008): 72-76.] 21 ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 926, арк. 16. [DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 926, arc. 16.] OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 48● Select suitable anti-religious feature films and organize collective viewings for children. Obviously, the city had a more modern program, taking into account technical possibilities, for combating religious rites. The Vinnytsia branch of the League of Militant Atheists also planned the following actions: Issue anti-religious leaflets; Organize mobile anti-religious exhibitions; Arrange trips for four activist brigades to Litin, Dzerzhynsk, Teplik, and Haysyn; Produce relevant posters and slogans; Appoint speakers for Red Army units; Task students traveling to districts with conducting five inter-district seminars and anti-religious exhibitions; Prepare speakers for presentations at Machine-Tractor Stations and collective farms.22 In 1935, the anti-church program in the region adopted the most extensive measures. One of the effective actions against religion and the clergy, in addition to closing churches, was also the closure of prayer houses. Relevant decisions were formally approved at meetings of village councils, joint assemblies of peasants, and town council sessions.23 By mid-1936, a total of 1,727 prayer houses had been closed across Vinnytsia Oblast, with only 215 still functioning. During 1936, 2,854 anti-religious exhibitions were held. As of June 1936, only nine prayer houses remained operational in Vinnytsia Oblast, classified as “sectarian” by the regime.24 A common practice used by the Bolsheviks was the fabrication of cases against believers. For example, in 1932, the Vinnytsia regional division of the State Political Directorate (DGPУ) fabricated a case against Pentecostal-Zionists living in the southern parts of what is now Vinnytsia and Khmelnytskyi Oblasts. A total of 79 believers were held accountable, with six sentenced to death and the rest receiving prison terms ranging from three to 10 years.25 An important factor in the elimination of the clergy was the implementation of fiscal and economic measures, such as taxes and the revocation of the right to engage in economic 22 ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 952, арк. 5. [DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 952, arc. 5.] 23 Центральний державний архів вищих органів влади України. Ф.413. Оп.2. Спр5. Арк.35 [Central State Archive of the Supreme Government of Ukraine. F.413. Op.2. Ref5. Arc.35]; Центральний державний архів громадських організацій України. ф.1. оп.6. спр 29. арк.68 [Central State Archives of Civil Organizations of Ukraine. f.1. op.6. ref 29. arc.68]. 24 Доповідні записки керівників установ і організацій по проведеній роботі, ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 4, спр. 277, арк. 48. [Additional records of the installation and organization of work, DAVO, f. 136, op. 4, reference 277, arc. 48.] 25 Державний архів Хмельницької області. ф. р6193. оп.12. спр. п-1159. арк.17 [State Archives of the Khmelnitsky Region. f. p6193. op.12. Ref. p-1159. arc.17]; Державний архів Хмельницької області. ф. р6193. оп.12. спр. п-25791. арк.1905-1906 [State Archives of the Khmelnitsky Region. f. p6193. op.12. Ref. p-25791. arch.1905-1906]. OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 49activities. For instance, the situation with the women’s monastery in Brailiv, Vinnytsia Oblast, serves as an example. The local communal services imposed excessively high and unrealistic taxes on the monastery, which ultimately led to its ruin. This only intensified the hostility of the local population and clergy towards the Soviet government and the state.26 In the 1930s, collectivization and the closure of churches deprived the clergy of their means of livelihood. Clergy members were forced to combine manual labor with their spiritual duties. Legislative changes stripped the clergy and their families of voting rights, complicating their ability to find employment and secure positions. With the strengthening of the totalitarian system, believers, demoralized by collectivization and the famine, could no longer resist the authorities. The tax pressure, which was part of the dismantling of rural life and “socialist industrialization,” turned clergy of all denominations into a materially vulnerable class. Data from the table "Records of Clergy and Religious Activists as of Early 1938 in Vinnytsia Oblast" indicate the complete eradication of clergy from Catholic and Lutheran denominations, as well as a significant reduction in the Orthodox clergy and Jewish leaders. Table 127 Religious Denomination (originally – Clergy) Religious Activists Clergy Clergy Without a Parish Orthodox 49 957 239 154 Catholic 2 400 – – Jews 12 000 134 36 Lutherans 250 – – During this period, the percentage of repressed clergy was 0.7% of the total. However, at the beginning of the 20th century, during the Russian Empire era in the Podilia region, it was only 0.03%, making this statistic relatively significant. The clergy were among the top targets for the authorities at this time. In the secret operational order of the NKVD of the USSR No. 00447 “On the Operation for the Repression of Former Kulaks, Criminals, and Other Anti-26 Інформації і довідки обкома і райкомів партії про стан антирелігійної пропаганди, ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 926, арк. 9. [Information and reports from the regional committee and district party committees about the plant of anti-religious propaganda, DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 926, arc. 9] 27 ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 926, арк. 8. [DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 926, arc. 8.] OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 50Soviet Elements” dated July 30, 1937, “sectarians” were specifically listed as a separate “contingent subject to repression.” Overall, Vinnytsia Oblast ranked first in terms of repression against the Church: in 1937, 896 individuals from religious denominations were arrested, accounting for 18.9% of the total number of arrests in this category across the Ukrainian SSR.28 The high percentage of arrests was influenced by Vinnytsia Oblast's border status and its activity during the National Liberation Revolution of 1917-1921. An indication of the particular focus on the border region concerning religious life is found in a letter from the cult issues referent of the Mogyliv-Podilskyi Regional Party Committee, Krushelnytskyi. The document is noteworthy for several reasons: Closed letter to the Secretary of the Vinnytsia Regional Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) Comrade Chernyavskyi. In 1935-1936, I worked as a referent on cult issues for the Mogyliv district. When I took up this position, there were 2 churches, 1 cathedral, 10 synagogues, and various prayer houses in Mogyliv, along with an episcopal administration (Archbishop N. Polikarpov and 3 archpriests). There was much “work” to “undermine them.” After my work in the border city, this “gang” moved to Tulchyn. In total, 70 religious institutions were closed in the district during this time. Currently, there is 1 church left in Suhaki and 4 synagogues in Mogyliv. The party leadership and Komsomol are not assisting in this important matter. Dear comrade Chernyavskyi, do not show this letter to those I criticize, as there will be undesirable consequences. With Komsomol greetings, Krushelnytskyi. December 7, 1936.29 The liquidation of religious communities in the border region was evidently a highly responsible task, likely undertaken by one of the most well-prepared Komsomol members. A notable example is the denunciation of colleagues on the eve of the Great Terror. This situation also impacted the activities of the regional League of Militant Atheists: out of 11 senior officials in December 1936, only five remained by mid-1937. A significant number of party workers were sentenced for sabotage and inactivity. However, reporting at the beginning of 1938, the Vinnytsia regional leadership of the League of Militant Atheists claimed to have 1,377 League of Militant Atheists branches, 37,151 activists, and 276 anti-religious clubs. On March 27, 1938, they held a regional conference of the League of Militant Atheists with 200 participants and a budget of 20,000 rubles. The resolution noted that it would be desirable to create an anti-religious museum in Vinnytsia in the future.30 28 Володимир Нікольський, Репресивна діяльність органів державної безпеки СРСР в Україні (кінець 1920-х-1950-ті рр.). Історико-статистичне дослідження: монографія, 245. [Volodymyr Nikolsky, Repressive activities of the state security bodies of the USSR in Ukraine (late 1920s-1950s). Historical and statistical research: monograph, 245.] 29 ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 926, арк. 17. [DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 926, arc. 17.] 30 ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 926, арк. 21-22. [DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 926, arc. 21-22.] OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 51However, there was always an emphasis on the weak anti-religious work, the urgent need to intensify literacy campaigns, and the fight against illiteracy. Inspections of the districts noted that in the Tyvriv district, “priests and spy scum” were “nesting,” and the district suffered from an influx of “Petliurists.” Under the guise of Article 124 of the Stalin Constitution, anti-Soviet elements became more active. Clergy transitioned to underground forms of operation and conducted baptisms secretly. Special attention was given to monitoring sectarians. As of the beginning of 1938, the situation in Vinnytsia Oblast was as follows: Table 231 Sectarians Groups Members Evangelicals 138 1894 Baptists 87 1595 Adventists 62 803 German Baptists 1 21 Evangelical Lutherans 1 11 Pentecostals (Hlysty) 70 764 Izgoists 18 124 Apocalypticists 14 59 Ioanites 18 233 Skoptsy 1 12 Khlysts 3 23 Malovantsy 1 3 Tolstovtsy 1 2 Molokans 4 38 Krasnodrakonovtsy 14 259 Mikhailovtsy 4 65 Yevdonizites 6 75 New Israelites 1 6 Compared to 1934, their numbers had significantly decreased. In a memorandum dated October 20, 1939, from the head of the Regional League of Militant Atheists, Likachev, to the Vinnytsia Regional Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks), repeated emphasis was placed on the neglected state of anti-religious work, the lack of socialist competition with the Kamianets-Podilskyi Oblast, the threat of elections to local councils dominated by believers, the need to activate the press in exposing clergy, the worsening condition of work, and delays in salary payments. By the fall of 1939, there were already 1,591 primary organizations of and 51,403 members. The following lecture topics were established: “Women and Religion,” “Defense of the USSR and Religion,” “Religion in the Service of Fascism,” and “The Origins 31 Про релігійно-сектантський рух у Вінницькій області, ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 208, арк. 67. [About the religious-sectarian movement in the Vinnytsia region, DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 208, arc. 67] OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 52and Class Nature of Easter,” all promoted under the decisions of the XVIII Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks).32 Clearly, with the establishment of allied relations with the Nazis, such as the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, the lecture topics had to be adjusted, and a more flexible approach to the “integration” of the western regions might have been necessary. Recent documents indicate the cessation of financial subsidies for the Vinnytsia League of Militant Atheists. Conclusions The late 1920s and early 1930s marked a period of accelerated construction of Stalinist socialism. It was evident that any form of religious existence was not considered compatible within the framework of the Soviet state. The Stalinist regime fully realized the totalitarian model by implementing its plan to eradicate the churches. A classic feature of this period was the use of double standards. While freedom of conscience and worship was formally proclaimed, in practice, it was not only ignored but used as a serious basis for discrimination or physical elimination. The situation worsened after the adoption of the Stalinist constitution in 1936, when people in Podilia who appealed to its provisions faced government repression. The turning point in the relationship between the Bolshevik state and the social institution of the Church (which encompasses a complex concept of religious hierarchy and community, including its sacred heritage and architectural monuments) occurred in 1929. From this moment, the ideology and practice of separating religion from the state and society shifted to a doctrine of total elimination of the Church by all available means, as declared at the All-Union Central Committee (CC) of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). The second Five-Year Plan was declared as “atheistic.” Stalinist totalitarianism mobilized all state institutions and their quasi-public organizations in the fight against the churches. The repressive system encouraged the prosecution of clergy on fabricated and falsified charges. This practice served as a means to discredit religious figures before the public and to intensify anti-religious propaganda. It is important to recall that with the establishment of communist rule, the clergy were already in a socially disadvantaged category. The massive eradication of religiosity was a priority for educational institutions at all levels, under the coordination of the League of Militant Atheists. 32 ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 926, арк. 9. [DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 926, arc. 9.] OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 53However, the anti-religious campaign faced resistance from a significant portion of the population in Podilia. While this resistance was largely passive due to the severe terror exerted by the security forces, there were notable instances of active opposition, including the protection of priests by the general population, preservation of churches from destruction and repurposing, and attendance at services despite official threats. One form of anti-communist protest was the practice of the “catacomb” church and the creation of numerous sectarian organizations. Another form of protest was the distribution of anti-communist leaflets and various religious services. A characteristic feature of Stalinist repressive practices was the long-standing imperial tradition of “divide and rule.” The NKVD fueled conflicts both within the clergy of various denominations and between different religious groups. The multi-confessional nature of Podilia, linked to its predominantly ethnic composition, was exploited by propagating inter-ethnic hostility and discrediting adherents of different religious communities against each other. The situation for Protestant communities was particularly challenging. They were considered a priori as agents of foreign intelligence, likely due to a continuation of the Russian Empire’s policies of religious intolerance and xenophobia. This intolerance became an ideal tool for totalitarianism to draw a line between “us” and “them,” leading to societal fragmentation. Stalinist intolerance in the 1930s exhibited another mechanism for inciting hostility: all religion was deemed evil, but Protestantism was considered the greatest evil. While Orthodoxy was seen as an internal enemy, Protestants were stigmatized as double enemies both a religious sect and foreign agents necessitating their complete destruction. This practice prompted Protestant communities to adopt heightened secrecy and struggle for survival. It is pertinent to note that the Bolshevik regime in the 1930s classified as Protestants not only those denominations that were theologically categorized in this branch of Christianity but also those that had broken away from officially recognized churches (especially Orthodox) and were in open opposition to the regime, categorically refusing any cooperation with communists. The first group included Baptists, Evangelicals, Pentecostals, Mennonites, Adventists, and Jehovah's Witnesses denominations often referred to as “late Protestantism.” The second group comprised denominations whose teachings had evolved from Orthodoxy but had separated from the Orthodox Church. This included Old Believers, Molokans, Khlysts, Krasnodar Dragonites, Mikhailovites, Tolstoyans, Dukhobors, the True Orthodox Church, and others. For the communist regime, this was a category of particularly dangerous enemies. OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 54In summary, during the 1930s, the communist regime in Podilia virtually eradicated the clergy as the spiritual and intellectual-organizational foundation of religious life, driving religious life underground but not destroying it. Clearly, it was not possible to completely eradicate the religious sentiment of the faithful. 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Доповідні та довідки про стан антирелігійної роботи, 60 арк. [DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 621 (Vinnytsia Regional Committee of the Communist Party (b) In OCCASIONAL PAPERS ON RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE (SEPTEMBER 2024) XLIV, 7 55the field of culture and propaganda of Leninism. Additional evidence about the camp of anti-religious work, 60 ark.] ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 926 (Інформації і довідки обкома і райкомів партії про стан антирелігійної пропаганди (оригінал російською мовою)), 92 арк. [DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 926 (Information and reports of the regional committee and district party committees about the camp of anti-religious propaganda (original in Russian language)), 92 ark.] ДАВО, ф. 136, оп. 6, спр. 952, 58 арк. [DAVO, f. 136, op. 6, ref. 952, 58 arc.] Державний архів Хмельницької області (Далі -ДАХО), ф.р 6193, оп. 12, Спр. П-1159. арк.17. [State Archives of the Khmelnitsky Region (Dali-DAKHO), file 6193, op. 12, Ref. P-1159. arc.17.] ДАХО, ф.р 6193, оп. 12, Спр. 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