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Background and purpose: this thesis centres on the understanding that assumptions and norms about human trafficking are mainly driven by Northcentric anti-trafficking strategies geared to meeting their own socioeconomic and political priorities.  These strategies reduce the complexities and variations of irregular migratory phenomena to simplified and stereotyped representations, and perpetuate hegemonic anti-trafficking notions of passivity and victimhood.  Migration and trafficking scholars call for research into the fine-grain detail of irregular sex work economies to widen the limited scope and inclusivity of concepts currently associated with sex trafficking, and develop more appropriate forms of understanding and response.  I seek to address these calls by exploring in depth the lived experiences of an under-researched irregular migrant sex work population.  Methods: nineteen Nigerian, Edo women working as prostitutes and Madams on the streets of a Spanish industrial estate participated in this long-term ethnographic study.  It spanned five years of field preparation and five more in research, including observation and interactive engagement across settings.  I adapted the recursive steps of reflexive thematic analysis to develop two data themes (Migrating from Nigeria, Resettling in Spain) and three contextual lenses (Social Systems, Power Dynamics, Faith Norms).  These steps resonated with 'patchwork’ ethnography guidelines for sex trafficking research.  I employed Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957) to help manage and understand shifting sensemaking and decision-making phenomena. Results: eight paradoxes through the findings reflected the women navigating socioeconomic migration intentions and using psychological strategies and tools.  I did not originally intend to add conceptual insights to the theoretical framework in this study.  However, the women’s data provided lived perspectives and exemplars of CDT and self-concept and induced compliance dynamics; and challenged rather than endorsed the theory. Conclusion: the findings offer unique insights into a marginalised migrant sex work economy across wide-ranging psychosocial, sexual, cultural, and spiritual phenomena. They provide timely, much-needed diversity, depth, and richness of contribution to the above growing body of qualitative research on migrant sex work and scholarly force for change in the anti-trafficking arena; and to discussions on CDT.  Future research will centre on university-level anti-trafficking education (i.e., developing critical reflection as a transformative tool and placing lived experiential perspectives at its centre)

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“I am not the type that somebody will oppress.   Somebody like me, you cannot bring me down.”   Tensions and Paradoxes in Sex Trafficking.  An Ethnographic Exploration of Nigerian Street Walkers and Madams in Spain   Submitted by Sophie Tabuteau-Harrison to the University of Exeter  as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Psychology,  August 2023    This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is a copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published  without proper acknowledgement.   I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my work has been identified and that any material that has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University has been acknowledged.       TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  2  Acknowledgements I thank my husband, Wil, for sharing, supporting, and standing with me through every twist and turn of this thesis.  Throughout the writing process, I have benefitted profoundly from the expertise and encouragement of my supervisors, Dr Avril J. Mewse (Psychology) and Prof. Esther D. Reed (Theology and Religion) at the University of Exeter, and Prof. Jaquelyn Collinson-Allen (Sociology and Physical Cultures) at the University of Lincoln.  I thank them for the time, energy, and care dedicated to helping me create, develop, and fine-tune this thesis; and for believing in me.     TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  3  Abstract Background and purpose. This thesis centres on the understanding that assumptions and norms about human trafficking are mainly driven by Northcentric anti-trafficking strategies geared to meeting their own socioeconomic and political priorities.  These strategies reduce the complexities and variations of irregular migratory phenomena to simplified and stereotyped representations, and perpetuate hegemonic anti-trafficking notions of passivity and victimhood.  Migration and trafficking scholars call for research into the fine-grain detail of irregular sex work economies to widen the limited scope and inclusivity of concepts currently associated with sex trafficking, and develop more appropriate forms of understanding and response.  I seek to address these calls by exploring in depth the lived experiences of an under-researched irregular migrant sex work population.  Methods. Nineteen Nigerian, Edo women working as prostitutes and Madams on the streets of a Spanish industrial estate participated in this long-term ethnographic study.  It spanned five years of field preparation and five more in research, including observation and interactive engagement across settings.  I adapted the recursive steps of reflexive thematic analysis to develop two data themes (Migrating from Nigeria, Resettling in Spain) and three contextual lenses (Social Systems, Power Dynamics, Faith Norms).  These steps resonated with 'patchwork’ ethnography guidelines for sex trafficking research.  I employed Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957) to help manage and understand shifting sensemaking and decision-making phenomena. Results. Eight paradoxes through the findings reflected the women navigating socioeconomic migration intentions and using psychological strategies and tools.  I did not originally intend to add conceptual insights to the theoretical framework in this study.  However, the women’s data provided lived perspectives TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  4  and exemplars of CDT and self-concept and induced compliance dynamics; and challenged rather than endorsed the theory. Conclusion. The findings offer unique insights into a marginalised migrant sex work economy across wide-ranging psychosocial, sexual, cultural, and spiritual phenomena. They provide timely, much-needed diversity, depth, and richness of contribution to the above growing body of qualitative research on migrant sex work and scholarly force for change in the anti-trafficking arena; and to discussions on CDT.  Future research will centre on university-level anti-trafficking education (i.e., developing critical reflection as a transformative tool and placing lived experiential perspectives at its centre). Keywords: Ethnography, qualitative psychology, sex trafficking, migration, cognitive dissonance    TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  5    Table of Contents Acknowledgements.……………………………………………………………. 2 Abstract.………………………………………………………………………….. 3 Chapter 1. Introduction...……………………………………………………....18 1.1.  Anti-Trafficking as a Worldwide Priority and Norm.…………………... 21  1.1.1. Credibility crisis in the anti-trafficking arena.…………….......... 23 1.2.  Conventional research approaches…………………………………..... 24 1.3.  Research Purposes…………………………………………………….... 25 1.3.1. Research aims…………………………………………................ 26 1.3.1.1. Research questions…………………………................ 27 1.4.  Research Components….……………………………………………..... 28  1.4.1. Ethnographic fieldwork…………………………......................... 29   1.4.2. Reflexive thematic analysis………………................................ 29  1.4.3. Cognitive Dissonance Theory……………………….................. 30  1.5.  The Significance of the Thesis……………………………………......... 31 1.6.  Signposting to Further Chapters……………………………………...... 32 Chapter 2. Literature Review………………………………………………..... 37 2.1.  Anti-Trafficking as a Global Force………………………….................. 37 2.1.1. The associated credibility crisis................……………………... 38   2.1.1.1. Formal support organisations…………………. 40    2.1.1.1.1. Service shortfalls………..................... 42 2.2.  Sex Trafficking in Nigeria and Spain……………………….................. 43  2.2.1.  Nigeria…………………………................................................. 43   2.2.1.1. Tensions, violence, and warfare…………………....... 45 2.2.1.2. Traditional indigenous religion……………………....... 46 TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  6  2.2.2.  Spain..…………………………………………………………...... 49 2.3.  Gaps in the Literature………………………………………………….... 50 2.3.1. Migration motivations and arrangements…………………….... 50 2.3.1.1. Ritual oathtaking….…………………………………….. 51 2.3.2. Migrant sex work harm…………………………………………… 53 2.4.  Ethnographic Exploration of Irregular Socioeconomic  Migrants……………………………………………………...................... 55 2.4.1. Exploitation……..………………………….................................. 55 2.4.2. Ignorance and oppression………………………….................... 57 2.4.3. Spiritual subjugation…………………………............................. 58 2.5.  Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT) ………………………….............60 2.5.1. Adaptations to CDT………………………….............................. 62  2.5.1.1. Self-concept perspectives…………………................. 62 2.5.1.2. Induced compliance perspectives…………................ 63 2.5.2.  CDT as a lens for qualitative data……………………………… 64  2.5.3.  CDT in the fields of irregular migrant sex work and  sex trafficking…..………………………………………………….66  2.6.  Chapter Summary………………………………………………………...67  Chapter 3. Methodology and Methods…………………………………….... 69 3.1. Research Positioning…………………………………………………..... 70   3.1.1. Why Spain? ……………………………………………………..... 71 3.2. Ontology and Epistemology…………………………………………...... 72  3.2.1. Choosing a research paradigm……………………………….... 72  3.2.1.1. The credibility crisis in psychology…..………………...73  3.2.1.2. Sensitivity to ethnography…………………………….. 74 3.3. Methodological Strategy……………………………………………….... 75  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  7   3.3.1. About ethnography……………………………………………...... 75 3.3.2. Ethnographic fieldwork in psychology...................................... 76 3.3.2.1. The ethnographic process…………………………….. 77 3.3.2.2. Patchwork ethnography guidelines…………………… 78 3.4. Methods………………………………………………………………….... 79  3.4.1. Field preparation………………………………………………......80 3.4.1.1. Locating a field setting………………………………..... 80 3.4.1.2. Creating a social form of access and engagement.....80 3.4.1.2.1. Establishing safeguarding and ethical practices for the health and support endeavour………. 82 3.4.1.2.2. Collaboratively developing the endeavour… 83 3.4.2. Recruitment……………………………………………………...... 83 3.4.2.1. Adapting verbal communication…………................... 84 3.4.2.2. Selecting participants…………................................... 85 3.4.2.2.1. Number of participants…………................... 85 3.4.2.2.2. Participant profiles………….......................... 86 3.4.2.2.3. Ineligible candidates…………....................... 86 3.4.2.3. Enacting informed verbal consent…………................ 88  3.4.2.3.1. Adapting consent conversations……………. 88   3.4.2.3.2. Practising consent transparency……………. 89 3.4.2.3.3. Explaining data protection, confidentiality,  and anonymity….………………….................................89 3.4.2.4. Agreeing on a currency of reciprocity…….................. 90  3.4.3. Field engagement………………………………………………... 91 3.4.3.1. Nighttime engagement……………………………........ 91 3.4.3.2. Daytime engagement….…………………………......... 92  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  8   3.4.4. Research activities……………………………………………...... 93 3.4.4.1. Participant observation……………………………....... 94 3.4.4.2. General conversation…………………………………... 94 3.4.4.3. Active conversation…………………………………...... 95 3.4.5. Data collection…………………….…………………………….....96  3.4.5.1. Data from engagement in the field……………………. 97 3.4.5.2. Data from social media and telephone calls………….97 3.4.6. Data analysis………………………………................................. 98  3.4.7. Data storage, evaluation and disposal…..……………………... 100 3.5.  The Conundrum of Sex Trafficking Research……..………………......101   3.5.1. Ethical considerations . ……..………………............................. 102   3.5.1.1. Getting the balance right……..……………….............. 102    3.5.1.1.1. Researcher debriefing..………...................... 104    3.5.1.1.2. Ethics of care…………..………………………106  3.5.2. Ethical practices: engaging with participants…….....................109   3.5.2.1. Recruiting a safeguarder……..................................... 109   3.5.2.2. Maintaining independence of allegiance…………….. 110 3.5.2.3. Complying with the instructions of the Madams…….. 112 3.5.2.4. Providing secure, purposeful social engagement....... 112 3.5.2.5. Minimising unwelcome and unhelpful responses....... 114 3.6.  Chapter Summary………………………………………………………... 115 Chapter 4. Self-Reflective Data Analysis…………………………………… 117 4.1.  Enacting Reflexive Thematic Analysis……........................................ 117  4.1.1. Identifying initial codes, themes and sub-themes……………... 117  4.1.2. Developing two main themes……............................................ 119  4.1.3. Forming and developing contextual lenses……………………. 124 TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  9    4.1.3.1. Motivations to migrate………………………………….. 127   4.1.3.2. Migration arrangements………………………………...128   4.1.3.3. Sex work……………………………………………….... 129   4.1.3.4. Life after sex work……………………………………….130  4.1.4. Developing the storytelling………………………………………..131  4.1.5. Finalising analytical and storytelling processes……………….. 134 4.2.  Chapter Summary………………………………………………………...136 Chapter 5. Findings 1. Migrating from Nigeria…………………………......138  5.1.  Presentation of the Sub-Themes……………………………………......141 5.1.1. Sub-theme 1. Motivations to Migrate….…………………………141   5.1.1.1. Day-to-day socioeconomic hardship…………………..141    5.1.1.1.1. Intra-familial roles assigned to wives and  daughters………........................................................... 142   5.1.1.2. Dilemmas of social provision………………………….. 142 5.1.2. Sub-Theme 2. Migration Arrangements………………………... 143   5.1.2.1. Instigation and recruitment…………………………….. 144    5.1.2.1.1. The Madam cycle…………………………….. 145   5.1.2.2. Formal agreement……………………………………….146    5.1.2.2.1. Ritual oathtaking……………………………… 146    5.1.2.2.2. Sponsorship debt…………………………….. 146    5.1.2.2.3. Consent……………………………………….. 146 5.2.  Contextualisation of the Sub-Themes…………………………………..147 5.2.1. The contexts of motivations to migrate…………………………. 147   5.2.1.1. The political system…………………………….…........ 148    5.2.1.1.1. Crime, exploitation, and oppression…………149 TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  10    5.2.1.2. The marital system……………………………………...153   5.2.1.2.1. Polygamy……………………………………....153   5.2.1.3. The childrearing system……………………………......154   5.2.1.3.1. Over-emphasising material wealth……….....154    5.2.1.3.2. Hierarchical sibling responsibility for     social provision……………………………………...........156  5.2.2. The contexts of migration arrangements………………………..162   5.2.2.1. Instigation by tough mothers………………………......163    5.2.2.2. Recruitment by dishonest sisters………………..........164   5.2.2.3. The formal agreement of willing daughters…..165 5.3.  Discussion………………….……………………………………………...166   5.3.1. Paradox 1. Moving away from and towards risks to  well-being and life………………………………………………....167  5.3.2. Paradox 2. Un/acceptable forms of crime, exploitation,  and oppression…………………………………………………….168  5.3.3. Paradox 3. Moving away from and towards the  Nigerian mindset……...............................................................169  5.3.4. Paradox 4. Un/acceptable forms of materialistic behaviour….. 170  5.3.5. Paradox 5. Un/acceptable forms of multiple spirituality………. 171  5.3.6. Paradox 6. Un/acceptable forms of migrant sex work…………172   5.3.7. Paradox 7. Mis/representing migrant sex work………………... 173 5.3.8. Paradox 8. Unstable notions of consent……………………….. 175 5.4.  Bridging the Findings Chapters………………………………………….176  5.4.1.  The Women’s Journeys from Nigeria to Spain……………….. 176   5.4.1.1. Crossing the African desert………..............................176   5.4.1.2. Camping in Moroccan forests……….......................... 177 TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  11    5.4.1.3. Crossing the Straits of Gibraltar……….......................178   5.4.1.4. Entering and leaving Spanish rescue shelters…........179 5.5.  Chapter Summary………………………………………………………... 180 Chapter 6. Findings 2. Resettling in Spain……….....................................182 6.1.  Presentation of the Sub-Themes……………………………………......184  6.1.1. Sub-theme 1. Sex work……………………………………….......184     6.1.1.1. Day-to-day living and street walking………………….. 185    6.1.1.1.1. Madam Girls…………………………………... 186    6.1.1.1.2. Independent prostitutes ………………………187    6.1.1.1.3. Risks and risk management………………….187    6.1.1.2. House work……………………………………………… 189   6.1.1.3. Needs and obstacles…………………………………....191    6.1.1.3.1. Legal migrant status…………………………..191  6.1.2. Sub-theme 2. Life after sex work……………………………...... 195   6.1.2.1. Aspirations for a better life…………………………….. 195 6.1.2.1.1. Finding normal work………………………......197    6.1.2.1.2. Trading with Nigeria………………………......199 6.2.  Contextualisation of the Sub-Themes……………………………......... 199  6.2.1. The contexts of sex work……………………………………........199 6.2.1.1. The family system…………………………………….....200    6.2.1.1.1. Sending goods and money to Nigeria……… 200 6.2.1.1.2. Navigating socioeconomic demands………. 201  6.2.1.1.3. Un/acceptable rebellion against the family… 204  6.2.1.1.4. Spiritual protection…………………………….206   6.2.1.2. The work system………………………........................ 210   6.2.1.2.1. Navigating Madam protocols…………………210  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  12    6.2.1.2.2. Un/acceptable rebellion against  the Madams…………………………….………………….210 6.2.2. The contexts of life after sex work……………………………… 214 6.2.2.1.  The self-transformation system…………………….... 214   6.2.2.1.1. Get a normal job……………………….......... 215 6.2.2.1.2. Get married……………………….................. 219   6.2.2.1.3. Draw on charity organisations…………….... 223 6.2.2.2. Doing good work………………………........................ 225 6.3.  Discussion………………………………………………………………... 228 6.3.1. Paradox 1. Moving away from and towards risks to  well-being and life………………………………………….…………….. 229   6.3.2. Paradox 2. Un/Acceptable forms of crime,  exploitation, and oppression……………………………………………. 231   6.3.3. Paradox 3. Moving away from and towards the  Nigerian mindset…………………………………………………………. 232  6.3.4. Paradox 4. Un/acceptable forms of materialistic behaviour…..234  6.3.5. Paradox 5. Un/acceptable forms of multiple spirituality………. 236  6.3.6. Paradox 6. Un/acceptable forms of migrant sex work…………238   6.3.7. Paradox 7. Mis/representing migrant sex work…………………243 6.3.8. Paradox 8. Unstable notions of consent……………………….. 245 6.4.  Chapter Summary………………………………………………………... 248 Chapter 7. Drawing Together the Findings and Discussions…………... 250  7.1.  Implications for the Literature and the Theory………………………... 251 7.1.1. Motivations to migrate……………..……………...………………251   7.1.1.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking    literature………………………………………………………....... 252 TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  13    7.1.1.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory……….252  7.1.2. Migration arrangements…………………………………………..254   7.1.2.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking    literature……………………………………………………………255   7.1.2.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory……….256  7.1.3. Sex work……………………………………….…………………...258   7.1.3.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking    literature…………………………………………………....………259   7.1.3.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory.………261  7.1.4. Life after sex work……….…………………….……....................262   7.1.4.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking    literature…………………………………………………...............263   7.1.4.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory……….264 7.2.  Practice and policy Relevance in the Anti-Trafficking Arena………...268  7.2.1. Home-country problems, solutions, and influences……..…….269  7.2.2. Resettlement country problems, solutions, and influences…...270 7.3. Chapter summary……………………………………………................. 276  Chapter 8. Conclusion……………………………………………………….... 277 8.1.  Reflections on the Methodology, Methods, and Theory…………… 278 8.1.1. Ethnographic fieldwork ………………………............................ 278 8.1.2. Number of participants………………………...................………279 8.1.3. Currency of reciprocity ……………………………………………279 8.1.4. Reflexive thematic analysis………………………...................... 280 8.1.5. Self-care research strategy………………………...................... 281 8.1.6. Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT)…………………………….282 8.2.  Contributions to Knowledge………………………................................283 TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  14  8.2.1. Motivations to migrate……………...……………….................... 283  8.2.1.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking  Literature………………………………………………………….. 283 8.2.1.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory……… 284 8.2.2. Migration arrangements………………...................................... 285 8.2.2.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking  Literature………………………………………………………….. 285 8.2.2.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory……… 287 8.2.3. Sex work……………………………………….………………….. 288 8.2.3.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking  Literature………………………………………………………….. 288 8.2.3.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory………. 290 8.2.4. Life after sex work……….………………………........................ 290 8.2.4.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking  Literature………………………………………………………….. 290 8.2.4.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory………. 291 8.3. Practice and Policy Relevance in the Anti-Trafficking Arena…………293  8.3.1. Home-country problems, solutions, and influences…..………..293  8.3.2. Resettlement country problems, solutions, and influences..….294 8.4.  Future Research………………………………………………….............298    8.4.1. The problem in anti-trafficking education……………….……….298  8.4.2. Critical reflection in university-level anti-trafficking education……………………….…………………………………………..299    8.4.3. Taking forward existing work…………….…………......……….. 301  8.4.3.1. Facilitating the experiences of cognitive dissonance  and resonance in students……………………………………… 304 TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  15  8.5.  Concluding reflections…………………………………………...............304 References………………………………………………………….................... 308 Appendices…………………………………………………………................... 337 Appendix A.  Ethical Approval Documentation ……………………………… 337  Appendix B.  Reflexive Accounts ……………………………......................... 339 B.1. Building relationships ………………………................................ 339   B.1.1. Breaking the ice………………………………..................339   B.1.2. Developing the health and support endeavour……….. 340  B.2. Recognising powerful emotional and relational dimensions….... 342   B.2.1. Bombardment………….…………………………………..342 B.3. Power positioning……………………………………………...........344   B.3.1. Consulting a social worker ……….…...………………... 344   B.3.2. Consulting a dermatologist ………………………………345   B.3.3. Consulting an ophthalmologist………………….. 346    B.3.4. Consulting a gynaecologist…………………........348   B.3.5. Being interviewed by the immigration police……349   B.4. Giving voice…………………………………………………. 351   B.4.1. Attending a job interview…………………………........... 351   B.4.2. Visiting a women’s shelter……………………................ 353 B.5. Bracketing…………………………………………......................... 354   B.5.1. Responding in un/helpful ways …………...................... 354 B.5.2. Embracing personal perspectives …………….............. 355  B.6. Evaluating ethnographic writing………………………….............. 356 Appendix C. Extract from a Transcript………………………......................... 358 Glossary of Terms……………………………………………………............... 363 TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  16  Index of Tables Table 3.1. Participant profiles…...……………………………………………… 86 Table 4.1. Coding. Developing main themes and sub-themes in the  women’s data………………………………………………….......117  Table 4.2. Coding. An initial series of 11 paradoxes in the findings……...... 131 Table 4.3. Coding. The final series of eight paradoxes in the findings…….. 132 Table 4.4. Coding. Tensions between micro- and more macro-level migrant sex work perspectives……..………………..................135 Index of Figures Figure 2.1. Processes of cognitive dissonance and resonance……………. 61 Figure 3.1. An example of the women’s visual data…………………………. 98 Figure 4.1. Stages of the human trafficking process……………………....... 120 Figure 4.2. Capturing main themes as data buckets………………………... 120 Figure 4.3. Balancing challenges and facilitators during transition………… 121 Figure 4.4. Capturing main themes and sub-themes as analytic outputs…. 122 Figure 4.5. The final map of Migrating from Nigeria………………………..... 123 Figure 4.6. A developing map of Resettling in Spain…………………………124 Figure 4.7. The final map of Resettling in Spain………………………….......124 Figure 4.8. Underlying themes of contextual messiness in the  women’s data…………………………………………………...... 125  Figure 4.9. Reconceptualising underlying themes as contextual lenses….. 126 Figure 4.10. A developing contextual map of Motivations to Migrate...........127 Figure 4.11. The final contextual map of Motivations to Migrate…………… 128 Figure 4.12. A developing contextual map of Migration Arrangements…….128 Figure 4.13. The final contextual map of Migration Arrangements………….129 Figure 4.14. A developing contextual map of Sex Work…………………......129 TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  17  Figure 4.15. The final contextual map of Sex Work…………………………. 130 Figure 4.16. A developing contextual map of Life After Sex Work……........130 Figure 4.17. The final contextual map of Life After Sex Work……………….131 Figure 4.18. Understanding violence and health…………………………….. 133 Figure 5.1. Migrating from Nigeria……………………………………………...138 Figure 5.2. Contextualising Motivations to Migrate………………………...... 139 Figure 5.3. Contextualising Migration Arrangements………………………... 140 Figure 6.1. Resettling in Spain…………………………………………............ 182 Figure 6.2. Contextualising Sex Work……………………………………….... 183 Figure 6.3. Contextualising Life After Sex Work………………………………183  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  18  Chapter 1. Introduction “Trafficking rhetoric silences critique because discursive positions are limited to being for or against slavery, which is a formidable argumentative terrain”  (Hill, 2017, p. 243).  The opening quote to this thesis captures the long-standing recognition of many migration and trafficking scholars that the anti-trafficking (or anti-modern slavery) arena is notoriously and strategically argumentative and divisive.  A concern is that assumptions and norms about human trafficking are mainly driven by  “Northcentric” anti-trafficking strategies geared to meeting their own socioeconomic and political priorities (see Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016; Mai, 2013a, 2013b, p. 1; Weitzer, 2020).  These strategies reduce the complexities and variations of irregular migratory phenomena to simplified and stereotyped representations, such as “villain and victim” (Hill, 2017, p. 251), and perpetuate hegemonic anti-trafficking notions of passivity and “victimhood” (Mai, 2013b, p. 5).  More sophisticated perspectives on the anti-trafficking arena call for research into the fine-grain detail of irregular sex work economies.  There are two main purposes, as identified in the literature; namely to: (a) highlight critical tensions with some persistent, dominant, and more macro-level concepts currently associated with sex trafficking and widen their somewhat limited scope and inclusivity (see Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016; Hill, 2017; Weitzer, 2020; Yea, 2021); and (b) develop more appropriate forms of understanding and response to sex trafficking globally (see Brennan & Plambech, 2018; Limoncelli, 2017; Walby et al., 2016).  I respond by accessing and exploring in-depth the diverse, contextualised lived experiences of an under-researched irregular migrant sex work population (19 Nigerian, Edo women working as prostitutes and Madams TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  19  on the streets of a Spanish industrial estate).  I sought to add fresh detail and original insights to the body of qualitative research on migrant sex work and corresponding scholarly force for change in the anti-trafficking arena (noted above).   This thesis is the culmination of ten year’s work with irregular migrant sex workers and their agents in Spain - five years creating and delivering an independent ‘health and support’ endeavour as a means of social access and engagement, and five more collecting and analysing the women’s data and storytelling in the form of this thesis.     Section 1 of this chapter provides an overview of: anti-trafficking as a worldwide priority and norm; the roles played by key organisational actors in fuelling and driving beliefs and views about sex trafficking and demanding their incorporation into anti-trafficking legislation; and the associated credibility crisis in the anti-trafficking arena.  Section 2 describes a controversial, commonplace reliance on more conventional post/positivist scientific research approaches in the domains of irregular migration and trafficking (i.e., orientated towards a single measurable reality and top-down, distanced, and shorter-term methods).  Against this backdrop, Section 3 presents the purposes of this study and outlines why it is set in Spain.  I also present finer research aims and questions that centre on the women’s migration motivations and arrangements in Nigeria and subsequent resettlement in Spain.  Section 4 describes the following distinct components of this research: ethnographic fieldwork; reflexive thematic analysis; and Festinger’s (1957) Cognitive Dissonance Theory.  Section 5 summarises the significance of this thesis in seeking to address calls from more sophisticated perspectives on the anti-trafficking arena (noted above).  I then signpost readers to the subsequent seven chapters. TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  20  I use global terms in this thesis, such as “the global North”, “Northcentric” and “the global South” (Mai, 2013b, p. 3, 5 and 7, respectively).  This reflects their commonplace use in the migration and trafficking literature solely to portray polarity between the most- and least-socioeconomically developed countries.  I also refer to Pajo's (2008) notions of “socioglobal mobility” and a “global hierarchical order” as irregular migrants move from “worse” to “better” countries that offer relatively greater opportunities for “fulfilment and … individual achievement” despite the potential for continuing inequality, hardship, and injustice (p. 10).  I do not intend to imply geographic accuracy or developmental determinism.  Nor do I intend to negatively impact individuals and organisations classified and homogenised in these ways.   Other terms that might be unfamiliar or have variable contextual meanings are defined immediately on first use to help clarify understanding and then placed in the Glossary of Terms.  I present four terms here to help set the scene for the thesis. Migrants.  Individuals who move to another country without permanently resettling there, compared to immigrants who permanently resettle (Amnesty International, 2020).  I refer to the women in this current study as migrants because their resettlement status is unstable.   Migrant sex workers.  Migrants who work in global sex work economies and exchange a sex service for something of value (Carbonero & Gómez Garrido, 2018).   Human trafficking.  “The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons [using] threat [or] force [or] payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  21  [for] exploitation” (United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner, 2014; UNHR, p. 2).  Sex trafficking.  Compared to human trafficking, sex trafficking places greater emphasis on: (a) a person consenting to their intended sexual exploitation; and (b) the controller withholding information about subsequent arrangements and imposing a financial sponsorship debt (United Nations Department of State, 2019; DSUSA; United States Department of Justice, 2019).  1.1. Anti-Trafficking as a Worldwide Priority and Norm  As a social reform concern, human trafficking is closely related to the concepts of human rights violations and slavery (The Abolition of Slavery Acts 1807 and 1833, Farrell, 2007; Lowe, 2015; The White-Slave Traffic Act 1910, Allerfeldt, 2019; Hill, 2017; The Trafficking Victims Protection Act 2017, Grassley, 2017).  In recent years, human trafficking has become recognised as the most profitable global criminal activity, affecting around 40 million individuals, predominantly girls and women (Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women, 2020).  An associated claim is there is more sexual servitude in the world today than at any time in human history (see DSUSA, 2022; United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2022; UNODC; Walk Free Foundation, 2023).  Many compounding factors have been identified, including:  • political instability linked to violence and regional warfare, and socioeconomic hardship, inequality and injustice in families and communities (see Bales, 2007, 2012; Bryant-Davis & Tummala-Narra, 2017; Limoncelli, 2009); TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  22  • greater numbers of women engaging in socioeconomic migration than men linked to female social inequality and gender imbalance (see Aronowitz, 2016; Crawford, 2017; Sanghera, 2012; Walby et al., 2016); • an expanding global labour force and markets linked to demands for illegal migrant labour (see Kyle & Koslowski, 2011; Patterson & Zhuo, 2018; Zhang, 2012) including (primarily male) demand for sex services (see Bonaventure, 2018; Fukushima, 2014; Weitzer, 2014).   A concern of migration and trafficking scholars is that assumptions and norms about human trafficking are driven mainly by Northcentric anti-trafficking strategies geared to meeting their own socioeconomic and political priorities (see Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016; Mai, 2013b, 2013a; Weitzer, 2007, 2011, 2014, 2020).  These strategies are characterised by rhetoric that: (a) reduces the rich and varied complexities of irregular migratory phenomena to somewhat generalised, simplified ‘information’ and stereotyped notions; and (b) diverts attention away from considering why people may wish to move, towards standing for or against modern slavery.  There are two main purposes identified in the literature.  The first is to spark regional, national, and international surges of alarm, “moral panic” (Hill, 2017, p. 251), “moral crusades” (Weitzer, 2007, p. 447) and public pressure for a solution (most often to impose severe restrictions in movement).  The second is to create an alibi for governmental offensive action against unwelcome others.  An important paradoxical implication is that Northcentric criminalisation and deportation standards become increasingly stringent, and persistent, marginalised populations rely more strongly on irregular migration routes and increasingly sophisticated trafficking logistics (see Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016) .     TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  23  1.1.1. Credibility Crisis in the Anti-Trafficking Arena Some of these authors highlight the strategic roles played by key anti-trafficking organisational actors (such as governments, law enforcement and advocacy agencies, inter/national associations and support organisations, press releases, media exposés and celebrities).  These roles include fuelling and driving views and ideological positions about the global scale and nature of sex trafficking, and demanding their incorporation into anti-trafficking legislation (see Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016; Hill, 2017; Weitzer, 2007, 2011, 2014, 2020).  Ideological positions include: feminist prostitution abolitionism (Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, 2020); feminist advancement of the human rights of migrant sex workers (Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women, 2020); the pro-religious right (International Justice Mission, 2020; National Association of Evangelicals, 2020); and remedies for victims (Inter-Agency Coordination Group Against Trafficking, 2017; ICAT).  A corresponding credibility crisis in the anti-trafficking arena is characterised as follows.  On the one hand, anti-trafficking organisational actors claim that more significant resources than before are urgently needed to tackle modern slavery.  On the other, the scholarship point out that a weak foundation of trustworthy, diverse, contextualised detail about irregular migratory phenomena constrains the development of more appropriate forms of understanding and response globally (see Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016; Hill, 2017; Mai, 2013b; Weitzer, 2007, 2011, 2014, 2020).  These authors, therefore, advocate scrutinising anti-trafficking stakeholders and positions, and some more macro-level claims, assumptions and norms that remain at the forefront of global policies and agendas.     TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  24  1.2. Conventional Research Approaches An additional concern of migration and trafficking scholars is a controversial, commonplace reliance on more conventional scientific research approaches (noted above) for sex trafficking phenomena that are diverse, sensitive, complex, and variable.  These approaches are associated with the risks of distorting and/or excluding micro-level, fine-grain detail to produce unsatisfactorily coherent connections, reductions, and generalisations (see Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016; Carling, 2005a; Fedina, 2015; Mai, 2013a; Weitzer, 2011, 2014).  Carling (2005a), for example, explains that more macro-level concepts associated with irregular migrant women as “heroic” and “sacrific[ial]” (p. 15) all too easily provide a “surrogate” for diverse lived perspectives, and blend with unhelpful, hegemonic anti-trafficking notions of passivity and victimhood (Carling, 2005a, p. 20).  Many contributing factors to this reliance have been identified, including:  • cross-country difficulties and differences in legally defining and identifying trafficked individuals in migrant populations that are mobile, keep low profiles and have unreliable sources of identity, and whose voices, therefore, can be difficult to obtain and hear; and variations in the comprehensiveness and consistency of cross-country data that lack a baseline from which to track and compare data over time (see Goździak & Bump, 2008; Kutnick, Belser, & Danailova-Trainor, 2007; Lerum & Brents, 2016; Logan, Walker, & Hunt, 2009; Migration Data Portal, 2020); • ethical concerns in sex trafficking research that try and ensure (as far as possible) the safety of researchers and participants in potentially dangerous and difficult-to-access environments and circumstances (see Cwikel & Hoban, 2005; Easton & Matthews, 2016; Kelly & Coy, 2016; TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  25  Zhang, 2009, 2015).  Examples are street settings and active relationships between sex workers and their ‘agents’ (see Brunovskis & Skilbrei, 2016; Marcus et al., 2016; Yea, 2017).  (I use Siegel and Wildt's 2016 definition of agents as procurers, such as Madams, pimps or family members who facilitate sex work and collect sex workers’ earnings.)   The scholarship advocate extending the currently limited scope of methodologies and methods.  Weitzer (2011), for example, proposes a “polymorphous” research paradigm to include rich and varied complexities in the lived perspectives of women acting in migrant sex work (p. 1338).  There two main purposes, as identified in the literature.  The first is to highlight critical tensions with some persistent, dominant, and more macro-level concepts associated with sex trafficking and widen their limited scope and inclusivity (see Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016; Hill, 2017; Mai, 2013a; Van der Pijl et al., 2011; Weitzer, 2020).  The second is to reflect on the key players, roles, impacts and implications of marginalised sex work economies and develop more appropriate forms of understanding and response to sex trafficking globally (see Brennan & Plambech, 2018; Olayiwola, 2019; Limoncelli, 2017; Snajdr, 2013; Taliani, 2012; Walby et al., 2016; Yea, 2021).   1.3. Research Purposes The following purposes of this current study respond to these progressive scholarly calls.    • To access an under-researched irregular migrant sex work population and explore in depth the diverse, contextualised, lived experiences. • To add fresh detail and original insights to a body of qualitative research on migrant sex work. TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  26  • To offer original contributions to research into the domains of irregular migration and sex trafficking, and to discussions on mobilising change in the anti-trafficking arena (noted above). 1.3.1. Research Aims The idea for the research and its aims were stimulated by a commute to work in Spain.  This commute took me along a stretch of carriageway lined with around 20 ‘street walkers’ (i.e., street-based sex workers; Carbonero & Gómez Garrido, 2018, p. 384).  I refer to this in the Methodology and Methods Chapter 3, Researcher Positioning, Section 3.1.  Field preparation started ten years later, on a Spanish industrial estate where I encountered and engaged with 49 street walkers and agents comprising men and women from Eastern Europe, Nigeria and Spain.  The Nigerian women expressed their lived experiences of socioeconomic migration to Spain, including:  • ritual oath-taking (i.e., ceremonies grounded in traditional indigenous African faith norms that symbolise the sealing of trafficking terms [Dols García, 2013]);   • debt bondage (i.e., a financial sponsorship arrangement in which a person agrees to repay a sum of money - often between £30,000 and £75,000 - in exchange for being connected with agents of the trafficking journey [Dols García, 2013]); • the intricacies of street work and aspirations for life after prostitution;   • social-relational dynamics with their peers, Madams, families, and key others; • tensions between the women’s priorities, needs and agendas, and those of ‘formal support organisations’ that carry an anti-sex work and/or anti-trafficking bias.  (In this thesis, formal support organisations encompass TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  27  secular and religious organisations, associations, groups, and charities associated with humanitarian and/or anti-trafficking responses, such as migration, law enforcement, legal, health, social and welfare concerns.)   The women’s insights resonated with calls from migration and trafficking scholars for contextualised lived experiences of sex trafficking phenomena, including: (a) the personal characteristics of key players and the impacts of their beliefs, attitudes and behaviours on sex work, particularly focussing on migrant populations from Africa (see Alliance, 2017; Aronowitz, 2016; Baarda, 2016; Carling, 2005a, 2005b; Trauner & Deimel, 2013; Walby et al., 2016); and (b) what happens to key players after sex work (see Bose, 2018; D. Brennan & Plambech, 2018; Walby et al., 2016). I subsequently developed the following research aims: 1. to explore the ‘lifeworlds’ of irregular Nigerian migrant women working as street walkers and Madams in Spain (i.e., the worlds of individuals that are experienced subjectively and intersubjectively [Honer & Hitzler,  2015)]; 2. to investigate the women’s motivations to migrate from Nigeria and subsequent migration arrangements; 3. to investigate their resettlement in Spain, including the intricacies of migrant sex work and life afterwards;  4. to investigate the women’s priorities, needs and agendas, and any associated resources and strategies drawn on, turned away from or developed as a result. 1.3.1.1. Research questions. Since I would connect with actively constructed, dynamic, sensitive, and reactive migrant sex work lifeworlds, the potential to purposefully and securely TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  28  ask these women questions would depend on the specific time, situation, and circumstances of field engagement.  I created the following research questions to correspond to the above aims understanding they may become refined throughout the research and serve as loose prompts for engagement. • What are the women’s lived experiential perspectives on motivations to migrate from Nigeria and subsequent migration arrangements?   • What are the women’s lived experiential perspectives on resettling and engaging in sex work in Spain and establishing life afterwards?   • What underlying power-based structures, factors, and forces are involved, including facilitators and obstacles to transition? • Who, how and why are key players involved (such as the women, their peers, friends, and families)?  What are their roles, character traits, attitudes, and behaviours, and how and when are these experienced?  • How are these experiences and perspectives evaluated and made sense of?   My initial questions about the women’s priorities, needs and agendas and associated resources and strategies (Aim 4, noted above) developed into three contextual, analytical lenses to visit and revisit the women’s data over time; namely, social systems, power dynamics, and faith norms.  This process is described and illustrated in Chapter 4 (Self-Reflective Data Analysis).     1.4. Research Components  There are three distinct components of this long-term study; namely: ethnographic fieldwork; Braun and Clarke’s (2019) reflexive thematic analysis; and Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957).  They correspond with the idea that researchers should employ approaches that reflect the nature of gaps in understanding (Zhang, 2009).   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  29  1.4.1. Ethnographic Fieldwork  Ethnographic fieldwork has been marginalised by preferred post/positivist scientific research approaches in mainstream psychology (see Pérez-Álvarez, 2018).  Nonetheless, scholars in social psychology (Suzuki et al., 2005; Tanggaard, 2014) and in migration and trafficking (Van der Pijl et al., 2011)  advocate its use as a sensitive, robust, and facilitating research approach.  I used ethnographic fieldwork to provide the required freedoms to:  • become immersed in and appreciate multiple realities and pathways of knowledge and reflect highly contextual and changeable realities from various angles; • avoid imposing an initial, explicit theory and unnecessary connections prior to engaging in depth with the participants’ lifeworlds;  • link with broader and richer psychology traditions, such as the more ‘holistic’ that are often marginalised by “modern scientific psychology” (Edwards, 2013, p. 531).  (Holistic encompasses the notion of qualitatively exploring as much territory as possible about a culture and a person as a whole [Fetterman, 2010; Pérez-Álvarez, 2018]) (see Methodology and Methods Chapter 3, Methodological Strategy, Section 3.3).   1.4.2. Reflexive Thematic Analysis   I sought a self-reflective form of data analysis to connect with and interpret actively constructed participant realities (i.e., contextual, responsive, dynamic and relational), and explore and inductively develop tentative forms of meaning-making and storytelling from these realities.  I chose Braun and Clarke’s reflexive form of thematic analysis (RTA; 2019) because of the following clarity, flexibility, and helpfulness of its procedures: TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  30  • declaring qualitative philosophical orientations and theoretical assumptions; • describing field settings and contexts in which meaning-making and storytelling are immersed; • exploring challenging and sensitive phenomena over time (including lived experiences that can be changeable and difficult to discern); • concurrently and creatively collecting and analysing data that are organic and interpretative; • continually and fluidly visiting, revisiting, reflecting on and questioning the data, essentially “with researcher subjectivity understood as a resource” (Braun & Clarke, 2019, p. 591).   Braun and Clarke’s (2019) RTA provided a helpful framework for analysing the data collected via patchwork ethnography guidelines for sex trafficking research (see Van der Pijl et al., 2011).  The guidelines focus on capturing and reflecting haphazard social-relational phenomena marked by “difference and distance, unfinished achievements, obstructed aspirations, black holes and disconnection” - and as a result of critical actors “rub[bing] up against each other” - generating unpredictable, diverse, everyday social-relational “fragments” (Van der Pijl et al., 2011, p. 580) (see Methodology and Methods Chapter 3, Sections 3.3.2.2. and 3.4.6.).   1.4.3. Cognitive Dissonance Theory  During data collection and analysis processes, I arrived at the idea of employing Festinger’s (1957) CDT as an analytical focus to help manage and understand: (a) messiness stemming from what might be deemed, from a positivist perspective, ‘inconsistency’ in the data (particularly shifting social-relational sensemaking and decision-making phenomena); and (b) phenomena TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  31  that could seem contradictory from my outsider perspective and yet constitute everyday, logical, common sense for the women.  This combined approach of reflexive thematic analysis and reference to CDT helped me stay as close as possible to the contexts of the women’s narratives and yet also consider their impact on the findings.  Additionally, it enabled me to consider sensemaking and decision-making alignments and oppositions for the women, and myself (see the review of CDT in Chapter 2, Section 2.5., and forming and developing contextual lenses in Chapter 4, Section 4.1.3.).   I return to these research components in the concluding Chapter 8 to reflect on their strengths and limitations in this study (see Section 8.1.). 1.5. The Significance of the Thesis  The significance of the thesis lies in seeking to address calls from more sophisticated research into the anti-trafficking arena for a developing body of diverse, local, and lived detail about marginalised migrant sex work economies.  The main purposes, as identified in the literature, are to: (a) highlight critical tensions with some persistent, dominant, and more macro-level concepts associated with sex trafficking, and broaden their currently limited scope and inclusivity; and (b) help develop contextually-grounded forms of understanding and response for those directly involved (see Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016; Bales, 2012; Weitzer, 2011, 2020).  I access and explore in depth the lived experiential perspectives of 19 Edo women working as street walkers and Madams in Spain, and employ Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957) to help manage and understand unstable sensemaking and decision-making phenomena identified in the women’s data.  I do not originally intend to add conceptual insights to the theoretical framework in this study.  However, the women’s data offer lived perspectives and exemplars of fundamental tenets of TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  32  CDT and self-concept and induced compliance dynamics as they navigate and manage socioeconomic migration intentions; and use psychological strategies and tools to pursue better lives.  Therefore, I anticipate the findings will offer timely, much-needed diversity, depth, and richness of contribution to the above growing body of qualitative research on migrant sex work and scholarly force for change in the anti-trafficking arena; and to discussions on CDT.  In Chapter 7 (Drawing Together the Findings and Discussions), I present the implications of the findings for the migration and trafficking literature and CDT (including how the women’s data provide a challenge to, rather than a straightforward endorsement of the theory); and their practice and policy relevance in the anti-trafficking arena. 1.6. Signposting to Further Chapters   Chapter 2 reviews the academic literature relevant to the thesis.  It discusses anti-trafficking as a global force, including the associated credibility crisis and shortfalls in the services of formal support organisations.  The focus then narrows to sex trafficking in Nigeria and Spain.  Gaps in the literature are highlighted as migration motivations and arrangements, and migrant sex work harm.  I then discuss four ethnographic studies that explore irregular socioeconomic migrant populations and use contextual lenses to offer important reconceptualisations of exploitation, spiritual subjugation, ignorance, and oppression.  The social-relational sensemaking and decision-making tensions in these studies lead to a discussion of a discussion of Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957) and self-concept and induced compliance perspectives.  I describe the use of CDT as a lens for qualitative data in the social sciences and highlight its rarity in the research domains of irregular migrant sex work and sex trafficking.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  33  Chapter 3 presents details of the methodology and methods employed in this study.  It summarises my position in the research and why it was set in Spain before turning to the ontology, epistemology, and choice of research paradigm.  I describe the methodological strategy and process of ethnographic fieldwork including patchwork ethnography guidelines for sex trafficking research (see Van der Pijl et al., 2011).  In line with this study’s chronology, I summarise preparing the field for research, and the methods and ethical practices of research activities.  I then describe ethical considerations and practices that were developed and refined throughout the research related to recognising and responding to powerful emotional and relational dimensions because of participant engagement.   Chapter 4 is dedicated to my personal and methodological approaches to self-reflective data analysis.  The standalone format reflects the necessary size and complexity of the Methodology and Methods Chapter and a pragmatic decision to provide a helpful, separate space to fully describe and illustrate my active, creative engagement with complex social-relational phenomena.  It focuses explicitly on the recursive steps I adapted from reflexive thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2019) as raw data becomes coded, themed, contextualised, and interpreted into storytelling.     Chapter 5 presents the first theme of the women’s data, ‘Migrating from Nigeria’, and focuses on motivations to migrate and subsequent migration arrangements. The findings are organised according to analytical thematic categories and contextual lenses as described in Chapter 4.  The contextual lenses of social systems, power dynamics, and faith norms capture the women’s deeper, more existential, personal perspectives on phenomena including hierarchical sibling responsibility for social provision and using multiple TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  34  forms of spirituality as a strategy for survival.  Eight paradoxes running through the findings provide a framework for their discussion as a series of irregular, interpretive realities and concepts.  They reflect the women managing and navigating their socioeconomic migration intentions (to provide for their families and become transformed into women of purpose, value, and respect), and using psychological navigational strategies and tools (a moral-ethical scale and a Nigerian mindset moderated by personal notions of pragmatic wisdom).  I show how the women’s insights surrounding the paradoxes add to the research literature across wide-ranging psychosocial, sexual, cultural, and spiritual phenomena.  A bridge to the next chapter is provided by narrative accounts of the women’s journeys from Nigeria to Spain.    Chapter 6 presents the second, final theme of the women’s data, ‘Resettling in Spain’, and focuses on sex work and life afterwards.  The contextual, analytical lenses (noted in Chapter 5 above) capture the women’s endeavours to manage what they consider unexpected and unreasonable demands of their families and Madams, and navigate options to leave sex work.  The same framework of eight paradoxes is used to organise and discuss the findings and show how they add to the research literature.   Chapter 7 draws together the findings and discussions in Chapters 5 and 6 using the four sub-themes as a structure; namely: motivations to migrate; migration arrangements; sex work; and life after sex work.  The standalone format reflects their size, diversity, richness and complexity, and a pragmatic decision to provide a helpful, separate space to consider and summarise: (a) the main implications for the migration and trafficking literature and for CDT (including how the women’s data challenge rather than endorse the theory); and (b) their practice and policy relevance in the anti-trafficking arena.  It forms an TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  35  explicit discussion of how this thesis has addressed the research questions in Chapter 1 (see Section 1.3.1.1.).   Chapter 8 concludes the thesis by showing how the research intentions have been met.  I begin by considering key strengths and limitations of this study’s methodology, methods, and theory.  I then summarise the original contributions to knowledge drawn together in Chapter 7.  I highlight the main implications of the findings for the migration and trafficking literature and for CDT; and consider their practice and policy relevance in the anti-trafficking arena.  My discussion of avenues for future research focuses on developing critical reflection as a transformative tool in university-level anti-trafficking education and, importantly, placing the lived experiential perspectives of the women in this study at its centre.   Concluding reflections centre on my response to calls from migration and trafficking scholars for research that addresses the lack of progress in exposing, considering, and tackling critical tension between the micro-level perspectives of irregular migrant sex work economies and some predominant, more macro-level concepts associated with sex trafficking; it is time to enter the anti-trafficking arena and “roll up our sleeves” (Zhang, 2009, p. 195).  I focus on how the women’s lived experiences and embodied perspectives in this current study – that “may not be easily reduced to language-body-brain” (Kahn, 2014, p. 237) – have nonetheless been shared by the women, explored analytically and theoretically, and mobilised in the form of this thesis to help push anti-trafficking boundaries, connect with marginalised sex work territories and offer a unique, highly topical contribution to this scholarly force for change, recently extended to anti-trafficking education.  The force for change faces Northcentric anti-trafficking strategies geared to meeting their own socioeconomic and political TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  36  priorities; and corresponding credibility crises marked by weak foundations of trustworthy, diverse, contextualised detail which constrain the development of more appropriate forms of understanding and response globally.  The women’s lived experiential perspectives in this study reflect a paradoxical sense of anything and everything being possible as they navigate and manage what they consider their fight for life in the face of severe, highly gendered sexual, cultural, and socioeconomic restrictions in home- and destination countries.  The women state they know what they are ‘up against’ and that without significant and enduring shifts in the fundamental beliefs, ideologies, attitudes, and behaviours of key anti-trafficking organisational actors in Edo State, Nigeria, and worldwide, the fight for life for Edo girls and women will likely continue.  I hope the women’s original, powerful insights and voices in this study will contribute to research intent on transforming the way irregular migration and notions of slavery and trafficking are predominantly conceptualised, discussed, and addressed.    TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  37  Chapter 2. Literature Review   This chapter reviews the academic literature relevant to the thesis.  Section 1 of this chapter discusses anti-trafficking as a global force, including the associated credibility crisis, and shortfalls in the services of formal support organisations.  Section 2 narrows the focus to sex trafficking in Nigeria and Spain.  Section 3 highlights gaps in the literature concerning migration motivations and arrangements, and migrant sex work harm.  Section 4 discusses four ethnographic studies that explore irregular socioeconomic migrant populations and use contextual lenses to offer important reconceptualisations of notions of exploitation (Mai, 2013b; Pajo, 2008), ignorance and oppression (Olayiwola, 2019), and spiritual subjugation (Taliani, 2012).  The social-relational sensemaking and decision-making tensions in these studies lead to Section 5 that discusses Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957), the use of CDT as a lens for qualitative data in the social sciences (Burke et al., 2008; Tracy, 2005), and its rarity in the research domains of irregular migrant sex work and sex trafficking.  Section 6 summarises this chapter.   2.1. Anti-Trafficking as a Global Force  The worldwide fight against sex trafficking is widely recognised by migration and trafficking scholars as a concept vigorously shaped, developed and perpetuated by Northcentric socioeconomic and political priorities, agendas and funding flows (see Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016; Mai, 2013b, 2013a; Weitzer, 2007, 2011, 2014, 2020).  The scholarship also recognise that human trafficking forms a key source of revenue for the global economy, and is gaining, rather than losing momentum (International Organization for Migration, 2020, 2022; TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  38  IOM; DSUSA, 2022; UNODC, 2022; Walk Free Foundation, 2023).  An acknowledged powerful driver of Northcentric concepts, assumptions and norms is the United Nations Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP Report, 2018 to 2023; DSUSA).  It portrays trafficking as a global crime on a continual upward trajectory, and advocates strengthening the criminal justice system and protecting and assisting those identified as trafficking victims (see Snajdr, 2013).  Each year, the compliance levels of contributing countries (currently 141) are evaluated and published.  Countries demonstrating relatively low compliance (because the definitions, protocols and practices imposed by the US United Nations counter their national interests, for example) receive negative evaluations and face economic sanctions.  To avoid negative evaluations, some countries can purposefully distort and mask socioeconomic, political, and cultural detail, and hastily craft anti-trafficking initiatives and responses (see Brennan & Plambech, 2018; Molinari, 2017; Soderlund, 2005; Snajdr, 2013; Weitzer, 2017).  The TIP Report is marked by commonplace weaknesses in its methods and quality of the data, including: the automatic identification of migrant sex workers under the age of 18 as “victims” (see Bose, 2018, p. 2); rare independent verification and replication of statistics offered by contributing countries (see Crawford, 2017; Walby et al., 2016; Weitzer, 2014; Zhang, 2012); and pressure for these statistics to conform with the US government’s “standard vision” and agenda for anti-trafficking (see Limoncelli, 2017; Molinari, 2017; Soderlund, 2005; Snajdr, 2013, p. 230).   2.1.1. The Associated Credibility Crisis In 2007, Weitzer questioned the rigour and quality of the data offered by a broad range of key anti-trafficking organisational actors (including governments, law enforcement and advocacy agencies, and the social TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  39  sciences) (see Introduction Chapter 1, Credibility Crisis in the Anti-Trafficking Arena, Section 1.1.1.).  More recently, he and other progressive migration and trafficking scholars highlight a continuing tendency for these organisational actors to: • perpetuate a Northcentric, judicial focus on trying to define sex trafficking, ‘nail down’ concepts such as consent and voluntariness, punish perpetrators, and ‘rescue’ sex workers (see Hill, 2017; Mai, 2013b; Weitzer, 2011, 2020, p. 41; Zhang, 2009); • create and perpetuate distorted, over-generalised trafficking statistics, knowledge and discourse that are disconnected from diverse, local, and lived detail, and used as shock tactics to drive “moral crusades” to meet Northcentric socioeconomic and political ends (Weitzer, 2011, p. 1344); • fuel arguments about the morality of sex work and socioeconomic forces and effects.  Sex work prohibitionists, for example, can emphasise the role of agents in socioeconomic exploitation, whereas anti-prohibitionists can focus on socioeconomic catalysts and the rights of women to determine and navigate the use of their bodies (see Limoncelli, 2009; Patterson & Zhuo, 2018; Soderlund, 2005).   The corresponding credibility crisis in the anti-trafficking arena (as noted in Chapter 1, Section 1.1.1.) is characterised as follows.  On the one hand, anti-trafficking organisational actors claim that more significant resources than before are urgently needed to tackle modern slavery.  On the other, the scholarship point out that a weak foundation of trustworthy, diverse, local, and lived detail constrains the development of more appropriate forms of understanding and response globally (see Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016; Hill, 2017; Weitzer, 2020).  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  40   2.1.1.1. Formal support organisations.   Migration and trafficking scholars further point out that formal support organisations (as defined in Chapter 1, Section 1.3.1.) can often carry anti-trafficking and anti-sex work biases, and perpetuate the notion that irregular migrant sex workers are under the control of exploitative agents and lack social agency (see Bose, 2018; Brennan & Plambech, 2018; Chuang, 2010; Cojocaru, 2016; Marcus & Snajdr, 2013; Thiemann, 2016; Van Dyke, 2017; Villacampa & Torres, 2017a).  In this context of unhelpful and over-simplified dichotomies, such as “victim” versus “agent” (Hill, 2017, p. 251) and “good guys and bad guys” (Bales, 2012, p. 253), irregular migrant sex workers are often required to conform to expectations of vulnerability, oppression, and suffering to qualify for political, legal, and social protection (see  Brunovskis & Skilbrei, 2016; Hill, 2017; Mai, 2013a, 2013b; Villacampa & Torres, 2017).  Mai (2013b) points out that irregular migrant sex workers can perpetuate the victim stereotype themselves by preparing stories and scripts that conform to what these support organisations consider signs of ‘truth’ and ‘fact’; and mask any notions of agency that exclude them from receiving assistance.  Mai (2013b) captures this power dynamic as a moral-based mechanism through which the “global North” grants protection to “the rest of the world” (i.e., marginalised populations predominantly from the “global South”) depending on the credibility of their “victimhood” stories (Mai, 2013b, p. 3, 7 and 14, respectively).   It is widely recognised that most irregular migrant sex workers purposefully avoid formal support organisations because they fear punishment (such as fines, detention and deportation that can lead to ostracism, stigmatisation and reprisal from their agents, families, and social communities) and the potential for re-trafficking (see Andrijasevic, 2010; Brunovskis & TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  41  Skilbrei, 2016; Chuang, 2010; Inter-Agency Coordination Group Against Trafficking, 2017; ICAT; Mai, 2013a; Walby et al., 2016).   Few formally declare themselves trafficked because this commonly entails disclosing personal information and denouncing their traffickers (see Brennan, 2017; Brennan & Plambech, 2018; ICAT, 2017; Kara, 2017a, 2017b; Mai, 2013a).  An alternative route to protection for irregular migrant sex workers is to declare themselves smuggled.  This reflects the international legal preference to classify smuggling and trafficking as two distinct crimes - the former against the state and the latter against the individual (see Campana & Varese, 2016; Gallagher, 2011a; Gallagher & David, 2014).  However, migration and trafficking scholars highlight the long-standing difficulties of formal support organisations in recognising and establishing critical elements of either, and of the anti-trafficking arena in defining them (see Campana & Varese, 2016; Carling, 2006; Gallagher, 2011b; Gallagher & David, 2014; Logan et al., 2009; Patterson & Zhuo, 2018; Weitzer, 2014; Zhang, 2012).  Additionally, these support organisations can often confuse and express concern about whether individuals are smuggled, trafficked or freelance sex workers, or are a combination (see Kempadoo, 2003, 2012; Patterson & Zhuo, 2018; UNHR, 2014; Zhang, 2012).  (Definitions of smuggling, trafficking, and the transformation of one to the other are provided in the Glossary of Terms).  Finally, irregular migrant sex workers can prefer to declare themselves asylum-seekers, better to receive assistance and try to attain legal status (see Bryant-Davis & Tummala-Narra, 2017; Brunovskis & Skilbrei, 2016; Chuang, 2010; Gallagher & David, 2014; ICAT, 2017; Walby et al., 2016).       TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  42   2.1.1.1.1. Service shortfalls.  There are three key shortfalls in formal support organisations identified in the literature.  First, a significantly small number of migrant sex workers are identified as trafficked and/or found eligible for anti-trafficking interventions.  Most fall beyond the reach of support organisations (see Campana & Varese, 2016; IOM, 2019; Limoncelli, 2016; Migration Data Portal, 2020; Roe-Sepowitz et al., 2012; Van Dyke, 2017; Villacampa & Torres, 2017; Walk Free Foundation, 2023; Zhang, 2012).    Second, individuals identified as victims rarely cooperate with referral pathways.  Instead, they remain in sex work or quickly return to fulfil moral and financial obligations to their agents and families (see Bose, 2018; Carling, 2005;  Kempadoo, 2012; Mai, 2013a; Olayiwola, 2019; Walby et al., 2016).  Suggested reasons include: the fear of fines, detention, and deportation (see Brennan, 2017; Bryant-Davis & Tummala-Narra, 2017; ICAT, 2017); access barriers, such as language and literacy; and clashes between the sociocultural assumptions and norms of home- and destination countries (see Brennan, 2014; Brennan & Plambech, 2018).  Individuals consenting to a victim identity are often excluded, isolated, disempowered and marginalised by subsequent anti-trafficking interventions (see Fukushima, 2014; Mai, 2013a; Patterson & Zhuo, 2018).  Significant gaps and restrictions are reported in the areas of legal protection and social assistance (see Brennan, 2017; Brennan & Plambech, 2018; Brunovskis & Skilbrei, 2016; La Strada International, 2017, 2020; Walby et al., 2016); education and vocational training; and employment opportunities and remunerations (see Bales, 2012; Bose, 2018; Bryant-Davis & Tummala-Narra, 2017; Chuang, 2010; Henriksen, 2018; Limoncelli, 2016).   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  43   Third, there is insufficient understanding and sensitivity towards the routes, activities, and resources that irregular migrant sex workers require, draw on and/or avoid as they try to leave trafficking or sex work and rebuild their lives (see Reid, 2012; Roe-Sepowitz et al., 2012; Roe-Sepowitz et al., 2014; Walby et al., 2016).  The notion of leaving sex work without alternative means of economic survival, for example, can be perceived by irregular migrant populations as harmful (see Reid, 2012; Roe-Sepowitz et al., 2014; Walby et al., 2016).   2.2. Sex Trafficking in Nigeria and Spain Having reviewed the phenomenon of global anti-trafficking, this section narrows the geographical focus to sex trafficking in Nigeria and Spain - the countries pertinent to this thesis.  The European Commission (2020) depicts the trafficking route from Nigeria to Spain as a three-stage incremental process in which individuals are captured and recruited in their home countries, transferred to transit and destination countries, and exploited.  At the same time, the Commission acknowledges patterns may vary tremendously according to a diverse, sensitive, complex, and variable range of factors.  These include: the pressures and practices of trafficking and anti-trafficking forces in home, transit, and destination countries; and the marginalised, everyday circumstances, situations and experiences of those directly involved.   2.2.1. Nigeria  The population of Africa is estimated at 1.4 billion individuals.  Nigeria is recognised as one of the most populous countries in the world with an estimated 223 million individuals (World Population Review, 2023) and characterised by a low income per capita, high levels of under-employment and unemployment, extreme poverty and one of the highest levels of modern TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  44  slavery in Africa.  Unprecedented growth in the migration of Nigerian youths under 18 has led to most boys being assigned to bonded labour and most girls (predominantly from the rural areas of Edo State in the southwest) to the sex trade in Europe.  The majority of irregular Nigerian migrants and asylum-seekers reach Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom.  Nigerian women represent the largest demographic of sex-trafficked individuals worldwide (IOM, 2022). In March 2018, an unprecedented and heavily publicised collaboration of the Nigerian federal government with the United Nations Department of State was marked by a traditional indigenous ceremony that sought to place Edo State at the forefront of “the fight against human trafficking [and] illegal migration which are forms of slavery” (Iroko, 2018, ¶3).  It involved the ‘Oba of Benin’ (i.e., Eware II; the 40th traditional spiritual head of the Edo people) making a strong religious and political declaration that linked trafficking with ritual oathtaking.  The Oba placed a curse on sex traffickers and anyone encouraging or supporting irregular migration in Edo State.  Additionally, he revoked all curses placed on girls and women through juju ritual oathtaking and debt bondage (defined in Chapter 1, Section 1.3.1.).  The Oba stated that these individuals and their families would not experience any negative repercussions if sponsorship debts were not repaid to their Madams, and they talked to the police.  At the time, the Nigerian All-Party Parliamentary Group (2018; NAPG) commented that the Oba’s declaration had the potential to be “more effective than the years of work and millions of dollars spent by the international anti-trafficking community”, including the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons in Nigeria (NAPG, 2018, p. 17).  It was also suggested that traffickers might seek “loopholes” to avoid the spiritual repercussions of performing ritual ceremonies (see Diagboya, 2019, p. 19; DSUSA, 2019).  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  45  Subsequently, the 2020 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report noted that some traffickers were performing ritual ceremonies in neighbouring states such as Delta, and that while most Nigerian trafficking victims in Europe historically originated from Edo State via Libya, they were increasingly coming from more northern states (DSUSA, 2020, p. 382).  In 2022, the TIP Report (DSUSA) re-identified Edo as one of the most common origin states of trafficking victims in Europe and continued ranking Nigeria as Tier 2; in other words, it did not meet minimum requirements for eliminating trafficking but made efforts to do so (such as collaborating with international organisations to establish anti-trafficking task forces).  At the same time, Nigeria was placed on the “Watch List” because anti-trafficking efforts were not increasing and the number of traffickers convicted declined (DSUSA, 2022, p. 378).  The most recent Report (DSUSA, 2023) removes Nigeria from the watch list but highlights continuing concerns including corruption in the judiciary and immigration services, and government and military complacency and complicity in human trafficking.   The following sub-section briefly reviews local and regional tensions, violence, and warfare in Nigeria and traditional indigenous religious phenomena to which I refer in the Findings Chapters 5 and 6. 2.2.1.1. Tensions, violence, and warfare. Prolonged regional warfare in Nigeria has shaped the complex, interweaving socioeconomic, politicoreligious, and ethnic frameworks on which the British colonial state was imposed and developed in the early twentieth century.  Nigeria gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1960 and became a presidential republic in 1966.  Civilian rule returned in 1999 with the inception of the Fourth Republic after 33 years of incessant military intervention (see Vaughan, 2016).  This was marked by Olusegun Obasanjo (a born-again TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  46  Pentecostal) ascribing his presidency to divine intervention, serving to ascend Pentecostalism as a dominant expression of democracy, political advantage, force and theology over Islam (see Obadare, 2018).  A centralised concentration of power has since made the Nigerian federal government highly influential in its capacity to host Africa’s largest army, produce crude oil, and maintain prominent sectors such as agriculture, and information and communications technology (IOM, 2020, 2022).   As well as global forces, Nigeria is powerfully shaped by the north-south divide between Islam and Christianity and traditional indigenous spirituality (Ojo, 2009a, 2009b; Vaughan, 2016).  Three key tensions characterise this divide, as identified by Obadare (2018).  The first is the propulsion of African Pentecostal/Charismatic (i.e., spirit-infused) Christianity and Muslim revival movements and teachings.  The second is a seeming “obsession” with indigenous “spiritual warfare” (p. 6).  The third is the manipulation of everyday, multiple forms of spirituality and religious practice by “morally ambiguous” spiritual advisers and politicoreligious leaders striving for power and influence (p. 2).  Therefore, any local democratic political intentions are deeply weakened, and Nigeria remains torn by local and regional conflict and violence.  The highest levels are demonstrated by Boko Haram terrorist extremism founded in the north in 2009 (IOM, 2020, 2022).  2.2.1.2. Traditional indigenous religion.  Nigeria comprises over 250 ethnic groups.  The three most significant are identified as the Hausa, Yoruba, and Igbo (World Atlas, 2023).  Diagboya (2019) points out that the Yoruba ethnic group in Edo State firmly retains indigenous spiritual beliefs and practises, including the judicial system of ritual oathtaking.  This system is perceived as more reliable than official post-colonial TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  47  systems in guaranteeing “peace and order”, and forms a highly pragmatic component of sealing the terms of agreements (Diagboya, 2019, p. 2).  Diagboya (2019) explains that Yoruba Ifa oral religion identifies Osanobua as the supreme source and creator of the world.  Osanobua delegates powers and roles of adjudication to a complex hierarchy of ‘òrìsà’ (or deities), ancestors and deified ancestors (i.e., the spirits of mothers and fathers transformed into natural phenomena such as trees and rivers).  Each family of descendants has a shrine dedicated to ancestors where sacrifices are made in return for “protection, guidance and goodwill” (Diagboya, 2019, p. 50).  Chief priests are consulted to ensure appropriate deities are engaged.  Òrìsàs Olókun and Obienwen, for example, are gentle gods of water and mother earth, symbolised by the colour white and commonly used in thanksgiving rituals.  In contrast, Òrìsàs Oguiuwu, Sàngó and Ògún are gods of death, thunder, and iron.  They are associated with quick forms of justice and retribution, symbolised by the colour red and often used to help guarantee compliance with ritual oaths.   Asante and Mazama (2009) note that material wealth is a fundamental status symbol in Yoruba society that directly conflicts with Ifa teachings to improve ‘Iwa’ (translated as good character and moral behaviour).  This is believed critical to beneficial current and eternal lives and is damaged by “excessive love” of life’s pleasures (Asante & Mazama, 2009, p. 347).  Therefore, Ifa teachings express deep concern with hypocrisy, such as when individuals endeavour to place less value on material wealth and yet continue to pursue money.  Paradoxes like these are understood to stem from the local needs of ethnic groups for refuge, community, identity, self-worth, and liberation amid evolving shifts in politicoreligious power and rationales (Maranise, 2012; Martineau, 2009).  Vaughan (2016) explains that nineteenth-century Nigeria TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  48  was exposed to highly volatile, transformative forces fuelled by Islamic reformists in the north and monotheistic Christian Evangelists in the southwest.  In this context, ethnic groups were encouraged to consider a more macro-level religious route that promised “a better future” instead of referring to local, diverse polytheistic and pantheistic beliefs and practices to help manage everyday challenges (Vaughan, 2016, p. 3).  The subsequent fusion of meaningful aspects of indigenous spirituality with modern Christian religion is understood to reflect the notion of a unified Nigerian character, including qualities such as creativity, “brashness”, and “entrepreneurship” (Obadare, 2018, p. 22). Ojo (2009a) describes how Yoruba ex-slaves returning from the USA introduced interfaith dialogue, ritual contraction and camouflaging to carry, pool and perpetuate local spiritual beliefs and values in new religious rituals.  Consequently, deities became worshipped under false identities.  Òrìsàs Ògún, Sàngó and Yemọja, for example, were ‘syncretised’ with the Catholic Saints Peter and Jerome and The Virgin Mary, respectively (Asante & Mazama, 2009; Ojo, 2009a).  In this thesis, the term syncretism is used in the context of African territories solely to portray ritual diversity in worshipping and understanding faiths through the lenses of others (Ojo, 2009a; Janson, 2016) (see further explanation in the Glossary of Terms).   Modern Yoruba tradition is understood to be almost equally divided between Christianity and Islam, in which a “Christian-Yoruba mix” (Kara, 2017c, p. 57) sits alongside “Chrislam”, the unconventionally inclusive mix of Christianity and Islam (Janson, 2016, p. 646).  Janson (2016) points out that these multiple forms of spiritual phenomena are messy, “shifting … unstable, partial and situated” and often constrained by unhelpful, inaccurate concepts TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  49  that reflect a commonplace reliance on quantitative methodologies seeking a consistent “single logic” (Janson, 2016, p. 648).  In this context, Janson (2016) reconceptualises contradictions and paradoxes in the Yoruba tradition as a “kaleidoscopic array of religious phenomena” in which “everything is possible” (p. 647).   2.2.2. Spain   Spanish law places the phenomenon of sex work in a grey area; in other words, it is neither permitted nor prohibited, and neither regulated nor criminalised (Álvarez & Valdés, 2018, ¶1; Villacampa & Torres, 2017a).  Nonetheless, the Spanish government declares a continuing commitment to fighting sexual exploitation and gender violence, particularly towards girls and women (Secretaría de Estado de Igualidad y Contra la Violencia de Genero, 2015; Secretaría de Estado de Seguridad, 2022).  At the same time, Spain is strongly linked with sex trafficking from Nigeria in three ways: Spain is a prominent destination for migrants arriving from Africa by dinghy; it hosts a considerable proportion of irregular African migrants exploited through sex work; and Spain is recognised as a driver of the demand for migrant sex workers (European Commission, 2020; IOM, 2020, 2022).  The most recent Global Report on Trafficking in Persons (UNODC, 2022) draws attention to a shift to less visible forms of prostitution for trafficked women in Spain (such as working from private apartments) during and after the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown.  The most recent TIP Report (DSUSA, 2023) ranks the Spanish government as Tier 1 in fully complying with minimum standards stipulated for eliminating trafficking, and making sustained efforts to investigate and prosecute more suspected traffickers, identify more victims, and develop training courses in anti-trafficking. Continuing concerns include gaps in victim TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  50  identification protocols (i.e., distinguishing trafficking victims from asylum-seekers and other irregular migrants).  Finally, recommended improvements include increased levels of trafficking investigation, prosecution, and conviction; and improvements in services for victims, particularly for those cooperating with law enforcement (DSUSA, 2023).   2.3. Gaps in the Literature  I next discuss gaps in the literature that centre on migration motivations and arrangements in Nigeria, and migrant sex work harm.   2.3.1. Migration Motivations and Arrangements  Migration and trafficking scholars understand that a wide range of psychosocial, socioeconomic, and cultural factors particular to Sub-Saharan African populations can translate into high aspirations to migrate (see Carling, 2006; Kara, 2017a, 2017c; Olayiwola, 2019; Walby et al., 2016).  The predominant marriage structure of polygamy, for example, is recognised as a significant driver of population growth and highly gendered socioeconomic inequality and poverty (see Dols Garcia, 2013; Nwogu, 2008; Saddiq et al., 2010).  Polygamy is also linked with the familial instigation of trafficking arrangements, commonly for the eldest child, to attain social advantage and advancement (see Carling, 2006; Dols Garcia, 2013; Nwogu, 2008).   A family member or friend often instigates subsequent migration arrangements, which can involve contacting an agent in Nigeria (such as a Madam) to sponsor the costs of the journey and overseas resettlement.  Madams may previously have been migrant sex workers themselves and returned to Nigeria for the purpose of recruitment.  Other trafficking agents can include a religious leader in Nigeria, a group of individuals responsible for the TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  51  journey itself, and an additional Madam in the destination country (see Carling, 2006; Kara, 2017a; Taliani, 2012, 2018).   2.3.1.1. Ritual oathtaking. The judicial process of ritual oathtaking is a distinguishing feature of Nigerian sex trafficking arrangements, particularly in Edo State, and is deeply grounded in traditional indigenous spirituality (see Diagboya, 2019; Global Religious Futures Project, 2017; Greenfield et al., 2016; Kemp, 2017; Nwogu, 2008; Siegal & De Blank, 2010).  It is understood to involve third parties with supernatural powers who gather samples (such as items of clothing, nails, hair, menstrual blood, sweat, and teeth) from prospective migrants and family members to symbolise the potential for spiritual control if terms of the agreements are not met (see Carling, 2006; Dols Garcia, 2013; Kara, 2017a, 2017c).  Therefore, these terms carry much weight and gravity, and often include agreeing to cooperate with the Madams and repay sponsorship debts (see European Commission, 2020; Kara, 2017a, 2017c; DSUSA, 2022).    Taliani (2012) draws attention to an unhelpful, continuing tendency of migration and trafficking scholars to raise the alarm by associating voodoo (or juju) rites in ritual oathtaking with the subjugation of women.  She points out that this can perpetuate the ‘victim versus agent’ dichotomy (noted in Section 2.1.1.1. above) and also the idea that most irregular migrant sex workers cannot move away from circumstances of “oppression, exploitation and coercion” (p. 583).  Other authors are similarly concerned about alarmist references to juju that divert attention away from much-needed finer consideration everyday, diverse Nigerian supernatural beliefs, concepts, rationales, and practices that do not fit neat categorisation but are nonetheless fundamental to trafficking TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  52  journeys (see Baarda, 2016; Carling, 2005, 2006; Diagboya, 2019; Nwogu, 2008). There remain significant gaps in knowledge about Nigerian migration motivations and subsequent arrangements grounded in ritual oathtaking because these phenomena are often highly secretive and, therefore, difficult for outsiders to access and understand.  Scholarly interests include:  • the scope and level of understanding individuals have about the nature of overseas sex work, sponsorship debts and power-based relationships awaiting them in destination countries, and personal notions of deception, voluntariness, consent, and “control of their destiny” (see Carling, 2005, 2006, p. 11; Walby et al., 2016; Zimmerman et al., 2008);   • the potential for irregular migrant sex workers to become Madams through the trafficking network (Carling, 2006; Taliani, 2012); • spiritual, psychological, and physical retaliation towards sex workers, their families, and communities as a result of ritual oathtaking; and personal notions of subjugation, resilience, and emancipation (see Aronowitz, 2016; Baarda, 2016;  Dols Garcia, 2013; Kara, 2017a, 2017c; Van Dijk, 2001; Siegel & De Blank, 2010; Taliani, 2012; Zimmerman et al., 2008);  • controversial social relationships and interactions between families, agents, friends, girl/boyfriends, and key others in home- and resettlement countries; and personal notions of oppression, suffering, facilitation, empowerment, and independence (see Brunovskis & Surtees, 2010; Chuang, 2012; Dols García, 2013; Giordano, 2008; Horning & Marcus, 2017; Kara, 2017a, 2017b; Limoncelli, 2009; Marcus et al., 2014; Taliani, 2012, 2018; Zheng, 2015); TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  53  • lived accounts of trying to leave migrant sex work and find ‘normal’ (i.e., regular) employment (see Bales, 2012; Bose, 2018; Brennan 2014, 2017; Brennan & Plambech, 2018; Pajo, 2008; Walby et al., 2016).    Finally, the scholarship call for deeper insights on the responsibilities and choices made by irregular migrant sex workers as they move from conflict and inequality in their home countries to pursue better lives despite knowing the risks of abuse and exploitation (see Chuang, 2010; Kyle & Koslowski, 2011; Pajo, 2008; Patterson & Zhuo, 2018; Weitzer, 2014).  Of particular interest is the potential fluidity of social agency throughout the trafficking journey as individuals manage and navigate difficult and complex circumstances as a strategy for survival (see Andrijasevic, 2010; Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016; Limoncelli, 2009; Sanchis, 2011; Walby et al., 2016; Zhang, 2009). 2.3.2. Migrant Sex Work Harm  Migration and trafficking scholars have expressed interest in emotional, psychological and physiological harm as a result of irregular migrant sex work.  It is understood, for example, that emotional and psychological harm includes anxiety, panic attacks, depression, self-harm, suicide, nightmares, obsessive-compulsive disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder, and psychoses.  Physical harm includes dehydration, headaches, malnutrition, fatigue, and memory loss.  Direct consequences of increased sexual interaction, force, and violence are recognised as pain and injury in the back, neck, mouth, gastrointestinal tract, pelvis, vagina, and anus, spontaneous pregnancies, multiple abortions, and infertility.  The associated elevated risk of contracting HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases is understood to be compounded by addiction to drugs and/or alcohol, the inconsistent use of condoms, and restricted access to (or TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  54  compliance with) healthcare services (see Aborisade & Aderinto, 2010; Walby et al., 2016; Zimmerman et al., 2008, 2011).    A concern of Zimmerman et al. (2011) is the tendency to focus on the impacts of sex work harm, such as social isolation, stigmatisation, and abuses of power linked with forced and prolonged sexual interaction.  These authors seek to identify and distinguish harm specific to particular forms of migrant sex work and other marginalised experiences of sexual violence and exploitation.  The psychological and physical harm of sex trafficking, for example, is reconceptualised as “a multi-staged process of cumulative harm” that spans culture, geography, distance, time, and setting (p. 327).  In this context, Zimmerman et al. (2011) more closely relate experiences of depression with sexual abuse, drug addiction, social isolation, and uncertain legal status.  Whereas experiences of anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder and hostility are intricately connected with physical injuries associated with forced, prolonged sexual interaction and manipulated social, emotional, and economic freedoms.  Migration and trafficking scholars also express interest in the roles played by cultural, religious, and spiritual norms in helping irregular sex workers manage and navigate emotional, psychological, physiological, and spiritual harm.  African Christian churches in destination countries, for example, are understood to encourage and perpetuate traditional indigenous spiritual beliefs, customs, languages, and practices.  These churches can also provide psychosocial and spiritual support (such as feelings of belonging, refuge and reassurance) for those living with fear and distress because of ritual phenomena (see Carling, 2005; Garcia, 2013; Prina, 2003).  The psychology scholarship express interest in the potential roles played by cultural and spiritual phenomena in helping people (including irregular sex workers) cope with sexual TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  55  trauma and violence, and bolster senses of psychological protection and resilience (see Bryant-Davis & Tummala-Nara, 2017; Bryant-Davis & Wong, 2013; Tummala-Narra, 2007).  Deeper insights are believed critical to developing more appropriate and effective forms of understanding and response, including specialised anti-trafficking programmes (Aronowitz, 2016; Vanderhurst, 2017) and counselling (Aborisade & Aderinto, 2010).  Finally, the scholarship advocate exploring the origins, impacts and effectiveness of cultural, religious, and spiritual norms in irregular sex work economies.  They point out that these sensitive, personal, and contextual phenomena can seem incoherent and difficult to understand for outsiders and are often misunderstood and misinterpreted as a result (see Carling, 2006; Cimpric, 2010; Secker, 2012; Taliani, 2012).   2.4. Ethnographic Exploration of Irregular Socioeconomic Migrants I next discuss four ethnographic studies that explore under-researched lived experiential perspectives of irregular socioeconomic migrants and use contextual lenses to offer important reconceptualisation of notions of exploitation (Mai, 2013b; Pajo, 2008), ignorance and oppression (Olayiwola, 2019), and spiritual subjugation (Taliani, 2012).     2.4.1. Exploitation The studies of Mai (2013b) and Pajo (2008) respond to the neo-economist/neo-liberal assumption that the personal needs for greater levels of material wealth drive human mobility.   Pajo (2008) begins by describing the “dire determination” of migrants (p. 1) as they make perilous journeys from Albania to Greece and willingly pursue social and vocational demotion on resettlement.  He explores this seeming paradox through the contextual lenses of “socioglobal mobility” and a “global TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  56  hierarchical order” as irregular migrants move from “worse” to “better” countries that offer relatively greater opportunities for “fulfilment and … individual achievement” despite the potential for continuing inequality, hardship, and injustice (Pajo, 2008, p. 10).  Pajo (2008) goes on to identify a further paradox.  Albanian migrants experience stigmatisation because individuals in Greece perceive their national identity as superior to Albanians.  Therefore, transnational social advancement seems impossible.  He makes the final point that seeming paradoxes and contradictions for outside observers often constitute everyday lived reality for socioeconomic migrants, such that “a better life” can also be “cruel and unfair” (p. 38).    Mai (2013b) captures the global mobility of sex workers as an embodied response to highly gendered sexual, cultural, and socioeconomic restrictions in home countries as individuals realise their priorities, needs and agendas can be better met through marginalised, irregular routes and activities.  He shows how notions of morality, justice, equality and agency for irregular migrant sex workers are highly personal, contextual, and fluid; and often counter some more macro-level anti-trafficking agendas that perpetuate unhelpful and over-simplified dichotomies, such as vulnerable “female victims” versus oppressive “male villains” (Mai, 2013b, p. 11).  Additionally, Mai (2013b) observes migrant sex workers seeming to oscillate between a normative (i.e., home country) and transgressive (i.e., destination country) sense of self as they navigate their priorities and needs.  Moderators of this navigational process are identified as cultural family roles and responsibilities, and the desire for socioeconomic advantage and advancement.  He also describes a moral dimension to the seeming need of migrant sex workers to make money at any cost (i.e., despite risks of abuse and exploitation), and in preference to the social stigma of TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  57  returning home “empty handed” (Mai, 2013b, p. 11).  In this context, exploitation is reconceptualised as undermining freedom and power to engage in sex work and negotiate terms. 2.4.2. Ignorance and Oppression  Olayiwola (2019) highlights tension between some persistent, dominant, and more macro-level representations of human trafficking in Nigeria and the lived perspectives of socioeconomically vulnerable, rural-based families in the southwest who relentlessly aspire to, and attempt irregular migration; and under-report any experiences of exploitation and trafficking.  Olayiwola (2019) challenges anti-trafficking assumptions that these families are ignorant of the concept and consequences of trafficking their children, and respond positively to awareness campaigns about the exploitation and trafficking of minors (the most popular form of anti-trafficking initiative in Nigeria).  He points out that the trafficking motivations of parents and children in rural-based families reflect everyday issues of poverty and inequality.  Rural traders, for example, struggle with economic sustainability because of absent or unreliable power supplies and road systems and rely on trafficking their children for critical forms of social provision.  This activity is perceived as acceptable, and often facilitated by local social networks (such as family members, neighbours, and the Christian church).  The children involved are encouraged to endure oppressive and/or abusive working and living conditions, understanding that home circumstances will be far worse.  These children are also encouraged to refrain from reporting their circumstances to the authorities for fear of being “misunderstood” and consequently “depriv[ing]” themselves and their families of the potential for better lives (p. 62).  For most of these families, anti-trafficking initiatives seem “removed” from their personal experiences, priorities, needs, and agendas and TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  58  do not serve their best interests (Olayiwola, 2019, p. 61).  Olayiwola (2019) makes the final point that Nigeria is already “saturated” with anti-trafficking campaigns that do not address why irregular migratory routes and activities become the pragmatically better way to address local socioeconomic dilemmas for those living in poverty (p. 64).  He calls for anti-trafficking initiatives to: (a) recognise socioeconomically vulnerable populations as “experts” on the “structural root causes” of trafficking, such as lacks of “quality education, decent employment and social protections”; and (b) consider and discuss how to translate lived experiential perspectives into realistic, alternative, reliable, and achievable means of provision, survival, and protection for these populations (p. 50 and 62, respectively).   2.4.3. Spiritual Subjugation  Taliani (2012) provides ethnopsychiatric insights into spiritual subjugation associated with voodoo (or juju) and “fetishes” (i.e., oppressive material and symbolic factors in ritual oathtaking; p. 579).  She highlights seemingly ambiguous behaviours of girls and women predominantly sex-trafficked from Edo State to Italy as they: (a) participate in and comply with oppressive terms of irregular migration that are sealed through ritual oathtaking; (b) appear thankful to their Madams for bringing them to Italy; (c) appear determined to repay their sponsorship debts in full; and at the same time (d) can turn this power dynamic on its head by establishing their own terms of freedom and repaying just a part of their debts.  In this context, spiritual subjugation is reconceptualised as being placed in multiple layers of control while simultaneously having the potential to establish and navigate terms of freedom.   Taliani (2012) also describes how these girls and women can suffer complex psychiatric symptoms such as persecutory delusions and “demonic TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  59  possession” (Taliani, 2012, p. 581) because of ritual phenomena, and also intense experiences of “terror and fright ... suspicion [and] fear” (p. 596).  Most only seem capable of engaging in therapeutic discourse through “continuous switches of registers” (p. 603) as they oscillate between and try to interpret and manage two opposing “voices of authority” (p. 582) about socioeconomic, political, cultural and spiritual phenomena.  (One voice reflects local, familial, and indigenous traditional justice systems; the other, bureaucratic and investigative European justice systems.)  At the same time, these girls and women try to avoid the risks of psychological conflicts and “contamination” posed by grappling with such a “vast confusion of registers” (p. 586).  Discourse can appear “disjoined, fragmentary”, and “ambivalent” because of these cognitive challenges, and health and social workers often misinterpret silences and variable versions of lived perspectives and stories as “lies and manipulations” (p. 583).  Furthermore, care-based institutions can often “turn out to be social death” for these Edo girls and women (p. 601) whose needs for legal status and regular alternative work can remain unaddressed after years of therapeutic engagement.  Finally, Taliani (2012) highlights a commonplace “classificatory anxiety” in academics and more conventional research approaches that risk imposing misleading senses of coherence and order on phenomena that are essentially “mobile and precarious” (p. 588), and “simultaneously economic, magic-religious, psychological and moral” (p. 586).  She, therefore, invites collaborative discussions on notions of juju, fetishes, spiritual oppression, and subjugation to develop critical shifts in how these phenomena are conceptualised and considered. The social-relational sensemaking and decision-making tensions in the above ethnographic studies lead to the following discussion of Festinger’s TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  60  Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957) and the perspectives of self-concept and induced compliance.  I also show how CDT has been used as a lens for qualitative data in the social sciences and highlight its rarity in sex trafficking research.  2.5. Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT) Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957) in social psychology was introduced and developed to help understand the lived formation and changes in human attitudes or beliefs, particularly in problem-solving and decision-making when holding two or more conflicting cognitive elements.  Festinger (1957) defines these elements as “any knowledge, opinion, or belief about the environment, ... oneself, or about one’s behaviour” (Festinger, 1957, p. 3).  The idea is that conflict evokes the experience of psychological discomfort, tension, and unease (or dissonance).  At a relative point in the magnitude of dissonance, we feel compelled to create a new cognition to alter the balance and regain consonance.  The tipping point depends on the personal significance, relevance and tolerance of a range of cognitive elements held at the time (Festinger, 1957, p. 10).  This modification process involves rationalising, altering, dismissing, or avoiding factors associated with dissonance, and/or adding more weight to existing consonant factors (p. 22).  It tends to favour pathways least resistant to change (such as those associated with attitudes and opinions, rather than behaviours) and with peripheral, rather than fervent convictions (p. 28).  Yahya and Sukmayadi (2020) provide a helpful illustration (see Figure 2.1).  I next describe it using simple language and terminology recommended by Vries, McGrath, and Vaidis (2023), better to communicate critical, fundamental tenets of CDT.     TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  61  Figure 2.1.  Processes of cognitive dissonance and resonance (Yahya & Sukmayadi, 2020).  Antecedents to cognitive dissonance are portrayed as new information that conflicts with cognitive elements in our pre-existing cognitive systems.  At the point when dissonance is evoked, we experience what Vries et al. (2023) describe as an “oops moment” (p. 2), such as when we make a mistake.  Unresolved psychological discomfort is characterised by “inner conflict” and “inner turmoil” because of feelings such as “guilt, shame, embarrassment, and regret” (p. 2).  This serves as an “inner alarm bell”, triggering us to make a change (i.e., reduce and/or resolve the discomfort).  We tend to take the path of least resistance (e.g., accept, trivialise, make irrelevant, comply against our better judgement and/or stop thinking).  Alternatively, we might take a defensive path (e.g., seek and add more weight to existing attitudes and beliefs and avoid or refuse conflicting notions).  Dissonance resolution is characterised by feelings of “relief” and “peace of mind” (Vries et al., 2023, p. 2).      TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  62  2.5.1. Adaptations to CDT The social sciences have revised and adapted fundamental principles of Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957), such as the self-concept and induced dissonance perspectives. 2.5.1.1. Self-concept perspectives. Aronson (2019) points out that the original theory was intended to be relatively universal in terms of “how people try to make sense of their environment and their behaviour and, thus, try to lead lives that are (at least in their mind) sensible and meaningful” (p. 143).  The first significant revisions reflected developments in self-concept, and the understanding that inconsistencies in how we see ourselves often evoke the most potent experiences of psychological discomfort (Aronson, 2019; Aronson & Carlsmith, 1962; Hardyck & Kardush, 1968).  Aronson (2019) recalls trying to engender self-care behaviours in sexually active college students in the early 1990s.  The students knew condoms were an effective way to prevent AIDS but did not use them.  A solution was to confront students with “not practicing what you are preaching” (Aronson, 2019, p. 305) to create dissonance with their positive self-concepts.  This “induction-of-hypocrisy paradigm” (p. 305) was grounded in the following perspective.  Most of us have a set of cognitive elements that form a positive self-concept and also corresponding expectations of our behaviour.  Therefore, cognitive dissonance is evoked when we behave inconsistently with these elements (such as in incompetent or immoral ways) or appear hypocritical or “stupid” (Aronson, 2019, p. 305).  We are consequently driven to restore a favourable sense of self.  More recently, Shin et al. (2020) illustrate how self-care behaviours can be triggered using the notion of psychological proximity as a moderator.  The more proximal a health concept to our own experiences, the TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  63  more likely self-care behaviours are triggered by ‘why-based’ (i.e., more specific) healthcare material.  In contrast, the more distal a health concept, the more likely self-care behaviours are triggered by ‘how-based’ (i.e., more abstract) material. Kretchmar (2021) summarises differences and overlaps in subsequent self-consistency and self-affirmation perspectives.  The self-consistency perspective asserts that the lower our sense of self-worth, the lower our self-expectations, and the less dissonance we experience.  The self-affirmation perspective asserts that the higher our self-affirmation of self-worth, the higher our self-expectations, and the quicker we apply tactics to maintain and restore equilibrium.  A shared understanding is that most of us are sensitive to maintaining equilibrium and capable of acting both as generators of cognitive dissonance and sources of its reduction.  Duffy et al. (2019) illustrate this process using standards of self-judgement and self-evaluation as moderators of “dysfunctional” thinking styles, such as perfectionism, externalising self-worth and magnifying the negative (p. 96).   2.5.1.2. Induced compliance perspectives.  Festinger (1957) describes the forced compliance perspective (more recently renamed induced compliance) as feeling compelled to say or do something that counters a pre-existing personal attitude or belief.  The consequent modification process depends on the magnitude of psychological discomfort experienced about the magnitude of negative and positive consequences of non-compliance (i.e., punishment and reward).  Festinger and Carlsmith (1959) add that when inducements to behave counter-attitudinally take the form of excessive pressure and punishment, our compliance can be TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  64  relatively short-lived because such pressures rarely change our underlying beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours.   Harmon-Jones and Mills (1999) describe how this paradigm contains two critical elements.  First, the greater the number and personal significance of cognitive elements justifying the compliant behaviour, the less the dissonance evoked.  Second, the more personal freedom to decide to comply, the more dissonance evoked in justifying it.  The “effort justification” study of Harmon-Jones et al. (2020, p. 1) provides a third element.  The more effort exerted to achieve the positive consequences of compliance (i.e., the reward), the more we justify, value, and reap the benefits of the reward.  This (2020) study further suggests psychological discomfort can drive us to align our cognitions because conflicting cognitive elements tend to result in conflicting actions that “interfere with effective behaviour”.  By reducing cognitive conflict, we better align actions (Harmon-Jones et al., 2020, p. 6). As the above experimental work shows, CDT is tested across a range of fields and contexts using outcome measures that indicate attitude change in the face of challenge and inconsistency between beliefs.  However, the creative use of cognitive dissonance as a lens for qualitative data in the social sciences is recognised as rare (see Burke et al., 2008; Burke et al., 2017; Tracy, 2005).  I next summarise two studies that use ethnographic fieldwork to investigate coalface, professional roles “cut off from most people’s life paths” and offer practice and policy relevance for the findings (high-altitude climbers, Burke et al., 2008; correctional officers, Tracy, 2005, p. 262).   2.5.2. CDT as a Lens for Qualitative Data  Burke et al. (2008) explore how high-altitude climbers experience and interpret cognitive dissonance and seek to reduce and resolve it as they scale TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  65  Mount Everest.  Moderating factors and forces of this process appear inextricably linked with highly contextual settings, timings, and meanings pertinent to: (a) the immediate circumstances of these individuals, their cultures, and societies of origin; and (b) shared expectations and experiences with their peers.   Tracy (2005) explores how correctional officers experience and interpret cognitive dissonance and seek to reduce it as they engage in “emotion labor” with inmates (characterised by the strategic, social-relational expression and suppression of personal emotions; p. 261).  Examples include: expressing warmth and vitality while suppressing disgust and anger; expressing emotional stoicism in an emergency while suppressing panic and fear; and remaining calm as a condition of control and negotiation with inmates.  Experiences of cognitive dissonance are described by these officers as a “clash” between “true” feelings and “false” outward expressions (p. 263) which often has social and psychological consequences, such as burnout, emotional and relational numbness, alienation, cynicism, low self-esteem, depression, and exit from work.  The clash appears moderated by four highly nuanced organisational, identity and power-based factors; namely: (a) a sense of “cognitive belongingness” to emotion work (Tracy, 2005, p. 279); (b) feeling sufficiently valuable and successful in the role; (c) the level of social interaction with peers who help reconstruct preferred self-concepts; and (d) the personal impact of societal misperceptions of correctional officers and stereotypes, and stigma created and perpetuated by mass media platforms.   The potential practice and policy relevance for the findings of both studies lies in helping specific populations of professionals prepare for, deal with, and survive experiences of cognitive dissonance by promoting: (a) an TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  66  understanding of triggers of cognitive dissonance; and (b) strategies to help restore resonance and associated psychological ease.   2.5.3. CDT in the Fields of Irregular Migrant Sex Work and Sex Trafficking References to Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957) in the research domains of irregular migrant sex work and sex trafficking are rare.  Watson et al. (2016), for example, explore and develop some first steps in strategies for attitudinal change on online learning platforms of human trafficking.  These authors focus on the roles played by teaching presence, social presence, and attitudinal dissonance in helping to: manage and transform multiple attitudes and perspectives on human trafficking; create a receptive, collaborative learning community; and promote activism.  In their review of the relevance of CDT in social issues, Yahya and Sukmayadi (2020) draw attention to Hutagalung’s (2016) reference to certain cognitive dissonance principles to help explain the sexual interrelational dynamics of adolescents raised with religiously conservative notions of premarital sex.  Adolescents experiencing dissonance make extra efforts to achieve resonance by reaching out to peers and sources of information that reflect similar experiences and choices.  Yahya and Sukmayadi (2020) go on to describe how a “tsunami” of divisive discourse on highly sensitive, complex social-relational phenomena is fuelling and driving untrustworthy, over-generalised concepts, assumptions and norms that do not account for the diverse, local, and lived perspectives of marginalised populations (p. 485).  These authors point to the potential helpfulness of CDT in the domains of communication and psychology to connect with and understand marginalised social-relational phenomena, particularly in an era of “information overload” on media platforms (Yahya & Sukmayadi, 2020, p. 485).   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  67  Coming full circle to the credibility crisis in the anti-trafficking arena (noted in Section 2.1.1. above), many migration and trafficking scholars are similarly concerned about expanding media platforms and public debates that are “littered with misinformation and untruths” (IOM, 2019, p. 9), and “sensationalized rumors [and] moral panic” about marginalised populations of irregular migrants (Weitzer, 2014, p. 20).  The 2020 World Migration Report, therefore, advocates a growing, evolving body of more nuanced, contextualised detail about migration and migrants that may never be “fully measured, understood and regulated”, but nonetheless offers the potential to move beyond current misrepresentations and distortions, and reflect on “some of the most important and pressing global migration issues of our time” (IOM, 2019, p. 9).   In Chapter 4 (Self-Reflective Data Analysis), I describe and illustrate my employment of CDT in this study to help manage and understand shifting social-relational sensemaking and decision-making phenomena identified in the women’s data.  In Chapter 7, I draw together the findings and discussions to summarise the main implications for the migration and trafficking literature and for CDT.   2.6. Chapter Summary  This chapter critiqued the academic literature relevant to the thesis.  It discussed anti-trafficking as a global priority, including the associated credibility crisis and shortfalls in the services of formal support organisations.  I then narrowed the focus to sex trafficking in Nigeria and Spain.  Gaps in the literature centred on migration motivations and arrangements, and sex work harm.  I described ethnographic studies that explored marginalised migratory socioeconomic phenomena and offered important reconceptualisations of notions of exploitation, ignorance, oppression and spiritual subjugation.  The TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  68  social-relational sensemaking and decision-making tensions in these studies led to a discussion of Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957) and self-concept and induced compliance perspectives.  I described the use of CDT as a lens for qualitative data in the social sciences (Burke et al., 2008; Tracy, 2005) and highlighted its rarity in the research domains of irregular migrant sex work and sex trafficking.      The next Chapter 3 presents details of the methodology and methods employed in this study.       TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  69  Chapter 3. Methodology and Methods  This chapter presents details of the methodology and methods employed in this study.  Section 1 of this chapter summarises my position in the research and why it was set in Spain.  Section 2 discusses ontology and epistemology and the choice of research paradigm (an inductive approach and a pluralist, interpretive, more holistic perspective).  Section 3 describes the methodological strategy of ethnographic fieldwork in long-term psychology research.  It also outlines the ethnographic process and the innovative suggested patchwork ethnography guidelines for sex trafficking research (see Van der Pijl et al., 2011).  In keeping with the chronology of the current study, Section 4 describes preparing the field for research, and the methods and ethical practices employed for subsequent recruitment, field engagement, research activities, and data collection, analysis, storage, evaluation, and disposal.  Section 5 is dedicated to the ethical considerations and practices employed for engaging with the participants.  These were adapted, developed, and refined as the research progressed and specifically related to: getting the balance right in seeking to conduct sex trafficking research while unable to guarantee no harm to researchers and participants; and recognising and responding to powerful emotional and relational dimensions because of engaging with participants.  Ethical practices include: recruiting a safeguarder; maintaining independence of allegiance; complying with the instructions of the Madams; providing secure, purposeful social engagement; and minimising unwelcome and unhelpful responses.  Section 6 summarises the chapter.   Throughout, I signpost readers to Appendix B that provides short, powerful, reflexive accounts of relationship-building, bracketing, power TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  70  positioning, ‘giving voice’, and recognising salient emotional and relational dimensions while engaging with the participants, day and night, in this study.  These accounts offer important contextual information and reflect the standards of self-conscious ethnographic writing (e.g., Richardson, 2000) that are appropriate to a qualitative social-relational thesis (Etherington, 2007; Hesse-Biber & Piatelli, 2012; Tedlock, 2000).   Because of the necessary size and complexity of this chapter, the next Chapter 4 (Self-Reflective Data Analysis) is dedicated to my personal and methodological approaches to the reflexive analysis of the participants’ data, and provides a helpful, separate space to fully describe and illustrate my active, creative engagement with complex social-relational phenomena.   3.1. Research Positioning I previously worked as a healthcare professional in the areas of multiple sclerosis, end-stage cancer, mental health, and severe brain injury, with publications focussed on practice and policy relevance for qualitative findings in social psychology (living with multiple sclerosis, Tabuteau-Harrison et al., 2016; strengthening adoption practice, Tabuteau-Harrison & Mewse, 2013).  These experiences led me to use an intuitive, more holistic research approach to being open-minded and accepting (as far as possible) of what is portrayed, expressed, and demonstrated at any time.  I developed vigilance in placing professional conduct, safety, and welfare at the centre of engagement and keeping sight of the purposes and contexts of engagement.  At the same time, I sought to develop relationships with people, encompassing genuine depths of trust and care.  Given all these factors, I became accustomed to monitoring the personal physical and psychological toll of working closely for prolonged periods TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  71  with complex, sensitive, unpredictable, and often emotionally charged individuals and groups of people.   3.1.1. Why Spain? This research was situated in Spain because of a commute to work as an acupuncturist while living there in the early 2000s.  This commute took me along a carriageway lined with around 20 female street walkers, the majority of whom appeared to be in their late teens and twenties, and originate from a range of countries.  Some women sat on white plastic garden chairs looking at their phones, whilst others wore headphones and danced and waved at passing drivers.  Still more paced back and forth, looking at the ground.  One of the women appeared considerably older than the others and occasionally could be seen punching the sky with a fist and baring her breasts or buttocks in retaliation to obscenities yelled at her from passing cars, “Puta! Zorra!” (Spanish for whore, bitch).   Watching these women had a strong personal impact.  One main reason was that prostitution remains relatively hidden from public view in England, my country of origin, but is highly visible in Spain and remains in “legal limbo”, neither regulated nor criminalised (Álvarez & Valdés, 2018, ¶1; DSUSA, 2021; Villacampa & Torres, 2013, 2017).  I was taken aback by the stark contrast between the raw realities of street-based sex work and glossy A5 flyers of pouting lips and stiletto heels jammed relentlessly under the windscreen wipers of my parked car, ‘Sexy, young, obliging girls are waiting for you.  Good prices.  Call this number’.  I wondered about the women’s lives and whether their needs and priorities were being met.  I subsequently wondered about the kinds of research approaches that might permit access to their lifeworlds, and allow their voices to be heard in an academic context.  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  72  3.2. Ontology and Epistemology   In 2005, Parker introduced the concept of radical research in qualitative psychology.  He discussed the roles and limitations of theoretical approaches and methodological frameworks in psychology, and key issues in developing, applying, and assessing qualitative methods.  Parker (2005) then set out the first steps in relatively more creative and imaginative research that sought to “link human experience with social action” (p. 1).  His subsequent work in 2014 forms a response to “fierce arguments” about pathways to knowledge, conceptual issues, methodological frameworks, and qualitative methods that still requires developing “to do better more radical research” (Parker, 2014, p. x).  In 2014 also, Gemignani et al. discuss notions of unity and diversity in qualitative psychology and how to respect better the “uniquely situated”, multifaceted and variable nature of human experiences, lived perspectives and power relations that “make up knowledge and inform realities” (p. 111).   They advocate epistemological complexity and forms of qualitative inquiry that reflect “relational and collaborative” pathways to knowledge to promote social justice and spur social action (Gemignani et al., 2014, p. 111).  Migration and trafficking scholars similarly advocate more creative and distinctive research approaches to expose nuanced, on-the-ground, often conflicting and controversial realities across culture, setting, and time (Breuil et al., 2011; Brunovskis & Surtees, 2010; Cwikel & Hoban, 2005; Van der Pijl et al., 2011; Yea, 2017).   3.2.1. Choosing a Research Paradigm My consideration of an investigative perspective coincided with a review of the credibility crisis in psychology (Pérez-Álvarez, 2018) and my sensitivity to ethnography.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  73  3.2.1.1. The credibility crisis in psychology. The dominant ontology and epistemology of psychology are historically grounded in post/positivist scientific paradigms.  They centre on a single, measurable reality and empirical-rational, subject-object relationships (Parker, 2005, 2014).  Far from this approach being found reliable, the credibility crisis exposed inherently subjective interpretation, poor replication of findings and a dubiously high confirmation of hypotheses (Fanelli, 2010; Pérez-Álvarez, 2018).  Furthermore, the globalisation of knowledge in the field of psychology was based on ‘WIERD’ participants; in other words, “Western, Industrialised, Educated, Rich and Democratic” (International Labour Organization, 2014;  Henrich et al., 2010, p. 61).  An argument was made to revisit the definition of psychology and relocate epistemology away from the natural science of mind and behaviour towards a pluralist “human, cultural, social, or behavioural science” that was “more humble but more worthy and real” (Pérez-Álvarez, 2018, p. 38 and 43, respectively).  The point made was that a more open, contextual redefinition of psychology might enable its connection with territories that often fall outside the mainstream convention.   As a result of the credibility crisis, Pratt et al. (2020) highlight an overriding tendency in social psychology and other fields to associate replication as a marker for transparency and trustworthiness.  A particular concern is the inappropriate application of replication criteria to qualitative studies that do not aim to address hypotheses or existing theories from the outset, for example, and may not intend to corroborate or falsify them.  These authors argue that transparency standards in qualitative psychology could: embrace differences in emphases and strengths of various methodologies and methods (including ethnography); and ensure insights reflect “proximity to the TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  74  life worlds of those studied” (Pratt et al., 2020, p. 11).  This latter point is particularly germane to ethnography (described in Section 3.3.1. below). 3.2.1.2. Sensitivity to ethnography. As I began engaging with the street walkers and agents on the industrial estate, I was aware of being exposed to dynamic and unstable social-relational phenomena.  The Nigerian women, for example, shared some migration experiences while simultaneously thanking a Christian God for keeping them, their children, and their families safe, and referring to juju power that could steal people’s destinies.  These lived experiential perspectives were responsive, reactive, changeable, and variable according to the undercurrents and forces of their lifeworlds and mine, and the contexts of settings, circumstances, and time.  I sought to embrace as far as possible the women’s values, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours as equally, subjectively credible, and also to continually follow any changes or seeming contradictions.  However, some of my verbal, physical and emotional reactions and responses prompted the women to make sudden changes in behaviour (start to fidget and avoid eye contact, for example), and I realised I needed to minimise what could be considered my unwelcome, unhelpful and inappropriate behaviour while remaining authentic.  In other words, I sought to develop a greater capacity to bracket (or suspend) what I understood to be real, valid, and true.  These points are discussed in Ethical Practices: Engaging with Participants (see Section 3.5.2. below).   I was aware of the ethnographic assertion that participants’ lived perspectives are fundamental to ethnography, and a task often undertaken by ethnographers is to try and bracket their everyday assumptions as far as possible to explore, reflect and describe them from a critical perspective (Yea, 2017; McNarry et al., 2019).  Furthermore, I was aware of Skeggs' (2007) TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  75  discussion of the ontological and epistemological position of ethnography, that truth, reality and knowledge are “situated, partial, contingent and interpretative” (Skeggs, 2007, p. 435), and how it offers investigative freedom of focus on the voices, words, behaviours and interactions of participants, better to uncover relatively unknown lifeworlds and often hidden aspects of lived experience, without imposing a priori a specific theory.     3.3. Methodological Strategy My use of ethnographic fieldwork in this long-term study provided the following required freedoms: • ontological and epistemological freedom to become immersed in and appreciate multiple realities and pathways of knowledge; and reflect highly contextual and changeable realities from various angles; • theoretical freedom to avoid imposing an initial, explicit theory and unnecessary connections prior to engaging in depth with the participants’ lifeworlds;    • freedom to link with broader and richer psychology traditions (such as the more holistic) that are often marginalised by “modern scientific psychology” (Edwards, 2013, p. 531; Pérez-Álvarez, 2018).   3.3.1. About Ethnography The word ‘ethnography’ is derived from the Greek words ethnós (social group, nation) and graphein (writing, representation) (Allen-Collinson, 2016) and is used to depict studying and writing a narrative about a particular group of people and how they live (Madden, 2010).  A classic colonial portrayal was of the ethnographer living among ‘the natives’ to become immersed in their culture (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2019; Tedlock, 2005).  In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, ethnography was embraced by social science as the TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  76  exploration of more localised social experiences of relatively small groups of people, and the interpretation of unstructured data to extract meanings (Suzuki et al., 2005).  The ongoing transformation of ethnography since then has been mainly due to: repositioning in the social sciences; intersections with different disciplinary fields; adaptations to research questions and political locations; and a greater emphasis on researchers joining participants in their environments to try and capture diverse social-relational phenomena, rather than a whole culture (Baszanger & Dodier, 2004; Tanggaard, 2014).  It is now accepted that there is no one form of undertaking or writing ethnography, and Skeggs (2007), for example, develops a particular form of feminist ethnography to articulate often hidden knowledge of women’s lives.  She also refers to a much earlier education ethnography by Willis (1977) to illustrate how on-the-ground, non-reducible knowledge of the oppressed (such as notions of resistance and agency) can help form the basis for political change.  Ethnography now embraces various approaches, including digital forms and ‘offspring’ such as autoethnography (Allen-Collinson, 2013). 3.3.2. Ethnographic Fieldwork in Psychology  Historically, the field of psychology has questioned the capacity of ethnography to deliver sufficient rigour.  Tanggaard (2014) describes how the nineteenth-century “founder of modern psychology”, Wundt, identified ‘völker-psychologie’ (translated as folk psychology and similar to anthropology) as one of several pathways to knowledge (p. 167).  Tanggaard (2014) mentions, however, that Wundt’s quest for psychology to acquire the status of a natural science became dominated and characterised by: quantitative experimental methods; broad and defining descriptions; and treating the “human being ... more and more as a natural object” (p. 167).  Continuing objections to extending TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  77  the investigative reach of psychology to account for lived perspectives primarily come from post/positivists who view the experimental method as the primary validating method (see Pérez-Álvarez, 2018; Tanggaard, 2014).  Although still vastly under-used, a persistent argument favouring ethnographic fieldwork in psychology research centres on: opportunities for substantial participant observation; interactive engagement between researchers and participants; and prolonged time in “every day, social and cultural practices” (Tanggaard, 2014, p. 209).  Examples, ranging over time, include the exploration of religious sects (Festinger et al., 1964); cognitive development in children (Ginsburg, 1997); the construction of identity in LGBT asylum seekers (Tacchetti, 2019), organisational psychology (Carrero et al., 2000); socio/cultural psychology (Elsas, 2003; Hundeide, 2004); applied sport psychology (Krane & Baird, 2005; Champ, 2018); psychological anthropology (Toren, 2012); health psychology (Rossella, 2018); and critical psychology (Palacios, 2019), to give just a flavour.   3.3.2.1. The ethnographic process. Ethnography has become recognised as a research approach highly compatible with psychology (Diriwächter, 2012; Marcén et al., 2013; Parker, 2005, 2014; Suzuki et al., 2005; Tanggaard, 2014).  In the field of counselling psychology, for example, Suzuki et al. (2005) discuss how ethnographically-informed methods offer opportunities to enhance research by connecting with sensitive and complex lived experiences and accounting for “the reality that people can and do hold seemingly (or explicitly) contradictory perspectives on any given topic” (p. 208).  They explain how the ethnographic process combines specific features in distinctive ways and argue that it requires psychology researchers to carry out the following roles, steps, and tasks:  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  78  • give a detailed account of accessing, entering, and building relationships with participants over time;  • become immersed in the environments of participants and also intensely embedded in the settings of participants for a prolonged time; • use methods such as substantial participant observation; • seek out complex, alternative, awkward and contradictory lifeworld phenomena; • subjectively capture and interpret participants' perceptions, experiences, interpretations, beliefs, behaviours, and truths; • reflect on how they will be captured, analysed, and interpreted; • consider whether contemporary theoretical perspectives may help shed light on such data;  • tell stories that reflect the inherently messy (i.e., dynamic, contextual and complicated) realities of people’s values, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours; in other words, minimise a tendency to construct a linear, coherent (and therefore artificial) story from complex and unstable data. My enactment of these roles, steps and tasks in the current study are described in the Methods Section (3.4. below) and the Self-Reflective Data Analysis Chapter 4. 3.3.2.2. Patchwork ethnography guidelines. I also sought to draw on patchwork ethnography guidelines for sex trafficking research (see Van der Pijl et al., 2011).  These are grounded in Tsing's (2005) anthropological study of “friction” between the notion of global development and local resistance to it (p. 567).  She endeavours to facilitate sensitivity to and capture potential tension between two perspectives.  The first is strategic macro-level concepts, forces, and connections.  These are defined TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  79  as omnipresent and uniform in nature, reflecting long-standing universal understandings, assumptions, and norms that override critical cultural differences, and carry an inevitable sense of forward momentum with little room for questioning.  The second is micro-level interests and perspectives (i.e., local, personal, and contextual).  The patchwork concept reflects “haphazardly aiming to grasp the sticky materiality of practical encounters” (Van der Pijl et al., 2011, p. 580). Van der Pijl et al.’s (2011) patchwork ethnography guidelines are grounded in the theoretical understanding that our knowledge of the sensitive and complex phenomenon of human trafficking is “necessarily fragmented” because of discrepancies in the conceptualisations, opinions, understandings, and agendas of different parties (p. 580).  Patchwork ethnography uses the notion of discrepancy to embrace ‘not trying to agree’, better to stimulate new insights and interpretations, and move beyond artificial, all-embracing concepts associated with “global sex trafficking” and “dealing with sex trafficking within Europe” (p. 567).  The focus of research is awkward “fragments” of social-relational phenomena, no matter how fleeting (p. 580), such as unusual encounters and unexpected interactions, collisions, and collaborations, and where words, actions and behaviours can take on different meanings; in other words, “are transient and might reappear in new places with changing events” (p. 581).  This is further described in the Data Analysis Section (3.4.6. below). 3.4. Methods In keeping with the chronology of this study, this section describes preparing the field for research, and the methods and ethical practices employed for subsequent recruitment, field engagement, research activities, and data collection, analysis, storage, evaluation, and disposal.  Demographic TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  80  information and identifying characteristics are kept to a minimum to protect the participants’ anonymity and confidentiality. 3.4.1. Field Preparation  Ten years after commuting to work as an acupuncturist in Spain (noted in Section 3.1. above), I returned there to locate a principal field setting for the research, create and develop a social form of access and engagement (a health and support endeavour), and establish safeguarding and ethical practices for the endeavour.  This took place over five years.    3.4.1.1. Locating a field setting. I was informed of a pastor called Elena, who visited street walkers every month on an industrial estate that the local government officially designated for nighttime prostitution.  She prayed with the women and gave them references from the bible, cartons of fruit juice, and some confectionery items.  She avoided forms of support that her church could construe as condoning prostitution (such as providing condoms and safe-sex information).  Elena believed that around 15 women from various countries worked freelance on the industrial estate to create personal income or were forced in some way (such as through exploitation, addiction, and/or trafficking).  She intended to relinquish her role and offered to introduce me to the women before doing so.  As contextual information, a reflexive account of first meeting some of the women on the streets at night is provided in Appendix B (see Breaking the Ice, Section B.1.1.).   3.4.1.2. Creating a social form of access and engagement. Migration and trafficking scholars recognise that engagement between researchers, sex workers and their agents in active trafficking situations and circumstances is rare.  There are two main reasons.  First, potential participants TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  81  are often relatively hidden or hard to access.  Second, the sensitive and complex circumstances and situations of irregular migration and trafficking carry many ethical concerns (see Siegel & Wildt, 2016; Zhang, 2015) (see The Conundrum of Sex Trafficking Research, Section 3.5. below).   I sought to establish and build relationships with all the street walkers and agents working on the industrial estate and, where possible and appropriate, develop depths of trust, care, and meaning.  I intended to become an accepted part of their working and broader social environments and try and ensure (as far as possible) my presence was perceived as relevant and beneficial, whether or not they participated in the research.  The subsequent idea to create a health and support endeavour for these purposes reflected my previous work as a healthcare professional with vulnerable populations (noted in Section 3.1. above).  Anna (pseudonym), an experienced support worker for an international religious and charitable movement, endorsed this.  Anna worked with sex-trafficked women and their agents on the city streets of another European country and thought street walkers and agents would engage with the endeavour because it offered to benefit them.  (The endeavour might help improve their health, well-being, and capacity to earn more money, for example).   Scholarly perspectives in the field of migration and trafficking also supported the theme of the endeavour.  Bales (2012), for example, advocates creating “a whole new job category” that blends the role of local independent advisor with “teacher, counsellor, advocate, co-worker and friend” to help individuals arrive at and plan for highly personal and contextual notions of their own “true freedom” (p. 258).  Brennan (2012) recommends placing active social-relational engagement at the centre of enquiry, better to understand the TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  82  Nigerian diaspora's lifeworld context of trafficking.  In their ethical and safety recommendations for interviewing trafficked women, Zimmerman and Watts (2003) advocate providing individuals with pathways for immediate support and onward healthcare referral.  Finally, Cwikel and Hoban (2005) believe independent health and support endeavours have the potential to offer significant insights into sensitive and complex sex trafficking phenomena.   3.4.1.2.1. Establishing safeguarding and ethical practices for the health and support endeavour. I created an initial body of safeguarding and ethical practices for the health and support endeavour by consulting protocols from secular and Christian inter/national sex trafficking organisations.  These included: La Trata con Fines de Explotación Sexual (Spanish for trafficking for the purpose of exploitation) published in 2012 by La Asociación para la Prevención Reinserción y Atención de la Mujer Prostituida or 'APRAMP' (translated as the association for the prevention, reintegration and attention to women prostitutes); Hands that Heal: International Curriculum to Train Caregivers of Trafficking Survivors (Grant & Lopez Hudlin, 2007); and Working the Streets: Outreach to Prostitutes (Robb & Carson, 2002).  I also met with local Spanish support organisations to discuss their approaches to working directly with vulnerable women, women in sex work, and sex-trafficked individuals (e.g., APRAMP, various women’s shelters, the Salvation Army, and the Red Cross).  These safeguarding and ethical practices were adapted, developed, and refined throughout field preparation and the subsequent research, and endorsed by Anna, the support worker (noted above).  I registered the endeavour with the Spanish authorities as an independent non-profit organisation and adopted the dual role of support provider and researcher.    TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  83  3.4.1.2.2. Collaboratively developing the endeavour.  Most street walkers told me their immediate agents (i.e., Madams or family members) were with them on the streets or living in their homes.  I approached these agents and received permission to start developing the health and support endeavour with them and the street walkers.  I intended to continue the endeavour after the research ended if people felt this valuable and if I could continue the role of support provider.  In the first instance, the endeavour offered everyone pre-sealed, easy-to-eat food and drink, some condoms, and safe-sex information.  Over time and throughout the research, the range of provisions developed in response to their expressed interests and needs.  As contextual information, a reflexive account of developing the endeavour with women on the streets at night is provided in Appendix B (see Section B.1.2.). 3.4.2. Recruitment During field preparation, I encountered 49 street walkers and agents (men and women from various countries).  Twenty-seven were Edo, Nigerian women who began sharing complex, sensitive lived experiences.  In this sense, they formed a purposive convenience sample (Goodwin & Goodwin, 2016).  I followed Cwikel and Hoban’s (2005) suggested guidelines for sex trafficking research in seeking to communicate in a shared language to help ensure sufficient depth and accuracy of understanding.  All elected English (the official generic language of Nigeria).  Therefore, a language proficiency criterion was considered unnecessary (University of Exeter Research Ethics and Governance Office and Psychology Ethics Committee, November 2018.  See ethical approval documentation in Appendix A).  I next describe the recruitment TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  84  processes involved; namely: adapting verbal communication; selecting participants; and enacting informed verbal consent. 3.4.2.1. Adapting verbal communication. The women and I genuinely wanted to communicate with each other.  There were differences in our patterns of speech and vocabulary choices, and I adapted my language to facilitate as much understanding as possible.  This involved: openly, respectfully, and sensitively mirroring each woman’s pace and rhythm of speech; simplifying my vocabulary and shortening sentences; adopting words and phrases used by the women; reflecting to them what was said to clarify understandings; and inviting questions.   3.4.2.2. Selecting participants. Of the 27 women in the purposive convenience sample (noted above), 19 met the following eligibility criteria and consented to participate (n = 19).  1. The women originated from Nigeria and first met me in Spain. 2. They had lived experiences of irregular migrant sex work. 3. They declared an age of 18 years and above. 4. They were available for research for sufficiently sustained periods. 5. Consent and participation processes were not likely to worsen their situations. 6. They had control of their faculties and were able to give full, informed consent and engage in participation processes. Regarding Point 3, I followed Cwikel and Hoban’s (2005) suggested guidelines for sex trafficking research in accepting a self-declared age of 18 without documentary evidence.  My discernment was grounded in the consistency of the women’s declarations of age across settings and time, and the women’s physical appearance.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  85  Regarding Point 4, I discerned that each woman was likely to be available for research by keeping a record of their presence and absence from the field over time.   Finally, regarding Points 5 and 6, I engaged in ethical practices that sought to consider, weigh and balance notions of potential benefits and costs of the women taking part in the research, better to discern whether: (a) research processes might threaten the women or their situations (by triggering unwelcome, unhelpful emotional and psychological responses, for example); and (b) the women had control of their faculties to consent and participate.  (See Providing Secure, Purposeful Social Engagement, Section 3.5.2.4., and Minimising Unwelcome and Unhelpful Responses, Section 3.5.2.5. below).  Points 5 and 6 were further revisited as part of the ongoing process of consent transparency throughout the research (noted in Section 3.4.2.3.2. above).  I was unaware of any actual or potential conflict of interest (i.e., affiliations, memberships, or funding) that may cause harm or exploitation for the women or interfere with this research project's ethical principles and practices.    3.4.2.2.1. Number of participants. I followed Baker and Edwards (2012) in considering what would constitute an appropriate number of participants for an in-depth qualitative, inductive research project, taking into account epistemology, methodology and practicality.  Thirty people can be considered ‘good’ and helpful, for example, if a research population is easily accessible and there are time constraints on gathering the data.  Between six and 12 can offer valuable insights into “hidden or hard-to-access populations” (p. 8).  A lower number can provide a distinctive depth and richness of insight where there are meaningful relationships between researchers and participants.  In the field of sex trafficking research, where TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  86  potential participants are often hidden or hard to access, the engagement of a researcher with active sex workers and their agents is considered rare (Horning & Marcus, 2017; Marcus et al., 2014; Zhang, 2009, 2012, 2015).  Therefore, the inclusion of 19 women in this study forms a substantial number of participants. 3.4.2.2.2. Participant profiles. The 19 women who participated in this study were from Edo State in Nigeria.  Most referred to the Bini ethnic group (the rural population living around Benin City).  They also referred to the Uromi (a sub-group of the Binis in north-eastern Esan), the Esan, and the Yoruba.  Sixteen of them were street walkers, two were Madams, and one was an ex-street walker.  Of the 16 street walkers, eight were in their 20s and had worked in Spain between one and eight years.  Six were in their 30s and had worked there between two and 18 years.  The remaining two, precious and Sade, were in their 40s and had worked there for 15 and 16 years, respectively.  The two Madams, Hazika and Hanna, were in their 30s and had each worked in Spain for 18 years.  The ex-street walker, Rafia, was in her 50s and had lived in Spain for 36 years.  See Table 3.1. below.   3.4.2.2.3. Ineligible candidates. Of the 27 women in the purposive convenience sample, eight were considered ineligible for recruitment because record-keeping over time indicated they would not be available for sufficiently sustained periods.  I continued engaging with all 49 street walkers and agents on the industrial estate using the health and support endeavour whether or not they were participants.  Therefore, it was considered unnecessary to explain to those not selected for the research that screening had taken place and why they were TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  87  ineligible for the study (University of Exeter Research Ethics and Governance Office and Psychology Ethics Committee, November 2018). Table 3.1. Participant profiles.  Pseudonym Age  Work role Years in Spain 1 Abigail 30 Street walker 5 2 Bayo 20+ Street walker 3 3 Chika 30+ Street walker 18 4 Dayo 30+ Street walker 13 5 Hanna 30+ Madam 18 6 Hazika 30+ Madam 18 7 Jol 20+ Street walker 4 8 Kadi 20+ Street walker 8 9 Layla 30+ Street walker 10 10 Nabila 20+ Street walker 8 11 Nasha 20+ Street walker 1 12 Odeh 30+ Street walker 2 13 Precious 40 Street walker 15 14 Rafia 50+ Ex-street walker 36 15 Sade 40+ Street walker 16 16 Sussan 20+ Street walker 4 17 Temi 20+ Street walker 3 18 Zara 20+ Street walker 3 19 Zula 30 Street walker 5   I initially excluded the phenomenon of indoor sex work (such as in private apartments and commercial clubs) because the immediate context of sex work for the participants was street walking.  However, some worked indoors occasionally, and I included this context, where relevant, in the findings.       TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  88  3.4.2.3. Enacting informed verbal consent. I used the mode of informed verbal consent, rather than traditional written informed consent, for two reasons.  First, the women were wary and distrusted engagement and communication that appeared official.  Cwikel and Hoban (2005) link this to fears of being identified, detained, and deported by the authorities and of consequent reprisals from their peers.  Second, most of the women either could not read or write at all, or demonstrated varying levels of capacity that could be worsened by senses of wariness, distrust, discomfort and/or confusion.   Informed verbal consent is supported in the field of trafficking where there are difficulties in language comprehension, reading and/or writing (sex-trafficked women, Cwikel & Hoban, 2005; human trafficking, United Nations Inter-Agency Project on Human Trafficking, 2008; UNIPHT).  It is also supported when engagement with sex workers takes place in “informal and even somewhat chaotic” environments, such as the streets, rather than in more clinical settings (Kelly & Coy, 2016, p. 35).  I next describe the processes of enacting informed verbal consent in the current study; namely: adapting consent conversations; practising consent transparency; explaining data protection, confidentiality, and anonymity; and agreeing on a currency of reciprocity.  3.4.2.3.1. Adapting consent conversations.   I adapted consent conversations for each woman by frequently pausing and feeding back words and phrases to ensure understanding; and replaced unfamiliar and formal words (such as ‘research’, ‘explore’ and ‘interview’) with preferred words (such as ‘talk about’, ‘find out’ and ‘conversation’).  Illustrations are provided throughout the Research Activities Section (see 3.4.4. below).  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  89  3.4.2.3.2. Practising consent transparency.   I followed Agee et al. (2011) in conceptualising informed verbal consent as an ongoing, reflexive, transparent process, rather than a fixed one-time event.  This reflected ethical decision-making as a fluid, continuing, developing process with “real people in real time” and grounded in ethics of care (Kelly & Coy, 2016, p. 33) (see Ethics of Care, Section 3.5.1.2. below).  I sought consent transparency by considering whether the women continued to remember and understand that they had consented (and to what they had consented).  I regularly and periodically revisited consent conversations by encouraging the women to reminisce about how we first met, the purposes of our subsequent conversations and times together, the intentions of the study, and to what they had consented.  If necessary and where appropriate, I referred to some of what they said previously during these conversations as an aide memoir.  This process helped ensure the women had an ongoing understanding of freely participating in the research without obligation and being able to withdraw at any time.  It also allowed me and the women to offer feedback and/or explore phenomena in different contexts and times. 3.4.2.3.3. Explaining data protection, confidentiality, and anonymity.  During the consent process, I explained the following factors to the women: • they did not need to provide their real names, details of their hometowns or family circumstances; • any of their personal information was strictly confidential and only accessible to me.  It was anonymised and only recognisable to me;  • I only used their anonymised information with their consent;  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  90  • their information was gathered, securely stored, and destroyed only by me.  It was not transferred to anyone without their permission nor to anyone not bound by the duty of confidentiality; • I intended to share their anonymised information with academic professionals using verbal and written reports and through a book (or thesis) and professional magazines (or journals);  • I intended to continue these protections even if they withdrew from the research.   I replaced the women’s real names with pseudonyms in my notes on my phone and computer.  All other identifying details were either excluded from data collection and analysis processes and the findings, or sufficiently altered to maintain anonymity and confidentiality.  Photographs and film footage that could identify the women were not taken.  3.4.2.4. Agreeing on a currency of reciprocity. Suggested recruitment guidelines highlight the importance of compensating participants for the time given to research processes, and discussing appropriate forms of payment, such as practical goods, services, or cash (sex-trafficked women, Cwikel & Hoban, 2005; human trafficking, Paasche et al., 2018; feminist ethnography, Skeggs, 2007; anti-trafficking, UNIPHT, 2008; trafficked women, Zimmerman & Watts, 2003).  All the women participating in the current study engaged with the health and support endeavour and, therefore, had access to consistent sources of assistance and/or support that were developed collaboratively with them.  This formed a highly acceptable and sustainable currency of reciprocity.  It did not conflict with their understanding that the health and support endeavour was offered to all street walkers and agents whether or not they were participants in the study.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  91  This form of reciprocity enabled me to avoid the potential ethical dilemma of using money or vouchers that can carry complex meanings for street walkers and require clarity about the purpose of the payment and for what it may or may not be used (Kelly & Coy, 2016).  At the same time, I was aware that some materials provided by the health and support endeavour could be exchanged for money or used for unintended purposes.  I followed Kelly and Coy (2016) in recognising the risk of inadvertently forming a “research market” by providing “too much” (p. 41) and sought to strike a balance by offering what the women considered moderate amounts of material provisions, and on a regular and consistent basis.   3.4.3. Field Engagement Forms of field engagement varied according to nighttime and daytime settings.   3.4.3.1. Nighttime engagement. The principal nighttime setting for field engagement was the streets of the industrial estate where the women sat or stood alone at workstations such as lamp posts, street curbs, trees, or doorways, or formed groups while waiting for customers.  I visited them (as well as the other street walkers and agents who were not participants) every Saturday or Sunday night from around 8.30 pm to midnight.  Amounts of time spent with each woman (or groups) could be steady and continuous from one to 30 minutes or sporadic and/or reconvened later the same evening, depending on how many customers they needed to attract.  When a woman wanted to speak in private, we often walked to an empty doorway, or sat in my car.  The health and support endeavour offered the following provisions:  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  92  • sexual health, well-being, and hygiene products, such as condoms, lubricant, wet wipes, anti-bacterial hand gel, mosquito repellent, sunscreen, hand-warmers, chewing gum, cartons of juice, and bottles of water; • supplementary items, such as bedding, towels, underwear, hot water bottles, products for the body, teeth, and hair, and also for domestic cleaning; • local information, such as details of support organisations familiar to the women and offering assistance such as food vouchers, shelter, and help to pay rent; • gift bags to mark significant events for the women, such as Valentine’s Day, Easter, Christmas, and birthdays.   The women affirmed these provisions as meaningful and beneficial because they helped them save money, provided an essential sense of being genuinely cared for, and some were considered fun.   The nighttime engagement was reduced to two weekends a month as the frequency of daytime engagement increased.   3.4.3.2. Daytime engagement. The concurrent daytime engagement with the women occurred two or three times a week in response to their increasing requests for additional support and assistance available during the day.  Often, this involved careful referral and escort to formal support organisations (see Ethical Practices: Engaging with Participants, Section 3.5.2. below).  All the women requested one-to-one daytime support, apart from when flatmates came for moral support and/or out of curiosity.  Amounts of time with the women varied between 30 minutes and nine hours and could be disrupted by the processes of seeking, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  93  waiting for and receiving professional assistance, and/or the need for greater degrees of privacy than afforded by the settings.  Settings included the women’s homes, waiting rooms, consultation offices, churches, and cafés.   Over time, the local Spanish government provided me with referral pathways previously denied to irregular migrant sex workers and their agents.  These focused on preventive medicine (i.e., screening for HIV and sexually transmitted infections and inoculations against Hepatitis B and Tetanus) and healthcare in dermatology, ophthalmology, gynaecology, psychiatry, and addiction.   I appealed to a high-profile, formal support organisation familiar to the women for additional referral pathways.  I was granted access to free legal advice, courses in the Spanish language and basic-level vocational training in areas of particular interest to the women.  The training was administered by designated professionals of the support organisation either in their own offices or external venues I arranged.  Finally, a government-funded organisation that assisted marginalised women provided access to a broader range of vocational training, healthcare services and a social worker.  In addition to nighttime and daytime engagement, and since all the women already had WhatsApp Messenger on their mobile phones, we communicated using WhatsApp messages, attachments, telephone calls and video calls.  I instigated this once a week to ensure consistency of contact and relationship, and the women made contact as necessary, often daily, during times of need, crisis, or transition. 3.4.4. Research Activities I next describe the research activities used in the current study; namely: participant observation; general conversation; and ‘active conversation’.      TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  94  3.4.4.1. Participant observation. I used participant observation to immerse myself in the everyday lives and environments of the women to watch, listen, engage, and enquire across settings and time.  It was considered partial immersion because I did not fully participate; in other words, I did not engage in prostitution.  In the spirit of ethnography, I was interested in: (a) exploring the women’s lived experiences, and how these (and issues and priorities) were shaped by psychosocial, cultural, political, and economic undercurrents and forces; and (b) capturing any changes in the women’s narratives and life stories over time.  This contextualised, long-term tracking of participants often forms a critical part of ethnographic fieldwork in helping to unravel “variability, changefulness and ambiguity” in social-relational lifeworld phenomena (Rock, 2013, p. 29).  It is also recognised as helpful in social mapping and life history processes, and in following-up sex-trafficked individuals at various stages of transition (Cwikel & Hoban, 2005; Yea, 2017); and after leaving sex work (Brunovskis & Surtees, 2010).    3.4.4.2. General conversation. The ‘health and support’ focus of the social access and engagement with the women enabled me to develop a more casual and spontaneous manner of general conversation and an open narrative approach; in other words, verbal exchange was largely unstructured and responsive, and I kept questions as open-ended and minimal as possible (see also Hammersley & Atkinson, 2019).  I subsequently conceptualised general conversation as a distinct category of research activity that marked a transition from a more closed conversation and helped me better interpret the women’s narratives and stories. This notion of transition is illustrated by participant Nasha.  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  95  Closed conversation. Me.  “How are you faring tonight?”  Nasha. “I am fine.” General conversation. Me.  “How are you faring tonight?”  Nasha. “I am fine, but it is too cold, and there is no work tonight.  Nobody is around.  Are you travelling home soon?  Will you return me to my flat in your car?  I cannot walk far when I am cold and tired” (Ns:49). 3.4.4.3. Active conversation. I replaced the notion of active interviews with ‘active conversations’ to avoid two forms of social engagement.  The first was formal, unfamiliar procedures and language that could trigger wariness, discomfort, fear, and irritation in the women.  The second was pre-arranged interviews that posed challenges for those with difficulties in planning, timekeeping, remembering and adhering to appointment times, and also triggered anticipatory distress and irritation.   Active conversations shared the reflexive and interactional nature of active interviews in intentionally encouraging and prompting the women to express personal reflections, thought processes, perspectives, and experiences (see Fernqvist, 2010; Jachyra, 2014).  An important distinction was maintaining, as far as possible, a rhythm and flow of informal interaction and a sense of rapport and reciprocity.  To help facilitate this, I often shared contextually relevant experiences from my lifeworld in family, marriage, children, work, cooking, and housekeeping, taking care not to dominate the conversation.  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  96  I instigated the majority of active conversations with the women.  They occurred after I had discerned the circumstances, setting, and time to be as appropriate as possible; in other words, conducive to eliciting a deeper understanding or richer portrayal of a concept, and/or following up and exploring aspects of data previously collected.  The women also instigated active conversations.  They were mainly held in settings away from the streets and their peers to avoid pressure to keep quiet.  In the following illustration, Nasha instigates an active conversation as she jumps into the back of my car to receive a birthday present. Me.  “Happy birthday!  Congratulations!  Have you spoken with your  family today?” Nasha. “Thank you very much, I really appreciate!  [Pause].  My family  they do not even know it is my birthday.  In Nigeria, when you are poor, you are poor.  This is why no one in Nigeria celebrates a birthday.  Not like in Europe, where you can still buy things.  [Pause].  My birthday is making me do a lot of thinking.  I am getting older day by day.  I do not want to be doing this work.  I do not like this work.  When I stand on the street, I carry a great shame.  I need to get my [legal] papers so that I can go to courses and find other work.  I cannot stay here in this place where there is no help and try to do it alone.  Can you help me?” (Ns:1783). 3.4.5. Data Collection   I collected data from the outset of research activities with the women’s permission.  All data were anonymised using identifying codes as soon as possible.  Data comprised handwritten notes and audio recordings taken in the TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  97  field having met with the women, and also written, audio, visual, and audiovisual data from engaging with the women on social media and the mobile phone.   3.4.5.1. Data from engagement in the field.   I wrote field notes in the car immediately after meeting the women. I transferred these to the women’s electronic folders on my computer as soon as possible ready for analysis, before destroying the handwritten notes.  Any audio data from these meetings were captured using the recording facility on my phone.  I transferred this data to my computer as soon as possible ready for transcription and analysis, before deleting the recordings from my phone.  I included as many forms of verbal contribution as possible in the transcriptions (such as laughing, tutting and tribal clicking sounds) as well as non-verbal communication (such as pauses and hand gestures) to try and retain as far as possible the original sense and nature of the dialogue.  An extract from a full transcript on which the coding of the data was based is provided in Appendix C.   3.4.5.2. Data from social media and telephone calls.   I collected the data sent to me by the women on social media (i.e., Facebook [https://facebook.com], WhatsApp [https://www.whatsapp.com] and YouTube [http://youtube.com]) and, where appropriate, transformed them into written text and processed them as handwritten notes.  Telephone calls and voice messages were captured and processed as handwritten notes or audio recordings (noted above).  Visual data such as the WhatsApp poster in Figure 3.1. were transferred to the women’s folders on my computer as soon as possible ready for analysis.  (I refer to this poster in the Findings Chapter 5, Section 5.2.1.3.2.)  Audiovisual data were processed as audio recordings.    TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  98  Figure 3.1. An example of the women’s visual data (T:1693).          3.4.6. Data Analysis I sought a self-reflective form of data analysis to connect with and interpret highly contextual, actively constructed participant realities (i.e., responsive, dynamic and relational), and to explore and inductively develop tentative forms of insight, meaning-making, and storytelling from these realities.  I chose Braun and Clarke's “Big Q” reflexive form of thematic analysis (RTA; 2019, p. 594) because of the clarity, flexibility, and helpfulness of its procedures in: declaring qualitative philosophical orientations and theoretical assumptions; describing field settings and contexts in which meaning-making and storytelling are immersed; exploring challenging and sensitive phenomena over time (including lived experiences that can be changeable and difficult to discern); and concurrently collecting and analysing data that are organic, personally reflective, creative, and interpretative as data are continually and fluidly visited, revisited, reflected on, and questioned, essentially “with researcher subjectivity understood as a resource” (Braun & Clarke, 2019, p. 591).  Illustrative maps can be simultaneously created to assist with the development of themes of data and provide evidence of this process.  In contrast, “small q” thematic analysis  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  99  procedures are typically associated with post/positivist-empiricist philosophical orientations, tools, and techniques that tend to adhere to more linear and static analytical processes; and may lack the qualities of insight, meaning-making, and storytelling (Braun & Clarke, 2019, p. 594).   Braun and Clarke’s (2019) RTA also provided a helpful framework for analysing the data collected via patchwork ethnography guidelines for sex trafficking research (see Van der Pijl et al., 2011).  The guidelines focus on breaking free from commonplace, more conventional, scientific data collection and analysis grounded in notions of presupposed “shared knowledge, authoritative positioning and discrete perspectives” (Van der Pijl et al., 2011, p. 581) (noted in patchwork ethnography guidelines, Section 3.3.2.2. above).  The process involves concurrent data collection and analysis while spending prolonged time in the field with different parties and travelling across many locations (noted in Field Engagement, Section 3.4.3. above).  This increases the likelihood of encountering, capturing, and reflecting haphazard social-relational phenomena marked by “difference and distance, unfinished achievements, obstructed aspirations, black holes and disconnection”; and because of critical actors “rub[bing] up against each other” generating unpredictable, diverse, everyday social-relational “fragments” (Van der Pijl et al., 2011, p. 580).  These fragments include: • curious, unexpected, awkward and/or controversial social interrelational connections, interactions, alliances, and incompatibilities between key actors; • words and/or actions that may set in motion a series of events and repercussions;  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  100  • controversial perceptions, concepts, opinions, motivations, dreams or desires that may alienate or bond critical actors. Additionally, I followed Mai (2013b) in embracing the notion of a “fractally queer” space to creatively explore fine-grain, unusual, irregular, interpretive social-relational realities.  Exploration involves three main elements.  The first is focusing on shifts and tensions between “the fragment” (i.e., micro-level, marginal perspectives) and “the whole” (i.e., more macro-level generalised, mainstream perspectives; p. 9).  The second is visiting and revisiting personal stories in different contexts while simultaneously considering sensemaking alignments and oppositions for the participants and the researcher as a relative outsider.  The third is using meaningful fragments of social-relational phenomena as building blocks for the thematic development of core notions in the data.  Guidelines for using thematic analysis in psychology advocate researchers identifying the “right” coding tools for them in the context of the research project (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Terry et al., 2017, p. 18).  My use of NVivo software rather than a manual process in this study reflected my requirement to: (a) contextually track the women for a prolonged time (noted in Participant Observation, Section 3.4.4.1. above); and (b) flexibly and creatively develop and adapt analytical steps and processes as I engaged with high volumes of complex and unstable social-relational phenomena throughout the research (see Self-Reflective Data Analysis Chapter 4).     3.4.7. Data Storage, Evaluation and Disposal In line with the requirements of the University of Exeter Research Ethics and Governance Office and Psychology Ethics Committee (November 2018), collected data were stored on a computer dedicated to TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  101  research purposes in a locked, private office at home.  Data were backed-up on two separate external hard drives.  These were stored in a fireproof box in a separate locked room at home.  Supportive documentation (such as written and visual data waiting to be processed and the women’s healthcare reports) was also stored in this box.   I followed three modes of data storage, evaluation, and disposal procedures critical to the safety of sex-trafficked participants and their data (Cwikel & Hoban, 2005; Zimmerman & Watts, 2003).  First, written and visual data were destroyed at the end of the research period instead of archiving them.  Second, I evaluated the accuracy of typed transcripts against audio data through my computer instead of transferring sensitive and confidential data from one electronic storage facility to another.  Third, I destroyed audio data as soon as these were evaluated.   3.5. The Conundrum of Sex Trafficking Research  Having described the methods and corresponding ethical practices, this section is dedicated to the ethical considerations and practices employed for engaging with the participants.  Ethical considerations centre on: (a) getting the balance right in seeking to conduct sex trafficking research while unable to guarantee no harm to researchers and participants; and (b) ethics of care to help recognise and respond to powerful emotional and relational dimensions because of engaging with participants.  Ethical practices include: recruiting a safeguarder; maintaining independence of allegiance; complying with the instructions of the Madams; providing secure, purposeful social engagement; and minimising unwelcome and/or unhelpful responses.     TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  102  3.5.1. Ethical Considerations 3.5.1.1. Getting the balance right. Easton and Matthews (2020) describe how sex trafficking research is notoriously “alive” with ethical, moral and methodological challenges (p. 12).  It requires ethics committees to consider, interpret and apply ethical scrutiny and research governance across diverse, sensitive, and complex contexts, and to balance risks and costs as part of social responsibility.   A primary ethical consideration in reflexive, inductive forms of inquiry is “getting the balance right” and minimising harm for researchers and the researched (Easton & Matthews, 2020, p. 11).  On the one hand, these forms of inquiry can offer opportunities for researchers to connect with and learn from social-relational phenomena and research territory that are often highly challenging, sensitive, and marginalised (Braun & Clarke, 2019; Gemignani, 2011; Gemignani et al., 2014; Hesse-Biber & Piatelli, 2012; Yea, 2017).  Conversely, and as I explain below, the physical and psychological risks may not always be evident and carry the potential for significant harm (Cwikel & Hoban, 2005; Easton & Matthews, 2016).   Easton and Matthews (2016) also describe the “conundrum” of seeking to carry out sex trafficking research while unable to guarantee no harm (p. 12) and how “protective barriers of objectivity” are often imposed on researchers by the agendas and ethics of stakeholders to create relational distance or detachment (p. 577).  These authors advocate that researchers instead adopting a stance of “conscious partiality” (p. 13) to help facilitate and support the self-reflective exploration of lived perspectives.  This involves researchers engaging in two critical processes.  The first is to openly recognise the impact of their intimate familiarity with diverse, sensitive, and complex lived perspectives, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  103  the relationships formed with participants, and the corresponding “researcher emotion” (Easton & Matthews, 2016, p. 26).  The second is to minimise as far as possible any potential harm by incorporating research strategies that help recognise, respond to, and transform the researchers’ personal experiences of emotion.   In this study, powerful relational and emotional dimensions centred on recognising that as a white, European, older woman (in my 50s) with a dual role of researcher and support provider, I could not be considered entirely inside or outside any actively constructed social-relational process with the women.  As has been noted in auto/ethnographic research generally, degrees of ‘insiderness’ can change throughout the research process (Allen-Collinson, 2013).  I came alongside the women to varying degrees, knowing that relationships, circumstances and situations might unexpectedly, abruptly and/or permanently end at any moment.  The necessarily prolonged, unpredictable, unstable and precarious nature of engagement in the field and concurrent data analysis carried personal costs.  I often felt frustrated or anxious about the seeming lack of appropriate and effective support for the women.  This could manifest as fatigue and feeling ‘out of sorts’ as if ‘coming down with something’.  I also felt emotionally and physically ‘battered’ after field engagement because of trying to manage a bombardment of intensely sensitive, complex, meaningful (and often perplexing) social-relational phenomena; and simultaneously minimise potential harm for the women, and myself.  Smith, Allen-Collinson, Phoenix, Brown, & Sparkes (2009) sum this up as trying to navigate “how close is too close” and “how far is too far” (p. 342).  As contextual information, a reflexive account of this bombardment on the streets with the women at night is provided in Appendix B (see Section B.2.1.). TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  104  I next describe two research strategies that I developed to help: (a) openly recognise the impact of my intimate familiarity with the women’s lived experiential perspectives and the relationships formed with them; and (b) use and transform ‘researcher emotion’ to help minimise harm for the women, and myself; namely, researcher debriefing and ethics of care.   3.5.1.1.1. Researcher debriefing.  In the field of social justice and human rights, Chen and Gorski (2015) highlight the potential for severe psychological and physiological vulnerability and discomfort (or “burnout”) in people who commit to engaging with forces for social change and humanitarian notions of social justice, equity, and human rights (p. 1).  Symptoms include distress, anxiety, and exhaustion on hearing sensitive stories and personal experiences of loss, injustice, discrimination and abuse, and despair at the enormity of social problems.  This often results in reduced engagement in this important work and can lead to complete disengagement.  Zimmerman and Watts (2003) add that symptoms and feelings of burnout in those engaging with and researching trafficked women can lead to inappropriate desires to rescue individuals and make unrealistic promises, and unwelcome expressions of sympathy, empathy and even pity.   Easton and Matthews (2016) recommend that researchers prepare for significant impacts on their emotional, psychological, and physiological health by incorporating self-care into their research strategies.  They describe how talking with others about personal experiences can help recognise, respond to, and transform personal emotions, and can be facilitated through external, formal debriefing and supervision arrangements.  Potential constraints are highlighted as insufficient funding and weak forms of support, such as line managers who may not have experienced the emotional impact of field settings TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  105  and data analysis characterised by sexual intimacy, exploitation, and violence.  Easton and Matthews (2016) describe researchers grappling with hopelessness because of these constraints and resorting to personal social networks for support.   I drew on my experience as a healthcare professional to develop and engage in researcher debriefing with Cristian, my safeguarder, as a critical self-care strategy (see Recruiting a Safeguarder, Section 3.5.2.1. below).  The idea was to ensure as far as possible that the impact of the research on emotional, psychological, and physical health was voiced, acknowledged, and processed immediately after field engagement while still in the car and also more formally every week on neutral territory, better to include the impact of my engagement with the women’s data.  The debriefing process initially comprised the following steps: • purposefully and reflexively recalling specific situations and circumstances, key events and interactions in the field, practical and emotional factors, and personal impacts on emotional, psychological, and ‘corporeal’ health (i.e., more than just physiological);  • openly recognising, expressing, and exploring emotional, psychological, and physical responses and senses of personal capability and limitation;  • practising mindfulness of the present moment and drawing on pre-prepared breathing and visualisation techniques to facilitate this; • reflecting on and writing down in a personal notebook any insights and/or understandings of certain phenomena and un/helpful thought processes surrounding them (such as an inappropriate sense of hopelessness, and a deep desire to rescue the women);  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  106  • scheduling any self-care strategies or tactics that need putting into practice or development. I subsequently referred to Tracy’s (2005) ethnographic study of psychological distress associated with cognitive dissonance in professionals engaging in “emotion labor” in challenging and isolating environments and circumstances (p. 261) (noted in the Literature Review, Section 2.5.2.).  Tracy (2005) makes preliminary suggestions to help professionals prepare for, deal with, and survive personal experiences of cognitive dissonance.  These were incorporated into researcher debriefing as two additional steps: • openly recognising, expressing, and exploring experiences of cognitive dissonance;  • considering tactics to help restore cognitive equilibrium and wellness (such as mindfully exploring personal senses of “belongingness” with the role, realistic notions of success and how to navigate and manage the demands of the role); and drawing on strategic forms of social support and engagement that help confirm our “preferred sense of self” (Tracy, 2005, p. 264; p. 272, respectively). Finally, I incorporated Kelly and Coy’s (2016) interpretation of “what it means to be an ethical researcher” in the field of sex work and trafficking (p. 35) by ensuring the debriefing process was anchored in the following final step:  • recognising and considering purposes and intentions in the role and the women’s purposes, needs and rights. 3.5.1.1.2. Ethics of care.  I followed Reamer's (2016) conceptualisation of ethics of care as a reflexive, fluid, developing decision-making process throughout the research (a term first coined by Plummer in 1983 [see Plummer, 2001]).  It involved three TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  107  main steps: reflecting on the duties, responsibilities and relationships that were caring in nature; respecting individual differences, equality, and autonomy; and navigating the potential for confusing and conflicting relational and emotional dimensions to unfold.  In the current study, the principal relational dimensions grounded in ethics of care were power positioning and notions of ‘giving voice’.  I summarise these next, before describing how they were expressed in the ethical practices in terms of engaging with participants (Section 3.5.2. below). Power positioning.  Sociological ethnographer, Skeggs (2007), highlights the importance of openly declaring how power dilemmas are recognised and considered in the research (such as through heightened vigilance to hierarchical, patriarchal, and matriarchal positioning) to keep sight of the needs, rights, and welfare of participants; and also, the ethical intention of “non-exploitation” (p. 432).  As I explain below, the primary concerns regarding power relations in the current study centred on interplays between skin colour and socioeconomic and professional situations.   On the one hand, the participants were black Nigerian women working as irregular prostitutes and Madams and seeking social advantage and advancement in Spain.  On the other, I was a white English woman with legal migrant status in Spain, living in relatively privileged socioeconomic circumstances.  Additionally, I sought to become an accepted part of the women’s lifeworlds.  Many of the women expressed a desire to resettle in the UK to benefit from relatively easier access to and consistent supply of work, education, and social provision.  They also wanted white skin.  Some of them used cosmetic products to significantly lighten the colour of their faces (albeit crudely and temporarily) before attending appointments in hospitals and formal support organisations.  The intention was to try and heighten their social status TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  108  by reducing the likelihood of being associated with outdoor work, considered inferior and/or linked with sex work.  It seemed impossible to achieve this goal because support professionals were invariably white Spanish nationals who associated black, irregular, female migrants with prostitution, and who sought to comply with anti-trafficking and/or personal anti-sex work biases and agendas.  Many of the women wondered whether my strategic, white presence might open doors for them (i.e., gain access to basic healthcare, legal advice, social and policing assistance, and education, for example).  The unpredictable and, at times, potentially harmful nature of our consultations with support professionals (including a social worker, a gynaecologist, and the immigration police) is captured in reflexive accounts in Appendix B (see Power Positioning, Section B.3.).   Giving voice.  Skeggs (2007) highlights the danger of ethnographers “giving voice” to participants (p. 430) and inadvertently implying vulnerability that these participants would dispute.  She highlights the importance of acknowledging narratives and life stories as one version of potentially many; and trying to retain as far as possible the inevitable dissonance between the participants’ voices in the field and the researcher’s subsequent interpretations during analysis, meaning-making, and storytelling.  In sex work and trafficking research, Kelly and Coy (2016) conceptualise ‘giving voice’ as providing a respectful and appropriate platform for women’s voices while reflexively being aware of the impact of one’s thoughts and experiences.  I sought to do this in the current study.  I felt a strong, personal sense of care, loyalty, and obligation to try and stay as close as possible to the original intentions, contexts, settings and timings of field engagement, while acknowledging my presentation of the findings as one of potentially many versions, and inevitably shaped by the TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  109  impact of my lifeworld, motivations, intentions, and research approach.  (The Self-Reflective Data Analysis Chapter 4 describes and illustrates this process, and how I identified and used eight seeming paradoxes as the storytelling progressed to frame the findings as a series of irregular, interpretive realities and concepts, rather than one unitary, coherent story.)  As contextual information, reflexive accounts of seeking to ‘give voice’ to Precious during a rare job interview, and to Temi while visiting a women’s shelter are provided in Appendix B (see Sections B.4.1. and B.4.2., respectively).    3.5.2. Ethical Practices: Engaging with Participants The ethical practices, with which I engaged through the research, sought to reflect the above emotional and relational dimensions and, in terms of engaging with participants, they included: recruiting a safeguarder; maintaining independence of allegiance; complying with the instructions of the Madams; providing secure, purposeful social engagement; and minimising unwelcome and/or unhelpful responses.  These are discussed next. 3.5.2.1. Recruiting a safeguarder. Critical advice offered by Anna (the support worker noted above) included recruiting a safeguarder.  Anna suggested that a male safeguarder should always accompany me with his phone and emergency numbers to hand because of potentially high levels of unpredictability and volatility in the field and low levels of social protection.  Consequently, I recruited Cristian, a colleague with longstanding experience in support work with complex, sensitive, unstable, and often emotionally charged individuals and groups of people.  Therefore, a Lone Worker Policy was considered unnecessary (University of Exeter Research Ethics and Governance Office and Psychology Ethics Committee, November 2018).   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  110  In nighttime settings, Cristian stood a small distance away to get a better sense of our surroundings and alert the women and myself to potential or actual forms of danger.  These included: pedestrians approaching us in an aggressive or agitated manner and/or heavily influenced by alcohol or drugs; vehicles driving directly towards us; and the women and/or myself inadvertently drifting into the street while deeply conversing with one another.   In daytime settings, Cristian monitored our immediate social environments to help ensure the women and I were as secure and comfortable as possible in potentially unpredictable and chaotic circumstances and situations.  He checked seat belts, for example, drove and navigated local and long-distance road trips, helped to locate venues, parked the car, carried heavy items, opened doors ahead of us, and found seats and refreshments.  The women’s responses to him were positive.  Only in the earliest days of field engagement did one of the women ask me if Cristian’s attentive behaviour indicated he was considering her as a potential wife, and some of the younger women wondered if Cristian was a potential customer.  These situations were acknowledged and addressed immediately and respectfully as follows: Cristian heightened his vigilance to placing professional conduct, safety, and welfare at the centre of all engagement; and I regularly spoke with all the women to help ensure a continuing understanding of the purposes and contexts of Cristian’s role and presence. 3.5.2.2. Maintaining independence of allegiance.  The migration and trafficking literature draw attention to ethical issues often perceived as contentious in sex trafficking research (see Cwikel & Hoban, 2005; Easton & Matthews, 2016; Kelly & Coy, 2016; Zimmerman & Watts, 2003).  A primary concern is researchers seeking access to field settings by TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  111  approaching existing anti-sex trafficking organisations, and consequently becoming exposed to and potentially aligned with biases, stereotypes, and agendas.  It cannot be assumed, for example, that sex-trafficked individuals consider themselves traumatised and/or victims, wish to escape from current circumstances, and/or to return to their countries of origin (see Brunovskis & Surtees, 2010; Cwikel & Hoban, 2005; Kelly & Coy, 2016; Zimmerman & Watts, 2003).   These authors suggest researchers maintain, as far as possible, an independence of allegiance to help: • ensure as much open-minded and critical awareness as possible when increasing and balancing their understanding of sex trafficking phenomena; • remain vigilant to the impact of seeming sex trafficking realities and corresponding concerns with risks, threats, safety procedures, and ethics;  • recruit participants independently to avoid individuals entering the research process through a third-party organisation that may have screened them beforehand.  In the current study, maintaining these forms of independence enabled me to liaise directly with local formal support organisations and gauge and follow their capacity and willingness to assist irregular migrant sex workers and agents.  It also helped me address the ethical dilemma of whether to intervene in the circumstances of illegal acts (see Brunovskis & Surtees, 2010; Cwikel & Hoban, 2005; Siegel & Wildt, 2016).  The women were often found to breach the law, and their customers included government officials such as the police.  My independence enabled me not to intervene, forming a currency of trust with TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  112  the women (University of Exeter Research Ethics and Governance Office and Psychology Ethics Committee, November 2018).   3.5.2.3. Complying with the instructions of the Madams. The final advice offered by Anna (the support worker noted above) was to comply with the requirements and restrictions set by the women’s agents, obtain their permission to speak with sex workers on the street or in other locations, and stop immediately if asked to do so.  She illustrated this advice with the following story.   Anna gained permission from a pimp to speak with a street walker (a young woman in her 20s) for five minutes.  The conversation was going so well that she continued for a moment or two longer.  As Anna finally brought the conversation to a close, the pimp calmly approached the young girl, grabbed her hair, and hit her head against a wall.  Nothing was said.  He returned to his car.  From then on, Anna spoke with street walkers with the alarm clock on her phone held above her head in full view of the pimps to demonstrate her vigilance and compliance with their instructions.   This story had a powerful and helpful personal impact.  I always responded respectfully and promptly to the Madams’ verbal cues and body language, which developed into a tendency for them to mark the end of conversations by saying politely and matter-of-factly, “You will leave now”, followed by, “Thank you very much, I appreciate” Hz:49).    3.5.2.4. Providing secure, purposeful social engagement. A primary concern expressed in guidelines for interviewing sex-trafficked women (Zimmerman & Watts, 2003) is the tendency for professionals to want to offer advice or assistance instead of respecting personal choices and refusals of help.  They make the point that this can cause harm to the women.  I followed TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  113  Zimmerman and Watts (2003) in seeking to provide the women with onward referral to healthcare services and subsequently added other pathways of interest to the women (see Daytime Engagement, Section 3.4.3.2. above).   I developed the following steps for onward referral to help ensure the women received secure and purposeful forms of social engagement and that their perspectives and choices were understood and respected as far as possible:   • expressing gentle curiosity about why they had agreed to or requested a purposeful form of social engagement; • exploring together the women’s hopes, motivations, intentions, and agendas behind the engagement and the potential risks and benefits; • considering together the potential needs, expectations, and agendas of support professionals during the engagement, the implications for the women, and how they might manage, navigate and, if necessary, recover from them;   • inviting the women to ask questions;  • clarifying matters by asking the women to describe their understandings of the proposed social engagement, whether they had any concerns about the arrangement, venue, and timing, and/or wished to make changes;  • ensuring the women understood they could opt out or reschedule without a problem. I followed Zimmerman and Watts' (2003) suggestion of not overstating the level of assistance that might be available to the women.  This proved relevant and helpful because Spanish support organisations often demonstrated unpredictable, variable, and changeable levels of response and reliability (noted in Section 3.5.1.1.2. above). TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  114  Purposeful social engagement could trigger emotional and psychological responses in the women, such as happiness and hope for the future, or unhappiness and hopelessness about their current situations.  Therefore, I developed and incorporated ‘participant debriefing’ that involved discussing the social engagement afterwards, providing a realistic verbal summary of what had happened and any next steps.  If necessary, I brought to the fore the women’s self-reported strengths of character and coping strategies, and facilitated talking about helpful resources they may have successfully drawn on in the past and might do so again now and in the future.   3.5.2.5. Minimising unwelcome and/or unhelpful responses. In Section 3.2.1.2. above (Sensitivity to Ethnography), I described the need to develop a greater capacity to bracket (as far as possible) what I understood to be real, valid and true, better to: (a) embrace as far as possible the women’s beliefs, attitudes and behaviours as equally subjectively credible; and (b) minimise what could be considered unwelcome and/or unhelpful reactions or responses.  Examples included raising a sensitive issue during conversations, reacting too emotionally to dilemmas faced by the women, or attending to what they said or did too intensely.  Changes in the women's behaviour could signal that I had reacted or responded inappropriately.  They could suddenly become concerned about divulging too much personal information, for example, and worry about my welfare rather than their own.  As contextual information, a reflexive account of responding in helpful and unhelpful ways during daytime engagement with Participant Nasha in my car is provided in Appendix B (see Section B.5.1.).  The women could also express concern when aspects of their personal stories changed, as illustrated by Participant Temi in the reflexive account of visiting a women’s shelter together TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  115  (see Appendix B, Section B.4.2.).  Other changes in the women’s behaviour included becoming uncharacteristically forgetful and disoriented, starting to fidget, grimace and shift body position, avoiding eye contact, or becoming less animated and staring into space or focusing solely on their phones.  On these occasions, I: adapted verbal communication to help ensure the women felt listened to and understood (see Section 3.4.2.3.1. above); changed the topic of conversation; considered moving us to a more secure environment; and/or sensitively paused or ended the social interaction.  Signs that these responses were helping included the women regaining composure, breathing more steadily and deeply, regaining eye contact, sighing, and laughing.   Throughout the current study, I sought to develop my capacity for bracketing and/or embracing (rather than inadvertently reacting to) personal perspectives by using mindful listening as much as possible.  This involved focusing on the complete message being communicated behind the words and on my breathing (7 breaths in and 11 breaths out) to help create distance from thoughts while remaining vigilant to the needs of the women and my reactions and responses to them.  As contextual information, a final reflexive account of seeking to embrace the personal perspectives of Participant Abigail as we visit a preventive sexual health clinic together is provided in Appendix B (see Section B.5.2.).   3.6. Chapter Summary This chapter described the methodology and methods employed in this study.  I summarised my position in the research, why it was set in Spain and the research paradigm (an inductive approach and a pluralist, interpretive, more holistic perspective).  I discussed the methodological strategy of ethnographic fieldwork in long-term psychology research, and the innovative suggested TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  116  patchwork ethnography guidelines for sex trafficking research (see Van der Pijl et al., 2011).  In keeping with the chronology of this current study, I described preparing the field for research, and the methods and ethical practices employed for subsequent recruitment, field engagement, research activities, and data collection, analysis, storage, evaluation, and disposal.  I then described the ethical considerations and practices that were adapted, developed, and refined as the research progressed specifically related to seeking to conduct sex trafficking research while unable to guarantee no harm to researchers and participants; and recognising and responding to powerful emotional and relational dimensions because of engaging with participants.  Ethical practices included: recruiting a safeguarder; complying with the instructions of the Madams; providing secure, purposeful social engagement; and minimising unwelcome and unhelpful responses.   Because of the necessary size and complexity of this chapter, the next Chapter 4 (Self-Reflective Data Analysis) focuses explicitly on my personal and methodological approaches to the reflexive analysis of the women’s data, and provides a helpful, separate space to fully describe and illustrate my active, creative engagement with complex social-relational phenomena.      TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  117  Chapter 4. Self-Reflective Data Analysis “The more we know, the less we will objectify it as a single unifying experience.”  (Carbonero & Gómez Garrido, 2018, p. 396)  This chapter is dedicated to my personal and methodological approaches to the reflexive analysis of the women’s data corresponding with the Methods and Methodology Chapter 3 (see Data Analysis, Section 3.4.6.).  The standalone format reflects the size and complexity of Chapter 3 and a pragmatic decision to provide a helpful, separate space to fully describe and illustrate my active, creative engagement with complex social-relational phenomena.  It focuses explicitly on the recursive steps I adapted from reflexive thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2019) as raw data becomes coded, themed, contextualised, and interpreted into storytelling.  These steps resonate with ‘patchwork’ ethnography guidelines for sex trafficking research (see Van der Pijl et al., 2011) and the ethos of Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (1957) to help manage and understand shifting sensemaking and decision-making phenomena identified in the women’s data.   4.1. Enacting Reflexive Thematic Analysis This section describes the following processes: identifying initial codes, themes, and sub-themes; developing two main themes; forming and developing contextual lenses; developing the storytelling; finalising analytical and storytelling processes.   4.1.1. Identifying Initial Codes, Themes and Sub-Themes I identified potential initial codes by reading, re-reading, immersing myself in, and interpreting the women’s data from the outset of collection and creating brief descriptions that captured key features.  I explored how these TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  118  codes might relate to one another and/or be merged, subdivided, or discarded.  I then systematically allocated the women’s data to each code, going beyond semantic content to include more latent content that might help further explore underlying ideas, concepts, and assumptions.  I continually analysed the codes to ensure they linked as strongly as possible to the data and began loosely arranging them into meaningful groups (i.e., united by a core concept) to form potential initial main themes and sub-themes (see Table 4.1.).   Table 4.1. Coding. Developing main themes and sub-themes in the women’s data. Example Codes Main Theme Sub-Theme “The people where I come from, they don’t have work; they don’t have money; they don’t have eat” (Hn:2023). “Nigerian girls, they will sleep with a boy to get things. The problem is that you don’t want me to thief, but I don’t have food to eat” (Hn:1105).  Migrating from Nigeria Migration Motivations “A lot of girls, they look for a way to come here.  Immediately they hear ‘Europe’, they don’t ask any question! … They just assume, ‘Yes’, I’m just going to do prostitution; I’m going to make a lot of money” (R:1511). “It's a business that everybody, almost everybody, I will say, do it. So, somebody brings you. When you finish paying, you bring somebody, and when that person finish paying, they bring another person.  There is a cycle just going on” (R:1908). Migrating from Nigeria Migration Arrangements Field note. Zara travelled from the rescue shelter to a different city. She took a taxi to the flat of a Madam (Hazika) and now shares a room with Abigail in place of Zula (Za:22). Field note. Zara and Abigail asked for help with legal documents so they could live independently. They are looking for a private flat, but Hazika won’t release them without paying a fine (A:379).  Resettling in Spain Day-to-day living   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  119  Example Codes Main Theme Sub-Theme “[A Madam] will call the girl. ‘How much did you work today? You have 100 euros? How much ‘til you have 200?’. Maybe the girl will come with less money, and she will start beating the girl, ‘No! You supposed to bring 500!  You supposed to bring 1000!’ and start beating her like a fool” (Hn:1017).  Resettling in Spain Day-to-day living “I’m very angry with those ones that does not look for that opportunity, that option of not being on the street.  Risking your life every day” (R:1813).   “My prayer for my future is a husband, a house, and kids. But I need to find normal work first” (D:20). Resettling in Spain Life after sex work I developed a series of provisional illustrative thematic maps of the data and reviewed their validity by continually checking that the codes were allocated to the most relevant and clearly defined main themes and sub-themes; and that the maps provided strong reflections of the codes and meanings in the data in their entirety.   4.1.2. Developing Two Main Themes During the early stages of data analysis, I conceptualised the main themes of data as static “buckets” in which to place codes with a shared, related meaning (Braun & Clarke, 2019, p. 594).  I referred to and adapted Zimmerman et al.'s (2011) illustration of a human trafficking process (in the context of health policy intervention) to try and capture the strong notion in the women’s data of a long migratory journey (see Figure 4.1.).     TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  120  Figure 4.1. Stages of the human trafficking process (Zimmerman et al., 2011).  A resulting map is illustrated in Figure 4.2. Figure 4.2. Capturing main themes as data buckets.  This map provided a critical starting point but risked over-simplifying and inaccurately portraying the women’s journeys as sequential, linear and coherent.  Subsequent maps needed to reflect unpredictability in the women’s data, and complications and restrictions associated with notions of movement and freedom.  Consequently, I reconceptualised data buckets as “analytic outputs” (Braun & Clarke, 2019, p. 594) that would be developed throughout the analytical process to honour the personal, fluid, flexible, and changeable nature of the women’s lived accounts as faithfully as possible.  This involved intensive,  Migrating from NigeriaResettling in Spain Sex WorkLife After Sex Work TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  121  reflective, and deeply thoughtful grappling with the data.  I simultaneously referred to McKay and Ross's (2010) illustration of balancing challenges and facilitators of a transitional journey.  This helped me incorporate temporality into the analysis and consider notions of the women managing and navigating constantly fluctuating priorities and needs over time; and how formal support organisations hindered and/or helped them (see Figure 4.3.).   Figure 4.3. Balancing challenges and facilitators during transition (McKay & Ross, 2010).           In the main themes, I began reflecting strong notions of changeability and unpredictability in the women’s data (‘Resettling in Spain’ was renamed ‘Resetting in Spain, or not’, for example) and sub-themes more clearly focused on factual and practical aspects, such as the women’s immediate circumstances and next steps, and needs for assistance and support.  I supported sub-themes with direct quotes from the women to try and capture the essence and rhythms of lived accounts; in other words, bring the maps to life (see Figure 4.4.).     TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  122  Figure 4.4. Capturing main themes and sub-themes as analytic outputs.   As I continued merging, dividing, and discarding, I condensed the four main themes into ‘Migrating from Nigeria’ and’ Resettling in Spain’.  Consequently, the first main theme, ‘Migrating from Nigeria’, comprised the sub-themes ‘Motivations to Migrate’ and ‘Migration Arrangements’.  ‘Motivations to Migrate’ captured day-to-day socioeconomic hardship in Nigeria, intra-familial roles assigned to wives and daughters, and associated dilemmas of social  Migrating from NigeriaMotivations to Migrate- Family circumstances- Family provision- Seeking material wealthMigration Arrangements- Involvement of key others- Ritual oath- Debt bondage"All those Madams that are bringing girls, I remember! ... they take your panties, they take your blood, they cut the hair ... all those curses that they do!" (Hn:1176).Resettling in Spain (or not)Immediate Circumstances and Next Step- Arriving at the shelter- 'Escaping' and resettling“That is the main, main problem: maybe if I am in the rescue shelter, I will not be able to take care of my family.  So, it’s better for me that I leave there, working.  Because we think that, in the street, we can be able to have money.  It’s better” (B:2336).Priorities and Needs for Assitance and Support- Health- Legal and policing- Social, welfare, vocationalSex WorkingNighttime Prostitution- Hours, conditions and experiencesSex Clubs  - Hours, conditions and experiences- Rotating between the street and clubs•-A Day in the Life- Conditions and experiences of day-to-day home lifeRelationships with:- Customers- Madams- Family members - Key others- Support agencies- Between sex workers"I took one bad customer one day. ..  He was on top of me .. using blows with fist. .. I don't know how to fight. .. I am afraid to go and work if there is that level of hatred" (P:1825).Restarting LifeAfter Sex Work (or not)Motivations to Leave Prostitution- 'Normal' work - Husband, home, children- Legal status, free movement- Mental/physical health- More moneyPriorities and Needs, and Response Efforts- Health- Legal and policing- Social, welfare, vocational“I am not happy.  I am all alone all day and night.  I am fighting being sad.  I have four children; they are not with me.  I have no documents, no ['normal'] job ... All my life, I have pain.  I can no longer be afraid of the peace of death” (L:1394).Attempts to Restart Life- Marriage- Work contracts- MigrationTENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  123  provision.  ‘Migration Arrangements’ reflected instigation, recruitment and formal agreement processes (see Figure 4.5.).  To avoid unnecessary repetition, these themes and sub-themes are fully described at the beginning of the Findings Chapter 5. Figure 4.5. The final map of Migrating from Nigeria.           The second main theme, ‘Resettling in Spain’, comprised the sub-themes ‘Sex Work’ and ‘Life After Sex Work’.  An initial, developing map of ‘Sex Work’ captured the following phenomena: (a) the women’s resettlement priorities of sending goods and money to their families in Nigeria and repaying their sponsorship debts; (b) day-to-day living and street walking for both ‘Madam Girls’ (i.e., sex workers living with their Madams) and independent prostitutes; (c) associated risks and risk management; (d) the notion of ‘house work’ (i.e., rotating to different ‘fun houses’ to satisfy customer demand for a continual stream of new girls); and (e) the women’s associated priorities and needs.  A developing map of ‘Life After Sex Work’ captured the women’s future aspirations to live a ‘normal’ regular life and their associated priorities and needs (see Figure 4.6.).    MIGRATING FROM NIGERIAMotivations to Migrate⬧ Day to day socioeconomic hardship- Intra-familial roles assigned to wives and daughters⬧ Dilemmas of social provisionMigration Arrangements⬧ Instigation and recruitment- Madam cycle⬧ Formal agreement- Ritual oath- Sponsorship debt- ConsentTENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  124  Figure 4.6. A developing map of Resettling in Spain.             This map was refined to the final version in Figure 4.7. Figure 4.7.   The final map of Resettling in Spain.            4.1.3. Forming and Developing Contextual Lenses In keeping with ethnographic and qualitative research in general, I was aware that high levels of contextual messiness in the women’s data had not yet been accounted for in the maps (i.e., seemingly volatile, conflicting, ambiguous and confusing phenomena).  I tried to capture this critical complexity through  RESETTLING IN SPAINSex Work⬧ Resettlement priorities- Sending goods and money to Nigeria- Repaying sponsorship debts⬧ Day-to-day living and working- Madam girls- Independent prostitutes- Risks and risk management⬧ House work ⬧ Priorities and needs- Distancing from the police- Legal documentation- Accessing healthcareLife After Sex Work⬧ Future aspirations- A normal life- Normal work- Hope for the future⬧ Priorities and needs- Legal documentation- Health and wellbeing- Social and welfare- Family demands RESETTLING IN SPAINSex Work⬧ Day-to-day living and street walking- Madam Girls- Independent prostitutes- Risks and risk management⬧ House work ⬧ Needs and obstacles- Legal migrant statusLife After Sex Work⬧ Aspirations for a better life- Finding normal work- Trading with NigeriaTENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  125  underlying themes that focused on notions of being Nigerian, victimhood, agency, religious beliefs and practices, and power dynamics (see Figure 4.8).  Figure 4.8. Underlying themes of contextual messiness in the women’s data.              In contrast with the more factual and practical nature of the main themes and sub-themes, these underlying themes reflected deeper, more existential, personal aspects of the women’s data that flowed through and appeared inseparable from their lives.  Much of the messiness stemmed from what might be deemed, from a positivist perspective, ‘inconsistency’ in the data (particularly shifting social-relational sensemaking and decision-making phenomena); and that could seem contradictory from my outsider perspective and yet constitute everyday, logical, common sense for the women.  I arrived at the idea of employing Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957) as an analytical focus to help manage and understand these phenomena (noted in Chapter 3, Data Analysis, Section 3.4.6.).  This combined approach of reflexive  Underlying ThemesBeing Nigerian- About Nigeria- Nigerian characteristics and tendencies- Meaningful events and expressions (e.g., hopes, fears, priorities)Victimhood and/or Agency- Expressions of victimhood and/or social agency- Overlaps and/or separations between them- Senses of freedom and/or oppressionReligious Beliefs and Practices- Christian concepts (e.g., songs, prayers, preaches, messages, terminology)- Engagement with the Christian church and/or applications of Christian faith- Overlaps and/or separations between modern and traditional indigenous spiritualityPower Dynamics- Interactions/interrelationships between sex workers, madams, families and key othersTENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  126  thematic analysis and reference to CDT helped me stay as close as possible to the contexts of the women’s narratives and yet also consider their impact on the findings.  Additionally, it enabled me to consider sensemaking and decision-making alignments and oppositions for the women, and myself.  During this process, I reconceptualised underlying themes as contextual lenses through which to visit and re-visit main themes and sub-themes continually.  These became condensed into three lenses.  ‘Social Systems’ sought to capture the impacts on the women of dominant Nigerian political, marital and childrearing systems.  ‘Power Dynamics’ sought to capture notions such as voluntariness, agency, autonomy, coercion, oppression, and vulnerability.  ‘Faith Norms’ sought to capture everyday modern and traditional spiritual phenomena, such as beliefs, language, objects and practices, and notions of judgement, culpability, responsibility, and obligation (see Figure 4.9.). Figure 4.9. Reconceptualising underlying themes as contextual lenses.  Contextual LensesSocial SystemsKey characteristics and impacts of politics, marriage and childrearing“One bad way ... in Africa, is the way they bring us up. Our upbringing is very wrong. … We are too conscious of material things. … People are just too desperate to make money ... to become somebody” (R: 2367).Power DynamicsNotions of voluntariness, agency, freedom, autonomy, empowerment, coercion, oppression, exploitation, abuse, suffering and vulnerability “In the situation that I am mistreated, then I am a victim. … then, when you leave the situation, you forget about it ... the situation is just passing by. So, that is how it is. I am an independent woman” (Ns:461).Faith NormsModern and traditional spiritual beliefs and understandings, language, objects, practices and processes.  Concepts such as judgement, morality, responsibility, obligationSung by Zara, Bayo and Temi while awaiting customers. "We are a chosen generation, called forth to show His excellence. All I require for life, God has given me, and I know who I am. … I'm working in power. I'm working in miracles. I live a life of favor ... I am so rich. I am beautiful. … Take a look at me, I'm a wonder. It doesn't matter what you see …I know who I am” (T:1571).TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  127  I continued visiting and re-visiting the main themes and sub-themes through these lenses and developed and finalised illustrative thematic maps for each of the four sub-themes (i.e., ‘Motivations to Migrate’, ‘Migration Arrangements’, ‘Sex Work’, and ‘Life After Sex Work’).   4.1.3.1. Motivations to migrate.  A developing contextual map of the first sub-theme, ‘Motivations to Migrate’, is illustrated in Figure 4.10.  The Social Systems lens captured: political, marital and childrearing systems, and corresponding notions of crime; exploitation and oppression; polygamous marriage; and the perpetuation of hierarchical sibling responsibility for social provision.  These systems were interwoven with power dynamics associated with hopes for future transformation, family warfare and striving for social provision.  The Faith Norms lens captured interplays with modern and traditional indigenous spirituality.   Figure 4.10.   A developing contextual map of Motivations to Migrate.         This map was refined over time to the final version in Figure 4.11. and is fully described in the Findings Chapter 5 to avoid repetition.  The symbols P2 to P5 correspond to the paradoxes in Table 4.3. below).    SOCIAL SYSTEMSPolitical⬧ Crime, exploitation  and oppression- Un/acceptable formsMarital⬧ Polygamy- Over-emphasis on material wealthChildrearing⬧ Hierarchical sibling responsibility for social provision - Standing for and against materialismPOWER DYNAMICS⬧ Hopes for future transformation - Moving away from/towards the Nigerian mindset⬧ Family warfare - Wives battling with wives- Favouritism⬧ Striving for social provision- Un/acceptable formsFAITH NORMS⬧ Interplays with modern and  traditional indigenous spirituality - Un/acceptabe forms of multiple spiritualityTENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  128  Figure 4.11. The final contextual map of Motivations to Migrate.          4.1.3.2. Migration arrangements. A developing contextual map of the second sub-theme, ‘Migration Arrangements’, is illustrated in Figure 4.12.  The Power Dynamics lens captured notions of tough mothers during instigation, dishonest sisters during recruitment, and willing daughters during formal agreements.   Figure 4.12. A developing contextual map of Migration Arrangements.          POWER DYNAMICSInstigation⬧ Tough mothers- Tipping point.  Migrant sex work becomes reconceptualised as child sex traffickingRecruitment⬧ Dishonest sisters- Misrepresentating overseas sex work; self-imposed povertyFormal agreement⬧ Willing daughters - Un/acceptable forms of deception SOCIAL SYSTEMSPolitical⬧ Crime, exploitation, and oppression- Un/acceptable forms of crime, exploitation, and oppression (P2)Marital⬧ PolygamyChildrearing⬧ Over-emphasising material wealth- Un/acceptable forms of materialistic behaviour (P4)⬧ Hierarchical sibling responsibility for social provisionPOWER DYNAMICS⬧ Hopes for self-transformation - Moving away from and towards the Nigerian mindset (P3)⬧ Family  warfare FAITH NORMS⬧ Simultaneous practice of traditional indigenous religion and   Christianity - Un/acceptabe forms of multiple spirituality (P5)TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  129  This map was refined to the final version in Figure 4.13. and is fully described in the Findings Chapter 5 to avoid repetition.  The symbols P6 to P8 correspond to Table 4.3. below. Figure 4.13.   The final contextual map of Migration Arrangements.          4.1.3.3. Sex work. A developing contextual map of the third sub-theme, ‘Sex Work’, is illustrated in Figure 4.14.  The Social Systems lens captured family and work systems interwoven with power dynamics associated with the women’s navigation of associated demands alongside multiple forms of spirituality.   Figure 4.14.   A developing contextual map of Sex Work.               This map was refined to the final version in Figure 4.15 and is fully described in the Findings Chapter 6.      SOCIAL SYSTEMSFamily⬧ Social provisionWork⬧ Madam protocolsPOWER DYNAMICS⬧ Navigating family demands⬧ Navigating Madam demandsFAITH NORMS⬧ Interplays with modern and  traditional indigenous spirituality - Un/acceptabe forms of multiple spirituality (P5) POWER DYNAMICS⬧ Instigation by tough mothers- Un/acceptable forms of migrant sex work (P6)⬧ Recruitment by dishonest sisters- Mis/representing migrant sex work (P7)⬧ The formal agreement of willing daughters- Unstable notions of consent (P8)TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  130  Figure 4.15.   The final contextual map of Sex Work.     [insert]          4.1.3.4. Life after sex work. A developing contextual map of the final, fourth sub-theme, ‘Life After Sex Work’, is illustrated in Figure 4.16.  The Social System lens captured the process of self-transformation interwoven with power dynamics associated with the women’s navigation of options to maintain and achieve this.  The Faith Norms lens captured interplays with modern and traditional indigenous spirituality and the critical importance of doing ‘good work’ as a mark of self-transformation.   Figure 4.16.   A developing contextual map of Life After Sex Work.    [insert brief explanation here]     This map was refined to the final version in Figure 4.17 and is fully described in the Findings Chapter 6.    SOCIAL SYSTEMSSelf-transformation⬧ From "cockroaches" to women of purpose, value, and respectPOWER DYNAMICS⬧ Navigating options- Accept any normal job- Become an independent prostitute- Marry a nice man- Draw on charity organisationsFAITH NORMS⬧ Interplays of social systems and power dynamics with Christianity and traditional indigenous spirituality  SOCIAL SYSTEMSFamily⬧ Sending goods and money to NigeriaWork⬧ Madam protocolsPOWER DYNAMICS⬧ Navigating socioeconomic demands- Un/acceptable rebellion⬧ Navigating Madam protocols- Un/acceptable rebellionFAITH NORMS⬧ Simultaneous practice of Christianty and traditional indigenous spirituality - Spiritual protection- White and black Christian churchesTENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  131  Figure 4.17.   The final contextual map of Life After Sex Work.           4.1.4. Developing the Storytelling I used the developing main themes, sub-themes and contextual lenses as a framework for the narrative, or storytelling (i.e., writing the findings).  I identified 11 initial paradoxes running through them (see Table 4.2.).  Table 4.2. Coding.  An initial series of 11 paradoxes (P) in the findings. P Description P Description 1 The women move away from Nigerian social structures and forces threatening their well-being and life, and towards them in Spain. 2 They object to and advocate various forms of criminal activity. (Un/acceptable forms of crime, exploitation, and oppression.) 3 They hope for emancipation in the face of oppressive structures and forces, and yet perpetuate them. (Un/acceptable forms of oppression.)   4 The women approve and disapprove of seeking greater material wealth. (Un/acceptable forms of striving and wealth). 5 The women practise multiple forms of spirituality and object to those not solely worshipping a Christian God.  (Un/acceptable forms of multiple spirituality.) 6 They object to and advocate irregular migratory sex work as a means of social provision. (Un/acceptable forms of provision.) 7 They object to and advocate mothers arranging migration for their daughters. (Un/acceptable arrangements.) 8 One form of irregular sex work can tarnish the respectful reputation of another. (Un/acceptable sex work.)   9 The women move away from socioeconomic hardship and impose it on themselves in Spain to give false impressions of wealth. (Un/acceptable demonstrations of wealth.)  10 Daughters willingly engage in migrant sex work despite openly misleading representations from recruiters. (Un/acceptable forms of mis/representation.) 11 The women believe they consented to overseas sex work despite having been deceived.  (Un/acceptable consent.)    SOCIAL SYSTEMSSelf-transformation⬧ From "cockroaches" to women of purpose, value, and respectPOWER DYNAMICS⬧ Navigating options to achieve and maintain transformation- Get a normal job- Get married- Draw on charity organisationsFAITH NORMS⬧ Simultaneous practice of Christianty and traditional indigenous spirituality - "Doing good works" TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  132   These paradoxes created a trail of highly fluid, personal, contextual notions of right, wrong, good, bad, un/wise, un/reasonable, and un/acceptable phenomena across settings and time.  I arrived at the idea that the paradoxes reflected the women gauging, managing, and navigating what they considered their two main, morally ‘good’ socioeconomic migration intentions as they sought better lives; namely, to provide for their families, and become transformed into women of purpose, value, and respect.  The women’s descriptions and illustrations of psychological navigational strategies and tools supported this idea.  They consisted of: a moral-ethical scale; the notion of a unified Nigerian mindset grounded in traditional indigenous spirituality; and a moderator of highly pragmatic, personal, and contextual notions of wisdom (shortened to ‘pragmatic wisdom’).  Over time, and with analytic work, I condensed these paradoxes to eight (see Table 4.3). Table 4.3. Coding. The final series of eight paradoxes (P) in the findings. P Description P Description 1 Moving away from and towards risks to well-being and life. 2 Un/acceptable forms of crime, exploitation, and oppression. 3 Moving away from and towards the Nigerian mindset.  4 Un/acceptable forms of materialistic behaviour. 5 Un/acceptable forms of multiple spirituality. 6 Un/acceptable forms of migrant sex work. 7 Mis/representing migrant sex work. 8 Unstable notions of voluntary consent.  As storytelling progressed, I used the paradoxes as an organisational framework to discuss the findings as a series of irregular, interpretive realities and concepts (rather than one unitary, coherent story).  The sense of tension between the women’s personal, contextual perspectives and some persistent, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  133  dominant, and more macro-level concepts associated with irregular migrant sex work was developed in two ways.  First, the patchwork ethnography analytical focus heightened my sensitivity to more diverse, haphazard, everyday and “necessarily fragmented” social-relational phenomena, such as awkward connections, interactions, alliances, and incompatibilities between key actors; and controversial perceptions, concepts and opinions that might alienate or bond key actors (Van der Pijl et al., 2011, p. 580) (see Table 4.4. below).  Second, Tsing’s (2005) foundational patchwork understanding (as noted in Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2.2.) heightened my sensitivity to the potential for “friction” between seemingly “practical” global understandings, assumptions, and interventions (that can override critical cultural differences), and local encounters of, and resistance to them (see Van der Pijl et al., 2011, p. 567).  I referred to Dahlberg and Krug's (2006) illustration of a multi-level socioecological model (in the context of health policy intervention) to help conceptualise this understanding (see Figure 4.18.).   Figure 4.18.  Understanding violence and health (Dahlberg & Krug, 2006).                    TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  134  Briefly, the framework is based on ecological theory that explores the interplay of individuals and their environments, and more holistic, multifaceted influences of behaviour change at multiple levels (Bronfenbrenner, 1979).  It has been used in the research domain of human trafficking (in the context of health policy intervention) to help conceptualise and understand risk and protective factors as the complex interplay between people and their micro-  and more-macro environments, rather than in isolation (see Barner et al., 2018; Hopper, 2017, 2024; Malebranche, Hopper, & Corey, 2020).  Risk factors offered by Hopper (2024), for example, include: belonging to a marginalised social group and having unmet basic needs (‘Individual’); family dysfunction and child maltreatment (‘Relational’); lack of educational, financial, and social resources (‘Community’); and socio-cultural norms that perpetuate inequality, discrimination, and exploitation (‘Societal’).  Corresponding protective factors include access to: health, educational and vocational interventions; strong social support networks; stable, safe communities with affordable housing and job opportunities; and systems and policies focused on social equity and worker rights.  I return to this model when drawing together the findings in Chapter 7 and discussing their practice and policy relevance in the anti-trafficking arena. This creative storytelling process represented my interpretation of Mai’s (2013b) “fractally queer” space (p. 9) in which to shift between micro- and more macro-level perspectives of migrant sex work and scrutinise friction across and between them (noted in Chapter 3, Data Analysis, Section 3.4.6.).  4.1.5. Finalising Analytical and Storytelling Processes I continued merging, dividing, discarding and/or recreating provisional main themes, sub-themes and contextual lenses until I settled on the final set of illustrative thematic maps, and the final version of the findings.  This occurred TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  135  when I considered that refinements were no longer serving to illuminate and enrich the maps and the stories.  I then ensured my selection of vivid data extracts maintained as far as possible their original intention, integrity, context, and construction.   Table 4.4. Coding. Tension between micro- and more macro-level migrant sex work perspectives.  (P= Paradox).  Concept Participants’ Perspectives  (Example Codes) More Macro-Level Perspectives  More Progressive Reconceptualisations P Sex trafficking  Field note. In the women’s minds, respectful migrant sex work becomes transformed into disrespectful child sex trafficking when mothers recruit daughters under 13 who are considered incapable of grasping what overseas sex work entails (e.g., C2909; Hn247).  Vulnerable populations are ignorant of the concept and consequences of trafficking (discussed by Olayiwola, 2019).  Engagement in trafficking or not reflects highly pragmatic considerations of how to address local social dilemmas (Olayiwola, 2019). 1, 2, 6,  7, 8 Migrant sex work  Field note. The women strive to retain their source of income (sex work) to maintain autonomy and independence and provide for their families, and aspire for new and better lives that hinge on attaining legal migrant status (e.g., B:2342). Making money at all cost amid notions of victimhood (discussed by Mai, 2013b).  Social innovation (Mai, 2013b). 4, 6 Exploitation  Field note. The women develop risk-management protocols on the streets to navigate and manage the undermining behaviours of customers and police (e.g., P:4125). The women try to navigate and manage the demands of their families and Madams, and can strategically rebel (e.g., P:2383).  “The ruthless exploitation of female victims by male villains” (discussed by Mai, 2013b, p. 11). The undermining of an individual’s freedom and power to engage in sex work and negotiate terms (Mai, 2013b).  2, 3, 6 TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  136  Concept Participants’ perspectives  (example codes) Dominant concepts  More progressive reconceptualisations P Spiritual subjugation Field note. The women draw on psychological tools and strategies and multiple forms of spirituality to manage and navigate layers of spiritual structures and forces. They actively believe the power of a Christian God can override covenants and curses (e.g., L:2841; P:2315). A common, consolidated form of spiritual-ritual domination of one individual over another (discussed by Taliani, 2012).   Placing oneself and being placed in layers of control and simultaneously having the potential to negotiate the terms of freedom (Taliani, 2012). 2, 3, 5  4.2. Chapter Summary This chapter presented my adaptation and enactment of reflexive thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2019) as the women’s raw data became coded, themed, contextualised and interpreted into storytelling.  These recursive steps resonated with the patchwork ethnography analytical guidelines for sex trafficking research (see Van der Pijl et al., 2011) and the ethos of Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (1957) to help manage and understand shifting sensemaking and decision-making phenomena identified in the women’s data.  Points of interest in the coding tables and illustrative thematic maps included: • trying to capture a non-linear sense of journey and transition in the women’s data; • trying to account for high levels of contextual messiness in the women’s data (i.e., conflicting, ambiguous, and confusing social-relational phenomena); TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  137  • capturing eight paradoxes and using them to discuss the findings as a series of irregular, interpretive realities and concepts, rather than one unitary, coherent story;  • developing a sense of tension between the women’s lived experiences and more macro-level all-encompassing conceptualisations of irregular migrant sex work using a patchwork ethnography focus on diverse, haphazard, awkward, everyday fragments of social-relational phenomena.   The findings of this study are presented next in Chapter 5 (Migrating from Nigeria) and Chapter 6 (Resettling in Spain).      TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  138  Chapter 5. Findings 1. Migrating from Nigeria "The people where I come from, they don't have work,  they don't have money; they don't have eat" (Participant Hanna).   This chapter presents the first theme of the women’s data, ‘Migrating from Nigeria’.  The findings are organised according to analytical thematic categories and contextual lenses as described in Chapter 4 (Self-Reflective Data Analysis).  Section 1 of this chapter focuses on the sub-themes ‘Motivations to Migrate’ and ‘Migration Arrangements’ that capture the factual and practical aspects of the women’s data.  Motivations to migrate centre on day-to-day socioeconomic hardship and dilemmas of social provision.  Migration arrangements centre on the processes of instigation, recruitment, and formal agreement (see Figure 5.1.). Figure 5.1.  Migrating from Nigeria.         Section 2 presents deeper, more existential, personal aspects of the women’s data relating to the sub-themes using three contextual lenses (Social Systems, Power Dynamics, and Faith Norms).  The contextualisation of  MIGRATING FROM NIGERIAMotivations to Migrate⬧ Day-to-day socioeconomic hardship- Intra-famillial roles assigned to wives and daughters⬧ Dilemmas of social provisionMigration Arrangements⬧ Instigation and recruitment- The Madam cycle⬧ Formal agreement- Ritual oath- Sponsorship debt- ConsentTENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  139  motivations to migrate reflects the impact of three social systems (political, marital, and childrearing).  These systems are interwoven with power dynamics associated with hopes for self-transformation alongside family warfare, and the practice of multiple forms of spirituality (see Figure 5.2).  Figure 5.2.   Contextualising Motivations to Migrate.   Contextualisation of motivations to migrate.        The ‘P’ symbols correspond to the eight paradoxes running through the findings as portrayed in Chapter 4.  For ease of reference, the corresponding table is duplicated here. P Description P Description 1 Moving away from and towards risks to well-being and life. 5 Un/acceptable forms of multiple spirituality. 2 Un/acceptable forms of crime, exploitation, and oppression. 6 Un/acceptable forms of migrant sex work. 3 Moving away from and towards the Nigerian mindset.  7 Mis/representing overseas sex work. 4 Un/acceptable forms of materialistic behaviour. 8 Unstable notions of voluntary consent.  SOCIAL SYSTEMSPolitical⬧ Crime, exploitation, and oppression- Un/acceptable forms of crime, exploitation, and oppression (P2)Marital⬧ PolygamyChildrearing⬧ Over-emphasising material wealth- Un/acceptable forms of materialistic behaviour (P4)⬧ Hierarchical sibling responsibility for social provisionPOWER DYNAMICS⬧ Hopes for self-transformation - Moving away from and towards the Nigerian mindset (P3)⬧ Family  warfare FAITH NORMS⬧ Simultaneous practice of traditional indigenous religion and   Christianity - Un/acceptabe forms of multiple spirituality (P5)TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  140    The contextualisation of migration arrangements reflects power dynamics running through the instigation, recruitment and agreement processes (see Figure 5.3).   Figure 5.3. Contextualising Migration Arrangements.           Section 3 uses the series of eight paradoxes to organise and discuss findings as irregular, interpretive realities and concepts (rather than one unitary story).  I show how this series reflects the women: (a) managing and navigating what they consider morally good socioeconomic migration intentions (i.e., to provide for their families and become transformed into women of purpose, value, and respect); and (b) using psychological navigational strategies and tools (i.e., a moral-ethical scale and Nigerian mindset moderated by highly pragmatic, personal and contextual notions of wisdom, shortened to ‘pragmatic wisdom’).  I discuss how the women’s insights surrounding each paradox add to the research literature (as reviewed in Chapter 2) across wide-ranging psychosocial, relational, sexual, cultural, and spiritual phenomena.  Section 4 provides a bridge to the second Findings Chapter (Resettling in Spain).  It comprises brief narrative accounts of the women’s journeys from Nigeria to Spain.  Section 5 summarises the chapter.    POWER DYNAMICS⬧ Instigation by tough mothers- Un/acceptable forms of migrant sex work (P6)⬧ Recruitment by dishonest sisters- Mis/representating overseas sex work (P7)⬧ The formal agreement of willing daughters- Unstable notions of consent (P8)TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  141   Because of the size, diversity, richness and complexity of the findings and discussions in Chapters 5 and 6, I use Chapter 7 to draw them together. 5.1. Presentation of the Sub-Themes 5.1.1. Sub-Theme 1. Motivations to Migrate  The women’s migration motivations focused on day-to-day socioeconomic hardship, the intra-familial roles assigned to wives and daughters, and associated dilemmas of social provision.  For ease of reference, the corresponding section from Figure 5.1 is duplicated here.       5.1.1.1. Day-to-day socioeconomic hardship.   Hanna (one of the Madams) summarised the everyday circumstances of her family in Nigeria and those of the women she had brought to Spain as follows.  “They don't have work, they don't have money, they don’t have eat" (Hn:2023).  She opened a Facebook video on her phone of a young mother with her newly born child in a hospital.  Hanna felt they would die because of dirty beds and equipment, inadequate staffing, medical neglect, and frequent power cuts.  Many of the women described unstable and sporadic supplies of water and electricity that left families without critical utilities, and Nasha reminisced about children surviving like scavengers by drinking from the gutter and fighting for sleeping space beneath tables in the marketplace.  Rafia commented that Nigerian women were often abandoned by their husbands while in hospital, particularly if they had given birth to twins or triplets.  She further described how her brother endured “pain and torture” for hours while waiting for hospital  MOTIVATIONS TO MIGRATE⬧ Day-to-day socioeconomic hardship- Intra-famillial roles assigned to wives and daughters⬧ Dilemmas of social provisionTENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  142  treatment, only to be discharged because he could not pay in advance.  At the same time, she conceded that without such “wicked” gatekeeping, people often necessarily “forgot to pay” (R:1280-1312).   5.1.1.1.1. Intra-familial roles assigned to wives and daughters.   Zara and Rafia were born into monogamous families.  The remainder of the women had lived in polygamous households comprising two to six wives and up to 24 children.  Rafia commented,   You are [considered] a man when you get eight, 10, 15 wives.  When you get two wives, [African men think] ‘Hmm, anyway, you have started to be a man’, and when you get one wife, ‘You are not man enough’ (R:1983). She explained that husbands tended to be “that kind of African machis man; cold, distanced, selfish and very hot-tempered” who chose not to provide enough money to feed the children and required the wives to “take everything on” (R:20).  Nasha provided an example.  Her mother fetched water and swept the house at 5 am before making a stove on the ground fuelled with sticks.  She then cooked a pot of food to sustain the family throughout the day.  Occasionally, the children received small amounts of flour to stir into drinking water for added sustenance.  Many of the women remarked that Nigerian children were taught to “be strong” and “grow up very fast” (R:20).  Zara explained that by the age of 12 or 13, children were thinking independently about making their way in life and taking care of their parents.  She added, “You have to take care of your mother, not her take care of you” (Za:46). 5.1.1.2. Dilemmas of social provision. Growing up fast was seen to come at the cost of formal education.  Hanna, for example, was removed from primary school along with her 15 siblings.  She regretted not being able to read, write and speak “good English” TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  143  (Hn:1409).  Layla was one of 24 children.  Any funds received for Layla’s education were reassigned by her mother to acquire food and clothing for the family, and to put the sons through further education in England and the USA.  Layla explained that sons were raised to gain academic wisdom, whereas daughters relied on spiritual wisdom.  She opened a video on her phone of a choir singing “Babalowa” (Yoruba for ‘father of the mysteries’; a traditional spiritual priest).  She said, “The wisdom of God is different from the wisdom of education”; in other words, good education did not guarantee a beneficial life, whereas spiritual wisdom brought hope of beneficial current and eternal lives (L:1073).    Many of the women talked about the difficulties faced by daughters in their home villages as they tried to provide for their families instead of going to school.  Zula, for example, cooked and sold spicy food at the local market.  Chika and Nasha provided meat pies and cakes for celebrations, and Hanna and Rafia dressed hair.  Rafia’s family also instructed her to sell her body “to any man”.  She explained that girls aged 12 to 15 often started “going with boys just to bring some things home” despite the risk of being ejected from family households if they become pregnant (R:1663-1668).  Nabila commented that her father supervised three sex houses and that prostitution formed a simultaneous or critical alternative source of income for these daughters (Nb:529).   5.1.2. Sub-Theme 2. Migration Arrangements The women’s migration arrangements comprised instigation, recruitment and agreement processes.  They included a cycle through which sex workers became transformed into Madams, and ritual oathtaking that sealed the terms TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  144  of sponsorship debts and consent.  For ease of reference, the corresponding section from Figure 5.1. is duplicated here.       5.1.2.1. Instigation and recruitment. Rafia said that daughters in home villages knew there was “a lot of money in Europe” (including the United Kingdom).  Most of them anticipated engaging in overseas sex work “to bring good things” to Nigeria (R:1513).  Hanna (one of the Madams) added, “Normally, they don’t even care whether they die.  They will try to do it” (Hn:802).   Seven of the women in this study had become single mothers in Nigeria and placed their children in the foster care of family members to enable them to migrate.  One of them, Precious, described how people from her church dedicated her to God before her departure.  She explained, “They say they are sorry they don’t have anything for my babies, but they join me to thank God with me.”   She placed her arms across her chest and swayed gently back and forth as she recalled being separated from her two sons and subsequently trying to reach them on the telephone.  She said, “I would cry every day.  I would say [to them], ‘Can you tell me your names?!’”  At this point, she released a ‘gallows’ laugh, and tears streamed down her face.  After a few moments, she said, “They would be crying and looking for me and they would say, ‘Where are you?’” (P:3464).      MIGRATION ARRANGEMENTS⬧ Instigation and recruitment- The Madam cycle⬧ Formal agreement- Ritual oath- Sponsorship debt- ConsentTENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  145  The women’s migration arrangements were instigated by their birth or foster mothers.  Temi’s mother, for example, waited until the second eldest child reached nine years of age (and, therefore, was considered capable of caring for the younger siblings) before releasing Temi for overseas sex work.  Jol’s mother waited until the second eldest child began working as a prostitute locally before instigating overseas sex work for Jol.  Rafia described instigation and recruitment processes in the context of a Madam cycle.   5.1.2.1.1. The Madam cycle. Rafia began by explaining that the main focus of a resettled daughter was to repay her sponsorship debt to her Madam and “become free to make her own way in life”.  This usually took two to three years, depending on “how lucky” she was and “how hard” she worked.  She then continued working as a prostitute to accumulate enough money to sponsor someone else’s migration arrangements before approaching her Madam and saying, “Now that I am free, I want you to help me bring somebody.”  Alternatively, she contacted her mother and said, “Mama, I have finished paying the woman that brought me to Europe.  Now, I want somebody to come and pay me too.”  This would prompt her mother to approach neighbouring mothers with daughters aged between 16 and 20 and say, “My daughter is looking for somebody to come and work and pay her like she paid somebody.”  Consequently, one of these girls or young women would be recruited and brought to Europe to "serve” the resettled daughter and repay the sponsorship debt.  At this point, the resettled daughter would achieve the status of Madam.  Rafia described this cycle as a form of “business” that went “on and on” to help the women “get money” (R:1493-1518).       TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  146   5.1.2.2. Formal agreement.  5.1.2.2.1. Ritual oathtaking.  Hanna (one of the Madams) searched Facebook on her phone for a description of the traditional indigenous judicial system of ritual oathtaking.  She explained that ritual oathtaking was considered more reliable than modern systems in helping to ensure migration arrangements were adhered to as effectively and efficiently as possible.  The voiceover of a Facebook video stated that a daughter was taken to a shrine to verbally swear her intention to stay with her Madam until the sponsorship debt was repaid.  Shrines were dedicated to gods who acted as witnesses and were overseen by a ‘homeopatsee’ (i.e., a “native doctor”) who served as an intermediary.  Hanna nodded vigorously in agreement and added excitedly, “All those Madams that are bringing girls, I remember!  … they take your panties, they take your blood, they cut the hair ... all those curses that they do!” (Hn:1176).     5.1.2.2.2. Sponsorship debt.  The sponsorship debts of the women in this study ranged from 30,000 to 45,000 euros (£25,000 to £38,000).  Some commented that their debts had been placed on their heads (and those of some family members); in other words, any offence against the ritual contracts would manifest as sickness and/or death.    5.1.2.2.3. Consent.   The women believed they had voluntarily consented to migrant sex work and vehemently objected to media platforms that portrayed mafia involvement.  Rafia, for example, exclaimed,  I am going to explain this properly for you.  Because when I look at it on TV, I really go mad because it’s a family arrangement.  Everybody knows TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  147  that if a girl is taken abroad, she is going to do prostitution to get her money.  She knows in Nigeria because they tell her.  She takes some oaths and makes some vows.  There is a contract.  You sign it.  You say yes to it.  So, when people start saying mafia, it doesn’t work like that! (R:1491).   5.2. Contextualisation of the Sub-Themes 5.2.1. The Contexts of Motivations to Migrate   The women’s deeper, more existential, personal perspectives of motivations to migrate centred on the dominant Nigerian social systems of politics, marriage and childrearing, and the following associated phenomena: crime, exploitation, and oppression; polygamy; over-emphasising material wealth; and hierarchical sibling responsibility for social provision.  Interweaving power dynamics reflected the women’s hopes for self-transformation amid family warfare, and the practice of multiple forms of spirituality.  For ease of reference, Figure 5.2. is duplicated here.       SOCIAL SYSTEMSPolitical⬧ Crime, exploitation, and oppression- Un/acceptable crime, exploitation, and oppression (P2)Marital⬧ PolygamyChildrearing⬧ Over-emphasising material wealth- Un/acceptable materialistic behaviour (P4)⬧ Hierarchical sibling responsibility for social provisionPOWER DYNAMICS⬧ Hopes for self-transformation - Moving away from/towards the Nigerian mindset (P3)⬧ Family warfare FAITH NORMS⬧ Simultaneous practice of  Christianity and  traditional indigenous religion- Un/acceptabe multiple spirituality (P5)TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  148   5.2.1.1. The political system.  The 2019 Nigerian presidential election campaigns were underway.  Many of the women in this study expressed despair by holding one hand loosely at shoulder height and waggling it back and forth while shaking their heads (an expression of despair).  A common topic of conversation was the interplay between the political system and traditional indigenous spirituality.  Nasha, for example, said that Nigerian politicians engaged with “evil spirits”, made “sacrifices”, and took “spiritual oaths” (Ns:1489).  She opened a WhatsApp video on her phone of Frederick Odorige (the creator of the new European Coalitions for Security and Democracy party).  Senator Odorige described how politicians took oaths at shrines to acquire and retain positions of control and power, and that oathtaking often involved sexually abusing children and animals.  Ritual ceremonial items included human skulls and foetuses provided by ‘area boys’ (i.e., loosely organised, local street children and teenagers) who killed people in the streets and/or exhumed bodies from cemeteries.  Senator Odorige also described political godfathers controlling senators and governors by sealing their names and photographs in bottles to render their “brains and mouths ‘corked'” (Ns:1647).    Candidate Odorige depicted politicians as “the devil incarnate; the real principalities of power” whose only purpose was “to kill, steal and destroy” (Ns:1716).  He described how they coated money with ritual water and threw it to voters during campaigns to render them compliant and powerless.  In the minds of Candidate Odorige and Nasha, anyone who received ‘ritual money’ was a ‘mumu’ (i.e., ‘stupid’ person) because it led to self-destruction.  Candidate Odorige explained,  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  149  As they spend the politicians’ money, their lives become worse.  Some have died in their sleep and are now walking corpses with heads that do not have functioning brains.  Some walk into accidents.  Some of their children have died or are seriously ill (Ns:1565).    Candidate Odorige called for the Nigerian population to realise the political establishment remained unchallenged because the youth were “under a spell”.  He asked his audience, “How can you call yourself ‘the giant of Africa’ [when] you are sleeping in the mud?” and drew on a local saying to help ensure understanding: “The cricket says its eyes are open, but it continues to pour sand on its eyes” (Ns:1681).  His final appeal was for “Nigerian youths” to “wake up” and realise this election was a battle “between darkness and the children of light” (Ns:1716).  Nasha closed her phone and chuckled as she added that the current President Buhari was being satirised on the internet as having “a big head” and “an evil heart possessed by the spirits”.  She paused before remarking that European politicians seemed disconnected from “the spirit world” (Ns:1499).    5.2.1.1.1. Crime, exploitation, and oppression.    Hanna (one of the Madams) opened a WhatsApp video on her phone to illustrate what she considered the corrupt and violent nature of Nigerian politics.  A political candidate appealed to his audience, “We must say ‘No’ to election-rigging!  No to vote-selling!  No to vote-buying and thuggery!”  The candidate explained that these practices kept Nigerians “living in fear, insecurity and poverty” despite Independence 58 years ago.  Simultaneously, Hanna slapped her leg and exclaimed, “Nigeria is a rubbish country, my dear!” She described how politicians promised to reward ‘kotis’ (i.e., gangs) of boys and young men TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  150  with money, property and livestock in exchange for committing murder, but killed them instead (Hn:1079).    Hanna scanned Facebook on her phone for illustrative videos of these phenomena but became distracted by more local expressions of seeming crime, exploitation, and oppression.  In the first video, a mother declared to her daughter, “You ‘match’ my leg!” (a term used by attackers to signify power over their intended victims).  In the second, a man asked a neighbour to stop his animals from eating crops that did not belong to him, and Hanna commented that in so doing, he risked being shot.  In the third and final video, a man paid a group of men to clean a road, subsequently realised the work had not been conducted (a common occurrence) and tried to rectify the problem.  Again, Hanna commented that the man would likely be shot as a result (Hn:1087).  Hanna then seemed to refer to a psychological moral-ethical scale as she pointed out that all these behaviours could, in certain contexts, be considered acceptable.  She added that using forms of violence and mafia-based force and control could make personal sense and was on a par with regularly stealing small amounts of money from employers to buy food for the family.  She tried to explain as follows.  “You don’t want me to thief, but I don’t have food to eat.  The problem is that.”  Hanna’s thoughts shifted to Nigerian men who survived boat crossings from Africa to Spain and subsequently formed “cults” with “the power to kill”.  She sighed deeply and commented, “They don’t remember what brings them here.  They do rubbish in Europe, eh?”; in other words, the un/acceptable nature of crime, exploitation, and oppression hinged on whether it reflected original morally “good” motivations and intentions (Hn:1107).    These combined senses in the findings of: (a) the women moving away from complex, harmful and potentially deadly circumstances, structures, and TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  151  forces in Nigeria and towards them in Spain; and (b) notions of acceptable and unacceptable forms of crime, exploitation, and oppression are identified here as Paradoxes 1 and 2, respectively, and discussed in Section 5.3. below.    Hanna made the final point that the future transformation of Nigeria depended on younger generations addressing the dilemmas of “corruption, oppression, political instability and poor economy” head-on.  She referred to the potential for ‘uptown’ youths (i.e., those living overseas) to gain sufficient “wisdom” from external social systems, return to Nigeria to apply what they had learnt, and redirect it away from destruction.  Hanna turned to Facebook on her phone to provide examples.  Three returnees were assisting people living on the streets, including children vulnerable to trafficking.  Hanna paused for a moment to consider whether she might become a “wise” returnee in the future and then quickly corrected herself by saying, “I hate Nigeria.  I don’t proud of Nigeria.  I am very happy I am not in Nigeria.  I can go there if I have money to help them.  But to stay in that country?  Never.”  She concluded that if uptown youths could not turn the tide, then “white people” should again rule Nigeria to show how it was done (Hn:1292).    Layla similarly believed Nigeria’s transformation lay in the hands of returnees.  She opened a WhatsApp video on her phone of Shakina Chinedu (a representative of the African Diaspora Returnee Association) to help express herself as follows.  Africa’s our home as black people, and we have to make it what it is.  If you think the West was paved with gold, it wasn’t.  The discrimination is still there.  So, it’s imperative that we come home and we build Africa.  Africa’s a rich continent, and we need to enjoy the fruits of Africa (L:1427). TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  152  Asked how returnees from the UK, for example, might adapt to struggles with “necessities, like food, water and electricity”, Chinedu said,  You have to come home with a different mindset.  The UK is the UK.  Africa is Africa.  If you want to live here and be part of the fabric of Africa, you have to adapt, and you have to be part of the change as well.  We have to think to ourself, ‘Did we need all the materialism that the West has to offer?  Have we been spoilt by the West?’  We are different, and we should be living a different life (L:1438).   Layla turned her thoughts to this notion of a unified Nigerian mindset and how it differed from the West’s.  She commented that politicians were “wrong” in using harmful and deadly traditional spiritual and judicial forces to subjugate the Nigerian population and render it powerless.  She considered Nigerian returnees “right” in trying to turn the tide of oppression, corruption, and socioeconomic instability.  However, she conceded they often succumbed to using the rhetoric of equality and freedom for their own gains (L:1448).   In Rafia’s mind, hope for the future lay in Nigerian women taking emancipation and transformation into their own hands by managing and navigating the Nigerian mindset.  She began by saying, When you come from a country like Nigeria, it’s like you come from a doomed country.  Any effort of trying hard to come out of poverty to get your cash freedom is ten times more difficult than in Europe (R:1952). Rafia explained that travelling overseas represented the women moving away from potentially harmful and deadly spiritual and judicial forces.  At the same time, drawing on these forces in destination countries helped the women retain a critical sense of Nigerian identity and create psychological distance TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  153  when the Western mindset posed threats to their socioeconomic migration intentions (R:1957).   This phenomenon of moving away from and towards the Nigerian mindset is identified here as Paradox 3 and discussed in Section 5.3. below.   5.2.1.2. The marital system.    Rafia identified the traditional marital system of polygamy as “the first” obstacle to socioeconomic advantage and advancement for women in Nigeria (R:1967).     5.2.1.2.1. Polygamy.  Rafia stated that, in these circumstances, husbands “own[ed]” their wives and all the property (even if originating from wives).  They often fathered around 20 children without the means to provide for them, and used the dynamic of favouritism to ensure their own needs were met “totally, physically, morally, and otherwise” (R:1973).  The wives were responsible for caring and catering for their own children and the first-born son in the total number inherited all the property.  Consequently, the wives did “many devilish things” to one another (and one another’s children) to try and gain socioeconomic advantage, and ensure their eldest sons inherited (R:2342).    Layla said that wives were often required to agree to “covenants”, such as,  If a woman sleeps with another man and she refuses to confess to her husband, her children will die, one after the other.  Then, the wicked woman will die.  Everything will be wiped out.  If the husband is aware, he will tell the family of the other man and the other man will be sick and die (L:2279).  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  154    Layla reminisced about her late mother’s wariness of approaching and receiving anything from her husband and how she died.  Layla said,  My mother met with my father and his people, and they offered her food, but she refused to eat it, and they say to her, “Why are you not eating our food?”  Finally, she collected the food and eat it.  Then, she vomits with blood.  The hospital says they cannot help when the sickness is spirit.  It was confirmed.  My mother was cursed by evil.  My mother was killed by poison in her food (L:2256).  5.2.1.3. The childrearing system.  Rafia and Layla commented that highly restrictive and oppressive family dynamics led to children being instructed how to speak and behave as a strategy for survival, such as “Don’t go and eat at your father’s wife’s house, eh?  She can poison!  Don’t take anything from her if I’m not there!”  These family dynamics also transmitted “faulty” messages to children, such as “money equals respect and power” (R:1974), and instilled keen senses of fear, wariness and distrust “with everything and everybody” (L:2262).  Rafia said, “We try to excuse ourself by saying that it’s because of the hardship; our manners are a way of survival.  No!  It is simply that our upbringing is very wrong” (R:2361).  5.2.1.3.1. Over-emphasising material wealth.    Rafia explained that Nigerian households tended to over-emphasise the importance of material wealth and status, and encouraged and perpetuated the notion that “even if your life is fake, you have to be pretending.  Everything has to be blink-blink, diamond and ‘Wow!’”  She added, “We Nigerians are too conscious of material things, too desperate to make money and become somebody.  No one is desperate to live in a peaceful atmosphere full of love, even if there is no wealth (R:2396).   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  155   Nasha agreed and opened an illustrative WhatsApp video on her phone of Dr Pastor Dennis Bentil.  He said, “We always want the latest car, phone, bag and clothes to look good and feel important.”  He described people living “beyond their means to keep up appearances” and comparing themselves with others, rather than being “content” with what they had (Ns:1463).  Chika offered a further WhatsApp video illustration.  A toddler was floating in a rubber ring in an unattended ball pool.  Suddenly, he flipped over (his head immersed in water, his legs kicking in the air) and eventually drowned.  The voiceover said,  Please!  Let us be wise.  In Nigeria, we don’t even have money to eat bread, [and yet] you want people to see that you are rich; that you have ‘this’, that you are doing ‘that’!  What a world! (C:3311).    Hanna chuckled as she described Nigerian women “running after money”, competing against one another financially and engaging in one-upmanship to try and avoid the shame of seeming to fall short.  She said, The ‘most strong’ sister is Nigerian.  You will see a Nigerian lady and greet her, ‘Good morning’, and because you wear shoe that cost more than hers, she will say, ‘Are you talking to me?  Don’t greet me! (Hn:203).   Chika demonstrated a form of materialistic behaviour by taking selfies (including filling her mouth with food) and posting them on Facebook throughout an informal birthday celebration.  Her Spanish boyfriend appeared embarrassed - perhaps because of my presence - and commented to Chika that her behaviour and attire (a tight-fitting evening dress, stiletto heels, fake designer sunglasses, jewellery, and handbag) appeared “vane and egoistic”.  She retaliated by referring to her strength of character and to “Orisha Shango”, a potent and angry deity of the Yoruba “tribe” who loved pleasure; and punished those who offended him.  She exclaimed to her boyfriend, “I will not change my TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  156  character!  I will not be oppressed!”  Finally, Chika looked up to her left and sighed heavily with seeming despair before returning to her food (C:3937).   5.2.1.3.2. Hierarchical sibling responsibility for social provision.  Rafia tried to rationalise materialistic behaviour by again reflecting on childrearing in Nigerian households.  She said,  It is a very sad story for millions of Nigerians or Africans as a nation.  When you are from a poor family, this is how they brought us up.  The elder daughter or the elder son sponsors the family; takes all the responsibility for taking care of the family (R:1789).    Rafia described the emotional weight of taking hierarchical sibling responsibility for social provision as “a little bit heavy”.  At the same time, she expressed feeling “lucky, privileged and blessed” to be “removed from hunger” and no longer perceived by her family as “a cockroach without a wing”; in other words, without meaning, purpose or value (R:1658).  Temi similarly associated this responsibility with the potential for self-transformation.  She exclaimed, “I don’t want the younger ones to suffer.  I want to make them happy and have a better future.  I want to go to work!”  Temi opened her phone to reveal a poster of a baby strapped to its mother’s back with the slogan, ‘God bless the woman that backed me.  Let her reap the fruit of her labour’ (T:58).  In Chika’s mind, taking responsibility meant she no longer feared ejection from her family household (C:323).  Finally, for Layla, it represented making her way in life as a single mother, rather than facing an unwanted arranged marriage (L:66).   Rafia then seemed to evaluate the attitudes and behaviours of daughters in home villages according to their intentions behind taking this form of socioeconomic responsibility.  She considered daughters “fine” if they tried to remain in school and/or work earnestly as local traders but subsequently TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  157  considered overseas prostitution the relatively better way to feed their families and buy them a “small home” to avoid rent collectors.  On the other hand, Rafia considered daughters “bone lazy” if they considered overseas prostitution “the easiest way to make money, build mansions and be someone because of something like envy, jealousy” (R:1780).   These notions of acceptable and unacceptable forms of materialistic behaviour are identified here as Paradox 4 and discussed in Section 5.3. below.   Rafia went on to ask herself why children were raised this way and replied, “So that people start trying different kinds of beliefs.”  She explained that her mother was “born a Christian”, prayed at a range of churches in Nigeria (including Catholic, Anglican, Evangelical, Pentecostal and Jehovah’s Witnesses), and endeavoured to follow “the Commandments”.  Rafia cited these as, Love the neighbour as you love yourself, don’t do to others what you wouldn’t want others to do to you, don’t lie, don’t make false allegations, and don’t use the name of God in vain (R:1942).   At the same time, Rafia’s mother practised ‘the Pagan way’ (i.e., a benevolent “native way” that harmed no one).  She reminisced about asking her grandmother which form of sacrifice to buy (such as a goat or chicken), and her mother openly performing rituals of thanksgiving and gratitude to the gods as testimonies to others.  Rafia commented that people “in the African world” relied heavily on these traditional norms, particularly in times of need, and passed them from one generation to another.  She explained,   The day you are born, it’s there.  You are brought up seeing your grandmother dancing in the night and making incantations to the god of TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  158  thunder.  She has told your mother that it works for her.  Then your mother tries, and maybe something ‘works out’.  And now, you pick it up and say, ‘Oh, when I went to this native doctor, he did some concoctions, incantations, and it worked for me’ (R:2427).    Rafia added that Paganism worked well with Christianity.  She explained, “We practise a lot of voodoos.  There are a lot of gods.  It is not the Christian way, so we mix it sometimes to consider more possibilities; to get a better perspective on life and be able to cope.”  In Rafia’s mind, Europeans were not as spiritually open-minded as Africans and did not “believe in things” to the same degree because their lives were relatively more “comfortable”.  She summarised her particular mix of spiritual pathways as follows.  Me, I’m not going to say it’s right or wrong, everyone has his heart.  It’s just that life has its cycle.  When it comes time for sorrow, we cry.  When it comes time for joy, we laugh.  So, sometimes, I just have to sit myself down and say, ‘Calm down, Rafia, and let life take its course.  You don’t force anything.  God have a reason why it’s happened (R:2450).   Layla similarly described mixing Christianity with traditional indigenous religion.  She recalled her mother having trouble giving birth, and her father approaching the head of the village for advice on how best to induce labour through ritual sacrifices at the ancestral altar inside the family home.  On other occasions, her father “[brought] out the ancestors” by praying for people with sick siblings and children, and made sacrifices with “a fowl, a cow, or hot drink”.  Layla commented,   Not all native doctors are bad.  There is good intention and bad intention.  But if you don’t have belief or the belief is forced, it cannot work.  If you believe, you can use water or sand from the floor to pray, and you get a TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  159  good result.  If you kill a fowl, this is better, and you still get a good result (L:2824).    Chika fondly recalled her Christian mother having trouble feeding her newly born baby and consequently performing rituals to ‘Mami Wata’ (translated by Taliani [2012] as water spirits associated with fertility and healing [p. 588]).  These involved making “an offering to the sea”, such as “caramels and material” and some of the baby’s hair (C:3859).  Finally, Chika, Layla and Rafia stated that, as Christians, they believed in reincarnation.  Layla believed she was the reincarnation of her paternal grandmother.  Chika showed me a photograph on her phone of her newly born nephew and explained that God had returned her late father in this form.  Rafia believed her late brother was now the foetus in her sister-in-law’s stomach.  These women ended their reminiscences and stories by declaring they believed in “only God” and that “without confidence in Christ, nothing works” (C:2019; N:2815; T:2452).   Hanna wanted to explain how Christianity and benevolent forms of indigenous religion worked “together with God”.  She began by stating that her father, like his “forefathers”, was a ‘culture man’ (i.e., someone who practised and handed down traditional indigenous spirituality), and her brother was a Christian pastor (Hn:1045).  She asked herself, “What am I trying to say?  What am I going to explain?  I don’t know how to say it.  But I am getting to the point now even if it takes time [laughs].”  Eventually, Hanna referred to dress codes to try and capture practicing both religions without causing offence.     I know that it’s our tradition that we don’t wear trouser.  We only wear a skirt.  I do not want to disrespect tradition.  But since I move uptown and nobody in my village is seeing me, I wear trouser.  It’s like, I obey tradition TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  160  when I am in my village [and] I obey the law of uptown when I am uptown (Hn:1170).  Hanna commented that the beliefs and practices of benevolent (i.e., “natural”) native doctors sat well with Christianity because they helped ensure “enduring blessings” reached and protected everyone.  Further commonalities were understood to include circumcising newly born babies, celebrating Christmas on the 25th of December, and refraining from sleeping with other people once married (Hn:1070).  Layla provided further examples.  Having a baby outside of marriage was not permitted, and husbands were considered heads of family households just as God headed the church.  It was also “natural” to go to ‘the Oba’ (i.e., “the [traditional indigenous] king of the Edo people”) for healing (L:2282).  Both Layla and Hanna described the Oba as a very “educated”, “good Christian” man and compared him to Jesus in terms of being human and having the healing power of God (Hn:1179; L:354).   Nasha explained that mixing Christianity with traditional indigenous religion could be considered “wrong” if using “malicious and diabolic witch doctors” (or “wizards”) to do something “supernatural” that was “not in the bible.”  She added that wizards practised ‘idan’ (or “magic”) by using “a lot of juju power” to “steal people’s destiny”; in other words, control their fate to ensure they did not progress in life and/or were harmed or killed.  Nasha commented that wizards often offered people the following terms of agreement.  Either reap the benefits of “the evil” for a few years and then die, or make an additional covenant each year, and if unable to fulfil it, sacrifice the life of someone in its place.  Nasha chuckled as she recited a story of a man agreeing to eat someone’s faeces and paying more money to a witch doctor, better “to prosper” (Ns:1516).   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  161  Layla shook her head disapprovingly as she described Nigerian people attending indigenous ‘Aladura’ churches or Pentecostal churches (such as The Mountain of Fire) to cover up their simultaneous use of malevolent witch doctors.  (Aladura is Yoruba for ‘praying person’.  This form of church has a distinctly charismatic, revivalist, prophetic and healing form of leadership [Ayegboyin, 2011; Crumbley, 2008; Vaughan, 2016].)  Layla then said to herself, “Mud and women can hide it, but you can’t hide it from God”, and began singing, “You can’t hide it from God; God sees it all” (L:2288).  She added that both forms of church harmed people, and recited a story of a woman who inadvertently received ritual money while attending the Celestial strand of the Aladura, and suffered sickness and death in her family as a result.  Layla opened Facebook on her phone to select the following illustrative video. Members of an Aladura church were tithing at the steps of an altar.  The pastor pointed to one woman and instructed her to pack all the money in her bag and go home.  She collapsed to her knees in shock and fell forwards onto the steps as congregational members continued placing money around her.  The pastor shouted, “I push it to you!  Pack it!” and the woman slowly began drawing piles of bank notes towards her while sobbing uncontrollably (L:2292).   Nasha and Odeh recalled attending an Aladura church and deciding never to return.  Nasha had removed her shoes at the entrance and, once inside, moved “round in circles dressed in white” (Ns:1511).  Odeh remained outside because her menstrual blood was considered unclean and “very powerful” (O:1020).  Odeh opened a Facebook video illustration on her phone of an Aladura church.  On one side of the church, women were dressed in white robes and headdresses and held their hands in the air as they prayed aloud.  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  162  On the other side, men were dressed in white (without headdresses) and prayed in the same manner.  The pastor exclaimed, They will not get you.  They will not get you!  You will not bury your children.  You will not weep over your children.  The family will not weep over you.  You will not weep over your husband.  You will not weep over your wife.  You will be favoured.  You will laugh.  This week is your week. This month is your month. This year is your year.  You will not be naked. You will not be disgraced. You will not be disappointed.  You will not end your life in shame.  You will not be disgraced.  It shall be well with you.  From the depth of my heart, I say to your life, ‘Your family will not lack good news.  It shall be well with your household.’  God bless you!  (O:1035).   These notions of acceptable and unacceptable forms of multiple spirituality are identified here as Paradox 5 and discussed in Section 5.3. below.   5.2.2. The Contexts of Migration Arrangements  The women’s deeper, more existential, personal perspectives of migration arrangements centred on power dynamics associated with the following phenomena: tough mothers instigating migration for their daughters; dishonest ‘sisters’ (i.e., women from the same village, ethnic group, region, or country) recruiting these daughters; and willing daughters agreeing to and sealing the terms of the agreements.  For ease of reference, Figure 5.3. is duplicated here.       TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  163          5.2.2.1. Instigation by tough mothers.  Hanna (one of the Madams) strongly objected to the tendency of foster/mothers in home villages to instigate migration arrangements for their daughters and wait for “Europe money”, rather than find work themselves.  She explained,  Many, many women in Nigeria, they have children, and they don’t want to do nothing [and] they don’t want to go nowhere themself.  This is Nigeria; I know what is going on.  They want to sit down. You will see a mother [who has a] daughter in Europe, and she will be calling her, ‘Ah!  How much are you going to send?  How much are you going to bring?’  (Hn:1281).    Chika and Rafia objected to “very tough” mothers who instigated arrangements for daughters in their early teens (i.e., aged 13 to 15) and, therefore, incapable of grasping what overseas prostitution entailed (C:2900; R:1453).    Worst of all were mothers instigating arrangements for daughters under 13.  For Hanna, this represented a lack of informed consent, and she distanced herself from “this kind of mother” and “this kind of business”.  Hanna opened a Facebook video on her phone to show children being transported to Europe in buses and commented that “sex trafficking” was “very bad”.  She added,      POWER DYNAMICS⬧ Instigation by tough mothers- Un/acceptable forms of migrant sex work (P6)⬧ Recruitment by dishonest sisters- Mis/representating migrant sex work (P7)⬧ The formal agreement of willing daughters- Unstable notions of consent (P8)TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  164  You will see a child, five years old, in Europe that is supposed to go and do business.  Nigerian women!  They are a disgrace to Nigeria!  The disgrace that they give us black is very, very bad.  I don’t like it (Hn:41-47).   Chika described feeling “ashamed” when African anti-trafficking campaigns appeared on TV.  She explained,  Not every one of us are the same.  Ghanaians; they can do prostitution in Europe with respect.  Senegal[ese] do the same thing; I know most of them.  South Africa, Romania, and Columbia; they have respect.  But we Africans, especially women in Nigeria, we are an insult to our nation (C:2909).   This notion of acceptable and unacceptable forms of migrant sex work is identified here as Paradox 6 and is fully discussed in Section 5.3. below. 5.2.2.2. Recruitment by dishonest sisters. Rafia described how daughters in home villages used “references” from resettled sisters to consider which destination countries offered the best opportunities for socioeconomic advantage and advancement (and, ideally, had climates and food similar to Nigeria).  Rafia added that these sisters had “a very bad habit” of portraying “only the good” about overseas sex work (such as the potential to earn 1,700 euros [£1,400] monthly), and gave false impressions of personal wealth and status.  They posted misleading selfies on social media, for example, such as standing outside restaurants and next to expensive cars wearing faux designer clothes.  They also saved and accumulated as much money as possible by working themselves “almost to the point of dying [and] living like vagabonds”, and asking support organisations for help with food and rent.  These sisters subsequently visited Nigeria and bought “a big jeep, a big TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  165  house, and the best clothes” to “show off” and appear “very big” (R:2571).  They intended to trigger the following thoughts in daughters in home villages. I was living in the same street as her!  She went to Europe, and now she’s having this car!  If she can make it, I can make it too!  So, I will go through hell; through Morocco, through Libya.  I can risk my life to go and get that car she’s having (R:1752). Chika commented that this recruitment process was very powerful.  She recalled thinking as a young girl, “If this person can do it, I am going to do it also.  I will put that on my brain til I do it” (C:2444).   Finally, Rafia believed daughters in home villages should be told “the real story”, such as,  You will be standing in the streets in one position for 10 hours every night only to earn 1,000 euros (£840) after one month, and secure 200 euros (£170) for yourself after repaying your Madam.  Come on, how can you go and build a house in Nigeria if you only have that? (R:1459).  These daughters should further be offered trials of what overseas sex work entailed before sealing the terms of migration arrangements.    These notions of acceptable and unacceptable representations of migrant sex work are identified here as Paradox 7 and discussed in Section 5.3. below.   5.2.2.3. The formal agreement of willing daughters. Dayo and Rafia pointed out that migration arrangements for the majority of daughters in home villages were family affairs, and that daughters “wish for” and willingly say “yes” to overseas sex work (D:1883; T:1584).  Hanna added that family-based contracts were not considered “legal” and, therefore, could not be enforced by the mafia (Hn:1135).   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  166  Dayo and Rafia considered their consent to overseas sex work voluntary despite having being deceived in the agreement process.  Rafia wanted to explain and began by saying, “I am talking about the Nigerian girls coming abroad to do prostitution to help their family, okay?  I was one of those girls.  I am going to tell you my story.”   I met this guy.  He was going out with one of my friends, and when he saw me, he was asking, like, ‘Rafia, why have you not travelled?’  I say, ‘Yah, all my friends, they have gone to Europe.  I had the opportunity, but I want to go to Europe and work with my handiwork, not prostitution’ (R:1406).    The following year, the same ‘guy’ told Rafia about a Spanish man who needed a wife.  Rafia was offered “the opportunity” of a trial run, understanding that if she subsequently agreed to marriage, her new husband would help repay the sponsorship debt.  Rafia agreed because sex with “just one man” seemed like a relatively “nice deal”.  However, when she arrived in Spain, she was presented to a Madam and told, “Now you are here, you have to go on the street like the other girls.  You have to do prostitution” (R:1416).   In Dayo’s case, she agreed to street-based prostitution but was instead placed in a sex club where she stayed for seven years.   These unstable notions of voluntary consent are identified as Paradox 8 and discussed in Section 5.3. next. 5.3. Discussion  The discussion of the findings is framed on the series of eight paradoxes running through the women’s contextualised lived experiential perspectives of migration motivations and arrangements.  For ease of reference, the table is duplicated here.      TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  167  P Description P Description 1 Moving away from and towards risks to well-being and life. 2 Un/acceptable forms of crime, exploitation, and oppression. 3 Moving away from and towards the Nigerian mindset.  4 Un/acceptable forms of materialistic behaviour. 5 Un/acceptable forms of multiple spirituality. 6 Un/acceptable forms of migrant sex work. 7 Mis/representing migrant sex work. 8 Unstable notions of voluntary consent.   I show how this series of paradoxes reflects the women: managing and navigating what they consider morally good socioeconomic migration intentions (i.e., to provide for their families and become transformed into women of purpose, value, and respect); and using psychological navigational strategies and tools (i.e., a moral-ethical scale and Nigerian mindset moderated by highly pragmatic, personal and contextual notions of pragmatic wisdom).  I discuss how the women’s insights surrounding the paradoxes add to the research literature across wide-ranging psychosocial, relational, sexual, cultural, and spiritual phenomena.   5.3.1. Paradox 1. Moving Away from and Towards Risks to Well-Being and Life  Paradox 1 captures highly gendered socioeconomic inequality and poverty in Nigeria; and the women’s preparedness to move away from difficult, harmful and potentially deadly structures, forces and circumstances in Nigeria and towards them in Spain in pursuit of better lives.  The women highlight two contributing factors to their decision to take hierarchical sibling responsibility for social provision by engaging in overseas sex work.  First, they had already been removed too early from education and allocated the roles of market trader and prostitute for the purpose of social provision while their brothers remained in education.  Second, the women believed overseas sex work offered the best TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  168  opportunity to become socially transformed into women of purpose, value, and respect.   The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 1 provide lived examples of political and cultural push and pull factors, and add to two rationales in the research literature for seeming contradictions in notions of “socioglobal mobility” and a “global hierarchical order” as irregular migrants move from “worse” to “better” countries that offer relatively greater opportunities for personal fulfilment and achievement despite the potential for continuing inequality, hardship and injustice (Pajo, 2008, p. 10).  The first rationale is that the pursuit of “a better life” in these circumstances can simultaneously be considered “cruel and unfair” (Pajo, 2008, p. 38).  The second is that the priorities, needs and agendas of those facing severe, highly gendered sexual, cultural, and socioeconomic restrictions in their home countries can be better met through marginalised, irregular routes and activities (Mai, 2013b).  More generally, the women’s insights surrounding Paradox 1 add to the research literature on how and why younger Nigerian generations navigate socioeconomic roles, obligations, responsibilities, and choices in highly complex circumstances (Chuang, 2010; Kyle & Koslowski, 2011; Patterson & Zhuo, 2018; Weitzer, 2014, 2020).    5.3.2. Paradox 2. Un/Acceptable Forms of Crime, Exploitation, and Oppression  In Chapter 2 (Literature Review), I discussed crime, exploitation, and oppression in Nigeria in the contexts of local and regional tensions, violence, and warfare, and traditional indigenous spiritual and judicial phenomena (see Section 2.2.2.1).  In this current chapter, Paradox 2 reflects the women’s understanding that certain forms of crime, exploitation, and oppression can be considered reasonable and acceptable in pursuing socioeconomic advantage TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  169  and advancement.  One of the Madams, Hanna, identifies and illustrates the role played by a psychological moral-ethical scale and personal, local understandings of pragmatic wisdom.  She points out that mafia-based force and control can make sense and be considered wise if they reflect morally good intentions to address socioeconomic dilemmas head-on.    The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 2 develop and enrich the scholarly understanding that sex-trafficked women often hold complex understandings about criminal activity and power-based relationships that can appear confusing and inconsistent to outside observers (Taliani, 2012, 2018; Walby et al., 2016; Zimmerman et al., 2008). 5.3.3. Paradox 3. Moving Away from and Towards the Nigerian Mindset  In Chapter 2 (Literature Review), I discussed the notion of a unified Nigerian mindset in terms of nineteenth-century missionaries intent on converting indigenous ethnic groups to Christianity, and the pragmatic responses of these groups to address their own needs of protection, cohesion, identity, meaning, refuge, self-worth, and liberation (see Section 2.2.1.2.).  In this current Chapter, Paradox 3 captures the women’s understanding that the Nigerian mindset is grounded in traditional indigenous spiritual and judicial structures and forces, and can be drawn on and/or moved away from as the need arises as a strategy for survival.  It reflects the idea that hopes for the future hinge on the capacity to manage and navigate this mindset, better to achieve emancipation and transformation.  Rafia explains that travelling overseas represents the women moving away from potentially harmful and deadly spiritual and judicial structures and forces.  Nonetheless, the women draw on these structures and forces in destination countries to help retain a sense of Nigerian identity, and to psychologically distance themselves from TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  170  threats to their socioeconomic migration intentions posed by the Western mindset.   The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 3 form a rich and powerful response to calls in the research literature to move beyond a predominant, narrow focus on: (a) the harmful, oppressive use of traditional indigenous spirituality; and (b) any seemingly clear-cut notions of spiritual subjugation and emancipation, and of exploitation and social agency (Aronowitz, 2016; Baarda, 2016; Mai, 2013a; Nwogu, 2008; Taliani, 2012, 2018).  5.3.4. Paradox 4. Un/Acceptable Forms of Materialistic Behaviour   Paradox 4 captures the women objecting to what they consider the morally wrong rationale, ‘money equals respect and power’, and simultaneously criticising one another for demonstrating materialistic behaviour (such as bragging, taking selfies, running after money and one-upmanship) as they seek to transform themselves into women of value, purpose and respect.  The women describe polygamous family households perpetuating this rationale, as multiple wives pitch against one another for socioeconomic advantage and advancement (rather than join forces against injustice and inequality imposed on them by their husbands).  Meanwhile, husbands use the dynamic of favouritism to ensure their social position as the authoritative head of the household remains unthreatened and their needs are fully met.    Chika illustrates the potential for psychological conflict posed by this paradox.  She attributes taking selfies with status symbols to her strength of character in enjoying life. She simultaneously rails against accusations of vanity and egotism by referring to the highly revered Yoruba Ifa deity, Sàngó, who stands in the moral judgement of good and bad.  Chika’s petition resonates with Taliani’s (2012) understanding that representations of the òrìsà, such as Sàngó, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  171  are placed in shrines to witness ritual oathtaking; and references subsequently made by sex-trafficked women can be emic expressions of oppression, discontent and misfortune.  Chika is perhaps conflating her current circumstances of oppression with earlier, unwelcome spiritual forms.  Equally, she is perhaps reflecting a fundamental concern in the Ifa religious teachings; namely, an excessive focus on material wealth threatens the development of wisdom, good character, and moral behaviour (considered critical to beneficial current and eternal lives) (Asante & Mazama, 2009).    Rafia highlights a fine line between un/acceptable forms of materialistic behaviour, and describes the potential moderating role played by pragmatic wisdom.  On the one hand, striving for material wealth to care for the family indicates a strength of character.  On the other, placing too much value on material wealth “to build mansions and be someone” indicates weakness (R:1779).   The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 4 (including familial and spiritual attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours in the context of striving for socioeconomic advantage and advancement) are rare.  They add to the research literature on roles played by dominant systems of marriage and child-rearing in Nigeria as drivers of population growth and socioeconomic migration (Carling, 2006; Dols García, 2013; Nwogu, 2008). 5.3.5. Paradox 5. Un/Acceptable Forms of Multiple Spirituality  In Chapter 3 (Methodology and Methods), I highlighted that the women in this study originated from Edo State, Nigeria and that most referred to the Bini ethnic group (i.e., the rural population that live around Benin City).  The women also referred to the Uromi (a sub-group of the Binis in north-eastern Esan), the Esan and the Yoruba (see Participant Profiles, Section 3.4.2.2.2.).  In the TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  172  current chapter, Paradox 5 captures Nigerian family households trying different kinds of belief to cope with and help address socioeconomic dilemmas.  The women offer the following rationale.  ‘The less socioeconomic comfort we have, the greater our capacity for spiritual open-mindedness’ (such as intertwining, separating and moving between Christianity and traditional indigenous religion).  At the same time, not all forms of multiple spirituality can be considered acceptable.  On the one hand, Hanna explains that the benevolent strand of indigenous spirituality works well with Christianity because it helps ensure blessings reach and protect everyone.  Hanna provides examples of local understandings of commonality between them.  Nasha comments that the malevolent, juju strand of indigenous spirituality clashes with Christianity because of “diabolic” intentions to destroy, harm, and kill (Ns:1518).  On the other hand, juju underpins ritual oathtaking (acknowledged by the women as the wise, trusted and respected way of sealing migration arrangements, and preferable to modern judicial systems).  At the same time, the women strongly object to the hypocrisy of Christians who attend Yoruba Aladura and African Pentecostalist/Charismatic churches that ‘specialise’ in diabolic intentions and spiritual exploitation, corruption, control, and manipulation.    The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 5 resonate with Janson's (2016) understanding of a dominant Christian-Yoruba mix of religious practice in Edo State, and enrich his reconceptualisation of multiple spirituality in Nigeria as a kaleidoscope through which “everything is possible” (Janson, 2016, p. 647).  5.3.6. Paradox 6. Un/Acceptable Forms of Migrant Sex Work  Paradox 6 reflects the women’s understanding that only certain forms of migrant sex work can be considered reasonable and acceptable in the pursuit of TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  173  a better life.  They describe varying levels of toughness as mothers in home villages instigate migration arrangements for their daughters.  When arrangements are made for daughters under 13 (and, therefore, incapable of grasping what overseas sex work entails), the women classify these particular circumstances of migrant sex work as child sex trafficking.  These lived experiential perspectives support and enrich Olayiwola’s (2019) argument that far from socioeconomically vulnerable Nigerian families being ignorant of the concept and consequences of the trafficking of minors (as reflected in more macro-level Nigerian anti-trafficking campaigns), their engagement in forms of trafficking or not reflects highly pragmatic considerations of how to address local social dilemmas.  The women in the current study also comment that child sex trafficking: (a) threatens their feelings of identity, cohesion, self-worth, and self-respect; and (b) tips any feelings of pride and unity with Nigeria into despair and disgrace.  These insights add the following unique dimension to Pajo’s (2008) conceptualisation of a global hierarchical order (noted in Paradox 1 above).  In the process of creating physical and psychological distance from the “kind of mother” and “kind of business” in Nigeria that engages in child sex trafficking (Hn:325), the women perceive Nigeria as better than other countries (such as Ghana, Senegal, Romania, Columbia, and the countries of South Africa) that are considered to “do prostitution” in Europe with relatively more “respect” (C:2907).  5.3.7. Paradox 7. Mis/representing Migrant Sex Work  Paradox 7 captures daughters in home villages using references from resettled sisters (i.e., women from the same village, ethnic group, region, or country) to help them decide which destination countries might best meet their socioeconomic needs and priorities.  These sisters purposefully misrepresent TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  174  overseas prostitution as a quick and easy way to make money, and give false impressions of wealth and status by: (a) posting misleading selfies on social media (see Paradox 4 above; materialistic behaviour); and (b) imposing severe socioeconomic restrictions on themselves in destination countries while simultaneously seeking financial assistance from local support organisations, better to accumulate money, travel to home villages, and display misleading, unrealistic levels of wealth and status.  The women’s insights on self-imposed hardship in Europe add to research literature on socioglobal mobility and the notion that a better life can also be considered “cruel and unfair” because of the potential for continuing hardship, inequality, and injustice (Mai, 2013b; Pajo, 2008, p. 38; noted in Paradox 1 above).  The women go on to comment that these powerful recruitment tactics can prompt daughters in home villages to think, “If she can make it, I can make it too!” (R:1752).  The phenomenon of daughters in home villages subsequently classifying certain countries as ‘worse’ or ‘better’ than others (depending on whether they might help meet their socioeconomic needs and priorities) provides another lived example of Pajo’s (2008) conceptualisation of a global hierarchical order (noted in Paradox 1 above).  Rafia illustrates the potential for psychological conflict posed by this recruitment process by strongly objecting to the omission and distortion of key ‘information’ in the references.  She suggests daughters are told the “real story” (such as tortuously long hours, high risks, and low-income) and offered trial runs before the agreement process (R:1459).  Rafia’s objections perhaps reflect the Yoruba Ifa religious concern that an excessive focus on wealth and status threatens the development of beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours critical to self-transformation (noted in Paradox 4 above).  Finally, the women’s insights on TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  175  their local Madam cycle are rare, and add to the under-researched area of dynamics associated with networking, organising, and transforming lives that can incentivise daughters in home villages to engage in and comply with migration arrangements (Carling, 2005b, 2006; Taliani, 2012, 2018).   5.3.8. Paradox 8. Unstable Notions of Consent   Paradox 8 reflects the women’s understanding that: (a) most migration arrangements in home villages are family affairs that are not legal and, therefore, cannot be enforced by the mafia; and (b) consent is categorised as voluntary whether or not deception occurs during the agreement process.  Rafia, for example, agreed to trial an arranged marriage in Spain but was instead placed in street-based prostitution, and Dayo agreed to street walking but was instead placed in a sex club.    The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 8 add to earlier references to consent as follows.  In Paradox 6 (un/acceptable forms of migrant sex work), girls over 13 are considered capable of grasping what overseas sex work entails.  In Paradox 7 (mis/representing migrant sex work), daughters in home villages are led to believe overseas prostitution offers quick and easy money and opportunities for socioeconomic advantage and advancement.  The women’s insights also add to the research literature that questions some persistent, dominant, and more macro-level anti-trafficking assumptions about the morality of sex work, gender-based roles and notions of obligation and protection; and calls for more sophisticated research into: (a) highly contextual and fluid notions of voluntariness and consent to migrants (Hill, 2017; Limoncelli, 2017; Weitzer, 2011, 2015, 2020); (b) lived accounts of whether Nigerian migrant sex workers fully understand the nature of prostitution awaiting them, and perceive themselves in charge of their bodies and futures (DSUSA, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  176  2019; Limoncelli, 2009; 2017; Walby et al., 2016); and (c) controversial structures and forces of sex work, third-party involvement, and notions of trafficking (Dewey, 2010; Horning & Marcus, 2017; Mai, 2013a; Olayiwola, 2019). 5.4. Bridging the Findings Chapters  Having organised and discussed the findings as a series of irregular, interpretive realities and concepts and set them against the migration and trafficking literature, this section provides a bridge to the next Findings Chapter (Resettling in Spain).  The bridge comprises narrative accounts of the women’s journeys from Nigeria to Spain as they cross the African desert, camp in Moroccan forests, cross the Straits of Gibraltar, and enter and leave the rescue shelters in Spain to head for the streets.  These particular narratives have not been analysed in this study because they were offered gradually over many years (i.e., they were not sought).   5.4.1. The Women’s Journeys from Nigeria to Spain  5.4.1.1. Crossing the African desert. Zara considered her experience of “stealing across the desert” for a  week and three days as treacherous and stressful.  She said, It’s not easy when there is no house.  There is just sand, sand, sand, sand, sand.  There is no protection.  Some didn’t make it.  Many other Nigerians, they are dead.  Many.  I think they have blocked the road, but they said they are still coming.  It is not their fault.  It’s because of our country; it’s not good (Za:1312).   At the same time, Zara considered the crossing “normal” and “necessary”.  She explained, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  177  You need to come [to Europe], and I am here now.  It is not like in Spain [where] the people are not strong.  (They can always sleep, have a house; there is no hard things.)  In Nigeria, you need to use your muscle to do everything.  You need to be strong on your own, not to call, ‘Oh, mummy, please, I need money!’  That is shame[ful].  No.  You say, ‘Mummy, I got you this money, take it to take care of yourself.’  I always want to be a strong girl; a strong girl (Za:1614).  Rafia said, “I was willing to go through hell and risk my life to reach Europe” (R:1755).   Hanna (one of the Madams) said that arrangements for the desert crossing were made in home villages as follows.  “One boy will just say, ‘I want to take 20 or 30 people for Europe’”.  He then “dumps all of them” partway across the desert “because he wants to make money.  He don’t care” (Hn:92).  For Bayo, Layla and Temi, this experience marked the start of their “suffering”, and senses of not knowing where they were or who to trust.  They subsequently joined a breakout group to continue their journey to Morocco (B:2091).    5.4.1.2. Camping in Moroccan forests.  Many of the women were escorted to forests in Morocco to live in shelters made from “lilos and sticks” (B:2111) alongside people from Ghana, Senegal, Nigeria and Togo.  They were required to repay debts incurred for the journey so far, and also cover the cost of their onward passage to Europe in a “sojak” (i.e., dinghy) (B:2160).  Abigail and Bayo were allocated the role of begging for these fundraising purposes.  Abigail said, “You need to be [a] strong woman because we see a lot of conditions like raping, stealing your money and using a knife to put on your neck to threaten you” (A:2139).  Bayo said, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  178  You need to have the courage to leave there, so I started working hard.  I was begging and [sex] working.  You need to be strong for yourself when men do what they want to do.  So, that is it.  ‘Don’t be scared’.  That is what I believe, so you can be able to help yourself.  Very bad experience.  So bad.  I just like to forget this picture. (B:2529).  Nasha and Temi were allocated the role of domestic service that included sex work.  After nine months, they saved 3,600 Moroccan dirhams (350 euros; £290) for the sojak.    5.4.1.3. Crossing the Straits of Gibraltar.  It was 3 am, and Bayo was sleeping in her shelter as a group of people stole their way through the forest to the water’s edge.  Bayo woke with a start as an Arab man shook her and asked urgently, “You paid your money, right?  It’s time!  People are going!”  She decided to be “smart” and replied, “Yes!”  She said, “God, just know that this is my time to leave the forest”.  She ran after the man while trying to dress.  At the water’s edge, some “Arab people” were checking lists of names, and she confirmed for a second time that she had paid (B:2159).  Bayo had not seen the sea before.  She continued,  I did start to run back because of the way the water was coming.  So, the Arab man, he carry me and put me in the sojak that was turning like ‘this’ [moves her hands from side to side, and up and down].  I was so scared.  My mind was coming in, and the water was entering the sojak, and they tell us to be bailing the water out.  We were there for 12 hours in the sea.  It’s very, very dangerous.  That is how we reach the Spanish rescue (B:2192). Bayo was subsequently hospitalised because she was “so, so tired TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  179  and sick”.  She explained, “Everything was so hard that I had not experienced it in my life before.  Like, maybe, I will give up from the shock” (B:2198).  Nasha sustained injuries to her legs when the “rescue people” pulled her from the dinghy after 16 hours on the sea (Ns:473).  For Zula, the dinghy capsized and 20 people fell into the sea, including her baby, who drowned.  Abigail said it was common knowledge that 60 per cent of those in the dinghies were likely to drown.    5.4.1.4. Entering and leaving Spanish rescue shelters.  Hanna explained that “the ladies” had to learn how to navigate European border controls.  It was impossible to look a Nigerian police officer in the eye and ask for assistance, for example, for fear of being “kicked with boots” or jailed.  In Spain, however, it was necessary to say, “Oh, please, I don’t have the money; that is why I enter Spain this way. Can you help me?” (Hn:1245). All the women requested immediate protection through asylum.  Temi’s preprepared story centred on running away from Boko Haram, Islamist militants in Borno State.  She had also stated,   I got in the boat with 74 others and thought I would die in the sea.  But I arrived alive.  This is how I know God has a plan and a purpose for me and that He will bring people to help me (T:74).   Temi subsequently stayed in three consecutive rescue shelters where she received food, clothing, shoes, luggage, 20 euros (£16) weekly, and an ‘NIE’ (Número de Identidad de Extranjero; a unique tax identification number assigned to each foreigner by the Spanish authorities).  She then made her way to a city to start street walking.   Bayo’s preprepared story also portrayed a war-torn Borno State and the murder of family members.  She explained at the time, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  180  I met a good person.  He asked what is going on; if he can help.  He told me there was one person from Nigeria that could ensure that I was coming to Spain.  I was thinking that my whole family was dead, so I don’t have any choice but to follow him (B:2080).   Bayo had reasoned, “Yeh, for the asylum, Spain is so, so better.  Yes, far, far better than Morocco”, and went on to pinpoint when she decided to leave the rescue centre and join Temi on the streets.  Bayo said, “Finally, both of us, we decide what we will do.  Because we think that, in the street, we can be able to have money” (B:2336). 5.5. Chapter Summary  This chapter presented the women’s lived experiential perspectives of migrating from Nigeria.  It focussed on their motivations to migrate and subsequent migration arrangements.  Contextualisation was provided using three analytical lenses (Social Systems, Power Dynamics, Faith Norms).  These lenses captured the women’s deeper, more existential, personal perspectives of various phenomena, including: crime, exploitation, and oppression; polygamous marriage; hierarchical sibling responsibility for social provision; hopes for self-transformation; and the practice of multiple forms of spirituality.  Eight paradoxes running through the findings reflected the women managing and navigating their socioeconomic migration intentions (to provide for their families socially and become transformed into women of purpose, value, and respect), and using psychological navigational strategies and tools (a moral-ethical scale and Nigerian mindset moderated by personal notions of pragmatic wisdom).  The paradoxes provided a framework to organise the findings as a series of irregular, interpretive realities and concepts.  I discussed how the women’s insights surrounding each paradox added to the research literature across wide-TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  181  ranging psychosocial, relational, sexual, cultural, and spiritual phenomena.  A bridge to the next Findings Chapter 6 (Resettling in Spain) comprised narrative accounts of the women’s journeys from Nigeria to Spain.    TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  182  Chapter 6. Findings 2. Resettling in Spain “Doing that prostitution is the wrong job.  They only think of money …  it’s like the people that remain in that street; they want death”   (Participant Hanna, a Madam).  This chapter presents the second and final theme of the women’s data, ‘Resettling in Spain’.  The findings are organised according to analytical thematic categories and contextual lenses as described in Chapter 4 (Self-Reflective Data Analysis).  Section 1 of this chapter focuses on the sub-themes ‘Sex Work’ and ‘Life After Sex Work’ that capture the more factual and practical aspects of the women’s data.  Sex work centres on day-to-day living and ‘street walking’ (i.e., street-based prostitution), ‘house work’ (i.e., rotating to different ‘fun houses’ to satisfy customer demand for a continual stream of new girls), and associated needs and obstacles.  Life after sex work centres on the women’s aspirations for a better life (see Figure 6.1.). Figure 6.1.   Resettling in Spain.         Section 2 presents deeper, more existential, personal aspects of the women’s data relating to the sub-themes using three contextual lenses (Social Systems, Power Dynamics, Faith Norms).  The contextualisation of sex work  RESETTLING IN SPAINSex Work⬧ Day-to-day living and street walking- Madam girls- Independent prostitutes- Risks and risk management⬧ House work ⬧ Needs and obstacles- Legal migrant statusLife After Sex Work⬧ Aspirations for a better life- Finding normal work- Trading with NigeriaTENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  183  reflects the impact of two social systems (family and work).  These systems are interwoven with power dynamics associated with the women navigating the socioeconomic demands and protocols of their families and Madams, alongside the practice of multiple forms of spirituality (see Figure 6.2.).   Figure 6.2.   Contextualising Sex Work.           The contextualisation of life after sex work reflects the impact of the social system of self-transformation.  This system is interwoven with power dynamics associated with women navigating three options to achieve and maintain self-transformation (i.e., get a ‘normal’ regular job, get married, and/or draw on the resources of charity organisations), alongside the practice of multiple forms of spirituality (see Figure 6.3.). Figure 6.3.   Contextualising Life After Sex Work.        Section 3 uses the same series of eight paradoxes as the previous Findings Chapter 5 to organise and discuss findings as irregular, interpretive  SOCIAL SYSTEMSFamily⬧ Sending goods and money to NigeriaWork⬧ Madam protocolsPOWER DYNAMICS⬧ Navigating socioeconomic demands- Un/acceptable rebellion⬧ Navigating Madam protocols- Un/acceptable rebellionFAITH NORMS⬧ Simultaneous practice of Christianty and traditional indigenous spirituality - Spiritual protection- White and black Christian churches SOCIAL SYSTEMSSelf-transformation⬧ From "cockroaches" to women of purpose, value, and respectPOWER DYNAMICS⬧ Navigating options to achieve and maintain transformation- Get a normal job- Get married- Draw on charity organisationsFAITH NORMS⬧ Simultaneous practice of Christianty and traditional indigenous spirituality - "Doing good works" TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  184  realities and concepts, and revisit and develop them in light of the women’s resettlement in Spain.  As before, I show how this series reflects the women: (a) managing and navigating what they consider morally good socioeconomic migration intentions (i.e., to provide for their families and become transformed into women of purpose, value, and respect); and (b) using psychological navigational strategies and tools (i.e., a moral-ethical scale and Nigerian mindset moderated by highly pragmatic, personal, and contextual notions of wisdom, shortened to ‘pragmatic wisdom’).  I discuss how the women’s insights surrounding each paradox add to the research literature (as reviewed in Chapter 2) across wide-ranging psychosocial, relational, sexual, cultural, and spiritual phenomena.  Section 4 summarises the chapter.    Because of the size, diversity, richness and complexity of the findings and discussions in Chapters 5 and 6, I use Chapter 7 to draw them together. 6.1. Presentation of the Sub-Themes 6.1.1. Sub-Theme 1. Sex Work The women’s perspectives on sex work focused on day-to-day living and street walking for ‘Madam girls’ (i.e., prostitutes living with Madams) and independent prostitutes, together with associated risks and risk management.  They also focussed on the phenomenon of house work, and needs and obstacles associated with attaining legal migrant status.  For ease of reference, the corresponding section from Figure 6.1. is duplicated here.       SEX WORK⬧ Day-to-day living and street walking- Madam girls- Independent prostitutes- Risks and risk management⬧ House work ⬧ Needs and obstacles- Legal migrant statusTENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  185   6.1.1.1. Day-to-Day living and street walking.  Zara reminisced about leaving the shelter of the Spanish rescue people, catching a bus to the city where she intended to work on the streets, and finally taking a taxi to the flat of a Madam called Hazika.  Zara’s new flatmates, Bayo and Temi, occupied one bedroom, and she joined Abigail in another to replace a girl who had just migrated to France.  Each bedroom contained a double mattress on the floor, a single wardrobe, a wooden chair, and a TV, and led to a small external balcony with a clothes airer (Za:1314).   In a different flat in the same city, Chika slept in the box room, rather than share a bed with any of her five flatmates.  Dayo and Nasha, and Odeh and Sussan shared two double bedrooms.  Sade had the third one to herself and oversaw the flat on behalf of a Madam called Hanna.  Chika explained that both flats provided places for these “Madam girls” to remove makeup, attend to hair extensions and wigs, rest the body and follow a rota of daily chores (such as cleaning, washing clothes, shopping for food, and cooking).  The Madams charged each ‘girl’ 120 euros (£105) weekly for rent and 180 euros (£158) monthly for electricity.  Chika added that Madams tended to form small groups, dress alike and help one another with their responsibilities which included: bringing and introducing “new girls” to the streets and collecting money from them; selling them condoms, clothes, and footwear at elevated prices; procuring sex work and making bookings with “guests”; and ensuring the girls ‘buckled down’ to sex work and repaid their sponsorship debts (C:3144).   Hanna commented on her role as a Madam as follows.   [A Madam] will call the girl in the road and say to her, ‘How much did you work today?  You have 100 euros (£88)?  How much ‘til you have 200?’ so that she can plate [i.e., take] all the money.  Maybe the girl will return TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  186  with less money, and the Madam say to her, ‘No!  You supposed to bring 500!  You supposed to bring 1,000!’ and start beating her like a fool (Hn:1017).    She pointed to one of her girls, Sunnie, who was standing at the window of her sitting room and said, “This one, you see it here?  I brought it.  I like this woman because she ‘take it’ [i.e., does not cause trouble] and she says to me, ‘You help me.’”  Hanna explained that Sunnie had taken the following oath during her migration arrangements.  “If you do not do it, what the Madam say you, you will die” (Hn:135).   6.1.1.1.1. Madam girls.  Each Madam girl had an allotted space on the streets of the industrial estate (such as beside a lamppost or tree) from which to attract customers, and return to, after walking around and “doing some business” (Sa:71).  At times, they formed small groups.  Zara, Abigail, Bayo, and Temi, for example, sat in a showroom doorway.  Odeh and Sussan sat on a curb using cardboard or newspaper for protection.  Chika, Dayo, Nasha and Sade leaned against a section of metal railing.  In the winter, the Madam girls wore leggings, plimsolls, and skinny polos.  They worked from around 5.30 pm to 10.30 pm because it was bitterly cold and there were fewer customers.  In the summer, they wore miniskirts, boob tubes and flip-flops and worked around ten hours per night, often from 7 pm to 5 am, or 10 pm to 7 am.  The business involved agreeing on a price with one or more customers at a time before walking to nearby areas of bamboo and scrubland, or climbing into vehicles and directing drivers to dimly lit side streets.  Sexual transactions were completed by the women as quickly as possible unless customers agreed to pay for more of their time.  On average, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  187  the women charged five euros (£4) for masturbation, 10 to 15 euros (£9 to £13) for oral sex and 15 to 20 euros (£13 to £18) for intercourse.   6.1.1.1.2. Independent prostitutes.  Some of the women had already repaid their sponsorship debts to become independent street walkers, and stood some distance away from the Madam girls.  Layla and Jol, for example, stood beside a lamppost in a side street.  They dressed relatively modestly and sought customers as discreetly as possible.  Nabila and Kadi, on the other hand, shared a concrete island beside a large roundabout and kept clothing to a minimum (bra and knickers or thong), only resorting to leggings and skinny polos in the winter.  They waved and called out to passing cars and lorries, and directed interested drivers to scrubland or dirt tracks.  A preferred location for Nabila was the spillover car park of a fast-food restaurant where some corrugated cardboard served as a mattress.  She knelt to remove some windswept debris and commented, “In Nigeria, in this work, we do not wear a condom.  In Spain, if we do not wear condom, we ask them to pay more.  But when in the mouth, we never use condom” (Nb:507).  She added that, unlike the Madam girls who paid elevated prices for condoms, the independent prostitutes bought them in bulk from a man on a scooter seizing a business opportunity.  They were cheaper than in the pharmacies and supermarkets but could split because they were out of date.   6.1.1.1.3. Risks and risk management.  None of the women brought refreshments to the streets for fear of poisoning.  Nabila and Precious explained they had initially stored bottles of water in nearby shrubbery but suffered stomach cramps, due to what they believed was purposeful contamination by the Madam girls.  The principal risks of street walking were identified as assaults and muggings by the public and TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  188  detainment by the police.  Sade stated that the first six to 12 months were the most dangerous for “new girls” because they could not yet discern “good” men from “bad” (Sa:79).  She called over to one of them, Abigail, and asked her to roll down the top of her leggings.  Abigail winced as she gingerly exposed a large area of pink flesh on her right outer thigh while explaining she had climbed into the car of a man she did not know.  Instead of following directions to a side street nearby, the driver accelerated onto the carriageway, leaving Abigail no choice but to propel herself from the passenger seat.  Sade commented that Abigail was particularly vulnerable when her peers were with customers and unable to look out for her.  Sade went on to reminisce about her own naivety in the early days.  She called the police for help after a man snatched her bag, only to receive a three-year suspended sentence preventing her from applying for legal status.  Nasha similarly asked the police to catch “a foolish boy” who stole her money, and found herself detained and threatened with deportation.  She exclaimed, “They never, never catch me for trafficking!  It’s just that I went to the police on my own!” (Ns:332).  Her flatmate, Dayo, recalled waiting anxiously for her release.  She said,   You don’t know what to think.  I tried to ring her, send SMS and WhatsApp.  I was going into panic.  I was praying, ‘God, don’t let her be deported’.  Me, I never call the police anymore.  If they are good, they want to help you in return for something.  If they are bad, they take you straight to [police] station” (D:774).    Precious recalled asking the police to catch a “new boy” who had beaten her because she would not accept 10 euros (£9) for one hour of her time, and then grabbed her handbag and ran away.  Precious said, “The police come, but they are just wicked.  They do not want to catch this boy.  They say they will TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  189  take me to the station even though they see my body; that the boy has been very rough” (P:1833).  Consequently, she decided to try and protect herself by standing beside the fast-food restaurant in clear view and easy reach of customers and staff until the early hours.  On one occasion, two men wanted to “take it in turns” (i.e., one eat fast food, the other have sex, and then swap) and agreed the price of 20 euros (18) each.  They later accused her of stealing their money and threatened to beat her but fled when Precious ran to a “white husband and his wife” in the car park (P:4125).  Dayo and Nasha also encountered these “bad boys” who similarly fled when some “white girls” heading for the restaurant threatened to call the police (Ns:341).  They highlighted some risk management protocols for street walking as follows. • When you have made some money on the street, hide it in the shrubbery rather than keep it in your bag in case it is snatched. • If you do not want to accept a customer, give him a price that is too high so that he goes away.  Spanish men can be safer than foreigners. • Do not climb into a vehicle if you do not know the driver.  If the man or men inside become violent, do anything to calm and placate them until you can leave.    • The best way to avoid trouble is to refrain from calling the police.  If someone assaults or beats you, keep quiet and suffer the consequences.  If you are mugged, tell them to take the money and go in peace.  6.1.1.2. House work.   Many of the women alternated street walking with “house work” to increase their earnings (T:405).  This involved travelling in rotation to different “fun houses” (i.e., privately owned apartments or houses that served as sex clubs) to satisfy customer demand for a continual stream of new girls (Sa:510).  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  190  While driving Temi to one fun house, she explained that “the girls” inside were responsible for daily chores such as cleaning and cooking, and that the manager “worked” them with customers.  Spanish customers often requested longer time with Nigerian girls to practice their English, which allowed these girls to “relax” and feel valued (T:414).  As we approached the fun house (a third-floor flat in a concrete apartment block), Temi telephoned the manager and was instructed to wait outside until he returned from church.  Ten minutes later, she spotted him strolling towards the car wearing a dark, crisp, lightweight suit, white open-necked shirt, and sunglasses.  Temi sprang from the back seat, opened the boot, and began unloading her luggage while the manager shook my hand, introduced himself and thanked me for bringing her.    While collecting Zara from a different fun house (a modern terraced chalet opposite a railway station), she reflected on her month there as follows.  “There is more time to rest than on the street and there is hot water to take a bath.  The rent is already paid, so it’s easier to save money.  Better than with Madam” (Za:183).    Her flatmate, Abigail, was considering whether to try fun houses, and weighed the pros and cons as follows.  If customers beat you or will not pay, there is security on the doors 12 hours a day, from 6 [pm] til 6 [am], and they help you.  You can leave for appointments, and if you don’t like it, you can leave.  They don’t cause problem (A:387).    Sussan planned to spend a few months in a fun house.  The idea was to be on call 24 hours a day, better to clear the remaining 10,000 euros (£8,800) of her sponsorship debt totalling 30,000 euros (£26,400).  This fun house was an old, terraced house in a village near the junction of a motorway.  I occasionally TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  191  collected Sussan from the main square to take coffee together in a neighbouring town and enable her to transfer cash to her Madam.  Sussan’s main concern was that the manager of the fun house buzzed her room each time a customer headed for her room, leaving her little time for personal hygiene.  Sussan explained that the other Nigerian girls were causing “some trouble” about this, but she kept quiet and focused on repaying her debt.  Looking up from stirring her coffee, she smiled brightly and said, “Don’t worry, I am safe” (Su:163).     6.1.1.3. Needs and obstacles. 6.1.1.3.1. Legal migrant status.   The women sought the following documents that represented some first steps in attaining legal status: a red card; a ‘padrón’; a Nigerian passport; and a ‘SIP card’. Red card.  Asylum status was first awarded to the women by ‘the rescue people’ as they arrived in Spain (as noted in Chapter 5, Section 5.4.1.4).  It took the form of a red card and carried a ‘NIE’ (Spanish abbreviation for ‘Número de Identidad de Extranjero’, a national identity number issued to all foreigners).  A significant concern for the women was its imminent expiry, and they explained it was critical to try and distance themselves from the police while seeking to renew it for fear of detainment and deportation.  Zula, for example, was stopped by the police, issued a deportation order preventing her from returning to Spain for five years, fined 500 euros (£440) and instructed to sign a register at the police station every week.  She was simultaneously allocated a police-based lawyer to appeal against the fine and deportation order.  These were cancelled two years later without explanation.  When the police similarly stopped Nasha, the “police lawyer” advised her to sign the register because deportation was TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  192  unlikely (Ns:787).  On the other hand, an independent legal advisor felt this too risky because Nasha could be detained and deported as soon as the police gathered enough migrants for the next scheduled flight to Nigeria.  The advisor believed the best way to avoid deportation was to get a regular job, but conceded this was incredibly difficult with an expired red card.  Nasha decided to sign the register in the first instance to give her time to reflect on what to do for the best.  Zula and Bayo ultimately went into hiding while renewing their asylum status through a private lawyer recommended by their Madam, Hazika.  Hazika subsequently retained their new red cards until they repaid enough of their sponsorship debts.  Their flatmate, Abigail, believed the best course of action in the future was to go into hiding and appoint an independent lawyer instead but conceded this was impossible with expired red cards.    Padrón.  The other Madam, Hanna, believed the most important document for the women was the ‘empadronamiento’ (or ‘padrón’) – a certificate issued by local ‘ayuntamientos’ (translated from Spanish as town halls) to those living in a formally registered property for a minimum of three consecutive months.  The Padróns served as legal proof of address and required renewal every three months for three consecutive years to form part of the application process for legal status.  Also required were an African passport and a legal precontract of employment for at least 40 hours per week for one year.  Hanna again turned to Sonnie (one of her ‘girls’ noted in Section 6.1.1.1. above) and said, You need your padrón!  You are listening?  This place [i.e., this city] is very, very danger, eh?  You cannot present yourself to the ayuntamiento for the padrón.  No, never, never.  I follow Zula.  I follow Dayo; I know what is going on.  They will not recognise you without your passport.  So, we TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  193  will do it in another place where they can permit you without your passport.  Yes, it’s better (Hn:651).  Hanna shook her head disapprovingly as she added that the other Madam, Hazika, charged her girls a release fee of 150 euros (£132) if they secured a padrón independently using a Spanish landlord.  This was not easy, however, because Spanish landlords preferred to give padróns to white tenants, and with official work contracts.    Nasha described how she eventually found a “Spanish boy” willing to provide a padrón for a box room for 200 euros (£176) monthly.  However, he ransacked her room and stole her money.  She subsequently transferred to the box room of an “old Spanish man” who offered a padrón for 150 euros (£132) monthly and free sex (Ns:570).  Kadi, Nabila, and Precious were instead approached by an “old white man” offering them single rooms with padróns for 300 euros (£264) each monthly (P:4194).  Sade chuckled as she explained that he liked to help Nigerian women and was “harmless” (Sa:292).  Nonetheless, Nabila soon relocated to an empty flat with a padrón in exchange for paying her utility bills and offering free sex to the landlord whenever he visited.  She showed me around.  The small, dark entrance hall led to a narrow corridor.  First on the right was a box room packed with giant laundry bags of clothing destined for Nigeria.  The second door led to her bedroom which contained an unmade double mattress on the floor, an old armchair, a coffee table covered with sticky cup rings, cartons of juice and packets of biscuit, and a TV screen that had fallen to the floor and cracked.  A glazed door in the far corner led to a small balcony with a clothes airer.  On the corridor’s left were a foul-smelling shower room and toilet with no light or ventilation, a small kitchen comprising a hob and sink unit, and a fridge that did not work.  As we sat and chatted on the TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  194  edge of her mattress, Nabila commented, “I am very lonely without the TV, but I am very happy to live alone in this place in peace” (Nb:195).  Precious similarly relocated quickly, but to a single room with a padrón.  The rent was considered suitably low because the landlord (“a boy”) reduced it in increments of 20 euros (£18) each time she had sex with him, and there was no hot water.  Only Kadi stayed behind with the ‘old white man’ and despaired of his behaviour.  She grimaced as she explained, “Oh!  He enters my room as he likes!  I don’t know what is wrong with him!  He always wants things.  He is crazy!” (K:233).  She resorted to barricading the door while trying to sleep and was eventually told to leave.  Nabila subsequently found Kadi an empty flat with padrón on the outskirts of a neighbouring town, providing them both with an alternative workplace.  They attracted customers by placing flyers under the windscreen wipers of parked cars and considered this form of business better than street walking because it was warmer in winter.  It was risky, however, because arrangements with customers were made over the phone, rather than face-to-face.    Nigerian passport.  Like many of the women, Sussan set aside 400 euros (£352) to obtain a Nigerian passport once she had secured a padrón.  This involved paying her Madam 300 euros (£264) to make an appointment on her behalf at the Nigerian embassy in Madrid, arrange the bus journey and use her bank card to cover an administration fee of 100 euros (£88).  When Sussan arrived at the embassy, she paid a further 60 euros (£53) for administration and 10 euros (£9) to a Nigerian man in the entrance hall who helped ensure passports were couriered to the correct addresses.    SIP card.  All the women described experiencing physical, psychological and emotional challenges.  These included: generalised body pain and TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  195  weakness; anxiety; allergies; diabetes; gynaecological problems (such as chronic pelvic pain, pelvic adhesions, irregular periods, period pains, and unwanted pregnancies); pain related to sexual activity; urinary infections and STDs; and problems with the digestive system, skin, eyes, ears, nose, and throat.  The women sought access to the Spanish healthcare system, albeit limited to emergency services for irregular migrants.  Access hinged on securing and maintaining a ‘SIP’ (Spanish abbreviation for ‘Sistema de Información Poblacional’).  It took the form of a plastic card and was issued by local health centres to those able to maintain a padrón for a minimum of three months.  The issuing process seemed arbitrary because: staff members did not necessarily follow the mandates set down by the health centre; the health centre did not always follow the local government; and the local government did not necessarily reflect the humanitarian agreements of the central government.   6.1.2. Sub-Theme 2. Life After Sex Work   The women’s lived experiential perspectives on life after sex work focused on finding regular work and/or trading with Nigeria.  For ease of reference, the corresponding section from Figure 6.1. is duplicated here.   6.1.2.1. Aspirations for a better life.  After two or three years, most Madam girls repaid what was considered a sufficient amount of their sponsorship debts and no longer lived with their Madams.  They joined the other independent street walkers and aspired to “a normal life, a better life” beyond sex work (L:2144).  Abigail and Zara sat on a  LIFE AFTER SEX WORK⬧ Aspirations for a better life- Finding normal work- Trading with NigeriaTENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  196  street curb, and Bayo and Temi stood behind them in a showroom doorway as Abigail said, “This is not a normal life.  It’s very stressful.  To live a normal life is very good.  Just to be comfortable and happy” (A:412).  Zara nodded and thought about what this might look like.  Eventually, she said, In the morning time, Monday to Friday, I will go to work in one place.  I will feel like a woman and be okay with any other thing.  In the evening, I come back.  Saturday and Sunday, you say, ‘No’, so you have time for yourself.  Maybe Saturday, I wash my clothes, go to the gym, take my bath, relax a little, and maybe watch TV.  In the evening, I can go to discotheque and come back.  Then, on Sunday, wake up, eat food, go to church, eat, sleep, spend time with some friends; do anything you like (Za:1533).   Bayo commented,  Me, I don’t want to be sleeping in the afternoon.  It’s not good for the mind.  My dream is to wake up in the morning, get dressed and go to normal work.  When I come back at night, I eat and sleep, and that is it.  And with time, maybe the younger ones that I leave [in Nigeria], they will be able to care for themself (B:2486).    For Temi, a new life included having children when she wanted them.  This would entail addressing some chronic gynaecological issues.  She explained,  I always have stomach pain.  I will just be crying and screaming and wanting to faint.  Jesus, I almost die.  So, I think that this [pelvic adhesion] is the problem.  So, when I want to make a baby, all I have to do is to remove it (T:302).   Zara, Abigail, and Bayo nodded and added that they suffered similar symptoms.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  197   Chika and Dayo had been leaning against metal railings nearby and walked over to join the conversation.  Chika said,  What I want is this, okay?  I just want to live a simple life, to live a better life, to get married, to have my own house, to have my own kitchen, to have my own children, to go to work on my own.  That is my plan (C:2664).    Dayo agreed and said, “For me, my prayer for my future is to have a husband, a house and kids.”   She also wanted to bring her younger siblings to live with her in Spain.  She paused before adding that the first step for all these women’s aspirations was “to find normal work” (D:20).  6.1.2.1.1. Finding normal work.   Abigail, Bayo, and Temi invited me to their flat to share some good news.  Their asylum status of three years had been extended by another six months, and this signalled the time to look for regular work.  Bayo explained,  With time, we see that prostitution is not the work we now expect to be doing.  Like, the money is tainted.  Like, we will just stay there [on the streets] to get some money, but we know that that work is not good enough for us (B:2255).    Temi was already planting vegetables on acres of land and wanted Abigail and Bayo to join her.  While it did not provide a contract of employment (critical to applying for legal migrant status), Temi now felt in control of her money and could start paying taxes.  She commented, “The fact is that I am happy, I am free, and I am safe” (T:482).  Bayo and Abigail doubted they were physically strong enough to earn the required money through farm work.  On the other hand, they wanted to put street walking “in the past” and considered farm work “less risky” (B:2338).  They subsequently tried farm work, “little by little”, to build their strength and hoped for alternative “better and more easy TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  198  work”.  Bayo commented, “We can do nails, do hair.  Maybe one day I will be lawyer” (B:2429).    Odeh worked on a different farm for 1,400 euros (£1234) monthly.  Precious worked intermittently in a shoe factory and a fruit and vegetable warehouse.  She wanted to join Odeh but was unable to find accommodation in the area because “blacks” (particularly Nigerians) were reputed to be “trouble” (P:1031).  In desperation, she joined a queue of workers as they waited to be driven to a farm in the early hours but was turned away.    Zara and Nasha stayed on the streets while renewing their asylum status.  Zara noted, “The other girls, they are starting to look for their own work.  They see that [street walking] is just a quick way to make money, but it’s dangerous.  Me, I don’t like it.  It’s not good for the health” (Za:834).  Nasha added, “This work is so horrible.  I pray that the asylum will come through because I am tired of this work.  I just need a normal job” (Ns:1087).  They explained they did not want to join the others on the farm because it was “men’s work” and did not pay well (Ns:601).    Layla was standing further down the street and said, “It is difficult.  In Europe, there is much stress because there is no work.  We women here - daughters and mothers – we are looking to renew documents, or we are in the street.”  She commented that her daughter in Nigeria was “complaining a lot” and insisting her best friend’s mother had a regular job in Spain without documents and could send her money to pay for everything.  (Layla’s daughter did not realise her friend’s mother was a street walker.)  Layla sighed as she thought about her future and concluded, “All the stress I have been passing through … I don’t want to still be doing something I don’t want to do.  But I can do nothing about it for now” (L:2055).  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  199   6.1.2.1.2. Trading with Nigeria.  All the women aspired to start trading with Nigeria.  Layla, for example, explained that for 10,000 euros (£8,812), she could open an African store in Spain, sell food (such as rice, tomato, curry, macaroni, and spaghetti) and create an outlet in Nigeria.  She added,  I will spend one month in Spain to buy things from here and in other parts of Europe, and two months in Nigeria.  I will work hard and earn a good living.  I will save money.  I will pay salary, helping people.  It would be easy for me to live a good life (L:2172).    Zula said that for 2,000 euros (£1,762), she could fill a 50-kilo box with five-kilo boxes of shoes and mobile phones and ship it to Lagos.  A colleague in Benin City would collect and distribute the goods and send Zula a share of the money.  Chika wanted to buy a second-hand bus and fill it with cheap items bought from a market or factory (such as “shirt, knicker, children’s clothes, TV, fridge and freezer”).  She would pay a man to drive it to Benin City via Lagos and sell everything (including the bus) before flying back to Spain to repeat the process (C:2334).  Other ideas included trading in hair, bread ingredients, perfumes, and body creams. 6.2. Contextualisation of the Sub-Themes 6.2.1. The Contexts of Sex Work  The women’s deeper, more existential, personal perspectives of sex work centred on the social systems of family and work as they sent goods and money to Nigeria and endeavoured to comply with the protocols of the Madams.  Interweaving power dynamics reflected the navigation of socioeconomic demands, protocols, and notions of rebellion, alongside the practice of multiple forms of spirituality.  For ease of reference, Figure 6.2. is duplicated here. TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  200         6.2.1.1. The family system.  As far as Chika was concerned, the most critical focus for new girls was sending goods and money to their families in Nigeria.  She explained, “Whenever we Nigerians come into a country that they don’t understand, the first thing every Nigerian knows is how to send load [i.e., goods] and how to send money (C:2312).   6.2.1.1.1. Sending goods and money to Nigeria.  Chika described how she had initially packed a freezer with clothing, food, toothpaste and bath salts, and taken it to an independent Nigerian courier who guaranteed safe transit between Spanish and Nigerian seaports (C:2331).  (Precious commented that such couriers tended to demand extra payments throughout the journey and before releasing the goods from the delivery office.  This behaviour was considered understandable and “normal” because they, too, had children to feed [P:3134]).  Chika subsequently adopted the more commonplace practice of gathering goods over time, packing them in giant laundry bags and using the courier services of African stores in Spanish towns and cities despite the risks of relatively higher charges and longer delays, and loss of goods.    Chika further explained that the women regularly visited shops to transfer cash to their families.  Nabila, for example, used this service to financially  SOCIAL SYSTEMSFamily⬧ Sending goods and money to NigeriaWork⬧ Madam protocolsPOWER DYNAMICS⬧ Navigating socioeconomic demands- Un/acceptable rebellion⬧ Navigating Madam protocols- Un/acceptable rebellionFAITH NORMS⬧ Simultaneous practice of Christianty and traditional indigenous spirituality - Spiritual protection- White and black Christian churchesTENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  201  support seven children comprising siblings, nieces, nephews, and her daughter.  Precious supported 11 children and tried to ringfence the following amounts of money for her two children: 211,000 nairas (£380) annually for schoolbooks, uniforms and transport; 92,000 nairas (£165) monthly for food, clothing, and pocket money; and 55,000 nairas (£100) for after-school revision classes as required.  All the women endeavoured to buy a house in Nigeria for their families, pay for emergency healthcare, medication and hospitalisation, and provide financial aid when family members were unable or unwilling to work.  Layla also paid for her brother’s overseas university fees, accommodation, and travel expenses.      6.2.1.1.2. Navigating socioeconomic demands. Rafia described her suffering in Nigeria as “too much.”  At the same time, she experienced tremendous “stress and suffering” in Spain as she tried to navigate and meet the socioeconomic demands of her family (R:2474).  Odeh chuckled as she commented,  It kind of goes both ways.  Obviously, I am very happy to be here in Spain, but at the same time, life is very hard.  There is a lot of suffering here because [families] are saying, ‘You are in Europe; send money!  We are hungry; send food!’  There is not, “How are you?  How are you faring?” (O:1050).   Precious recalled being instructed to send 60,000 nairas (£108) for injections because her two children were sick.  At the same, she learnt that money sent earlier for their school fees had been redirected to other children without her permission.  Precious nonetheless sent more money, only to receive financial demands from a nephew who had joined a “bad gang” and threatened to harm her children if she did not comply.  Precious did so twice before TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  202  stopping.  She portrayed this navigational role as “carrying every trouble and burden in the family” and was puzzled by a lack of “love and concern” for her (P:3664).  She commented, “I can’t really understand what is happening, because they don’t call me to ask what is happening or tell me about my children.  Nobody calls unless they want something” (P:3708).    Bayo tapped her forehead with the back of a hand (an expression of anxiety) as she described how “the younger ones” in Nigeria could be treated “something like slaves”, and the women in Spain held responsible for their mistreatment and /or deaths if they did not meet socioeconomic family demands (B:11).  One Sunday morning, for example, Bayo asked me to visit her and Temi urgently and led me to their bedroom where Temi was huddled on her knees on the mattress.  The Madam, Hazika, called me from the kitchen, “Tell them to get ready for church!” (Hz:37).  Temi looked up and invited me to sit beside her.  I removed a small pink fleece blanket from my bag and placed it gently around her shoulders as she held out her phone to reveal a photograph of a young girl.  The photograph was superimposed with the large red letters, ‘RIP’.  Temi explained, “My youngest sister, she was killed, and it is my fault.”  Temi added that she wanted to take time away from the streets “to feel sorry,” but her rent was due (T:291).  At this point, Hazika appeared at the bedroom doorway and indicated it was time for me to leave, and for “the girls” to “move a leg” and prepare themselves for church (Hz:44).  Later that afternoon, Temi sent me the following WhatsApp voice message.  “It is my fault.  So, I have to work hard.  I have to put it behind me” (T:293).    Kadi was also held responsible by her mother for the death of a younger sister, and a flatmate asked me to visit urgently after Kadi tried to take her own life as a result.  Kadi described feeling exhausted and frightened that something TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  203  was wrong inside her head.  She added that she relied on whiskey and marijuana to sleep during the day and “move a leg” to work on the streets at night (K:298).  Rafia similarly described becoming “so depressed and desperately sad” about family pressures that she could not get out of bed, wash, or eat.  Her mother appeared more “caring and unselfish” on the telephone until Rafia recovered and found the renewed impetus to provide for her family (R:2194).  Abigail commented, “Many girls in Europe suffer some kinds of damage because of their family and because other people, they make a curse” (A:381).  Layla explained, “Nigeria is the most dangerous place.  There is silent killing.  I want to tell you a story:”   One of the girls was particularly beautiful and, because of this, attracted 20 men per night (rather than the usual one or two) and earnt 1500 euros (£1332) (rather than 50 euros [£56]).  This girl seemed better protected than the others.  She could “enter a car with four or five men, all alone” without being harmed, for example, and take the customers of other girls while they were away from their posts.  (Layla explained there was a saying, “If a girl is out with a man and you take her space, you will not get customers”.)  This girl also seemed to receive anything she required from her mother in Nigeria, such as “a comb for her hair”, prompting the others to conclude, “There is ritual power at work.  Her mother puts power from Africa.  Her mother uses juju as her source of power” (L:2317-2324).    Nasha added that mothers in Nigeria took their daughter’s knickers to “native doctors to make quick money, and later the daughter in Europe will die” (Ns:1519).  Layla responded that many daughters agreed to these terms, enjoyed the money for five years and died within ten.  Then she said, “I want to tell you another story:”  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  204   There was a beautiful woman called Adamma who felt pity for her friend, Bosah, who was not having the same success in attracting customers and making money.  Adamma advised her, “Tell your mother (Mama Bosah) to go to my mother (Mama Adamma) and say, ‘I am willing to do anything to bring more customers to my daughter.’”  Mama Bosah consequently received instructions to stand in front of a mirror to “collect the power from the juju woman; the river woman; the god called ‘the queen of the river.’”  The god came and presented Mama Bosah with the following terms.  “The womb for the money.  Your daughter will have all the money she could ever ask for, but there will be no child.”   Adamma advised Bosah, “If you don’t give your womb, there will be a family war, and you will be sick and die.”  Bosah instructed her mother to refuse the terms because she would be “better dead than to give her womb.”    Layla ended the story abruptly.  “She died” (L:2340-2349).  6.2.1.1.3. Un/acceptable rebellion against the family.  Many of the older women learnt to manage and navigate family pressures and demands over time.  Precious, for example, realised her family would always “take very easily” from her to “feed their own.”  She often told them, “Wait!  Leave me some time!  You need to know what I have before I can give you!” and refused their telephone calls for a while (P:2383).  Dayo reduced the money sent for food to a more realistic 100 or 150 euros monthly (£88 to £132).  Rafia commented she had done the same, and despaired of the younger women who posted unhelpful, inappropriate selfies on social media that reflected levels of wealth none had.    Zara, Abigail, Bayo, Nasha, and Temi, for example, often took selfies or photographs of one another posing outside offices, hotels and clinics, and against expensive cars.  (On one occasion, after Bayo “snapped” Temi holding TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  205  the door handle of a hospital consultation room as if to enter, Temi showed me the latest photograph of her 5-year-old sister in Nigeria.  She was standing slightly diagonally, dipping one hip and looking directly at the camera with an oversized silver handbag in the crook of her arm, ‘celebrity-style’ [T:1050].)  Nasha explained these forms of selfies represented a process of transformation into women of “respect and power”, and also strength of character in facing and overcoming family pressures (Ns:2108).    Layla portrayed a strength of character in rebelling against family pressures as follows. I am not the type that somebody will oppress.  Somebody like me, you cannot bring me down.  I am not type to give up.  You cannot challenge me.  I make a decision and stand by it.  It does not matter the decision of the father or mother.  I make sure I fulfil it.  So that is it (L:2848).   Layla referred to her family lineage and how the elders had tried to bring her “to the native way” and impose the notion of a predetermined destiny.  Instead, she decided to give her life to Christ “strenuously”, better to cope with feelings of dread, burden and worry associated with socioeconomic responsibilities, and to protect her and her loved ones from “the devil” (i.e., misfortune and death) (L:2815).   6.2.1.1.4. Spiritual protection. Layla wanted to explain how “being in the Lord makes you safe.”  She said,    The strength of my belief in God is why I am alive today.  So, when you are a Christian, the devil, he doesn’t stop an attack.  It’s just that [his capacity to] touch you, to kill you, depends on your personal decision (L:2835).    She illustrated this decision-making process as follows. TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  206   I will have a battle in my dream.  I will see myself in Nigeria, where my life is not normal, and there is juju sacrifice.  I pray to God that no matter the temptation, I will never lose belief in God.  I will not give up on my faith.  It is Light.  Every covenant made on [my] behalf by others, it will not affect me.  The native doctor cannot give anything (L:2841).  At the same time, Layla said it was sometimes necessary to draw on  ‘the native way’ and provided an example.   There is [a] time for everything.  I will punish.  I will curse.  I will kill.  I will take a life and go to jail for the sake of my children.  I can die for the sake of my children.  There are wicked people [and] I will do what is best of me to protect my children.  I will follow the Word of God in my own way, and I will pay them back for the pain.  God is watching.  He will see what I did out of frustration.  I will never have blood on my hand (L:2857).   Finally, she said, “I don’t know if you understand me”, and opened the following WhatsApp recording of a Nigerian pastor to help explain.  The pastor said,  Whenever something is wrong in your life, have it in mind that an insider is involved.  Whoever have been … eating your future and destroying whatever you have laid your hand on while they are smiling [tut], may the Lord destroy them. … May they go blind. …  May they cripple. … May their life end now for your sake.  May the Lord expose them and judge them.  In the name of Jesus.  Amen.  God Bless you (L:2862).   Precious similarly stated that her belief in a Christian God for spiritual  protection was an active decision that sat alongside traditional indigenous spirituality.  She said, “When someone is cursed, they can decide to make heaven in place of hell.  Me, I have to believe that Jehovah is on my side.  He TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  207  helps me to see when someone wants to punish and destroy me, and do bad things to me” (P:2315).    Many of the women attended ‘white’ (i.e., Spanish) and ‘black’ (i.e., African) Evangelical and Pentecostal churches in Spain. They endeavoured to hide their work as prostitutes to avoid being judged and condemned by congregational members and pastors.   White churches.  Nabila and Kadi began attending a local Spanish Evangelical church together.  Nabila purposefully arrived late and left early to keep social contact to a minimum and avoid conflicts of belief.  Nabila explained that her grandparents were Muslim, her parents were Christian, and she was a Jehovah’s Witness.  She believed there was “One God: Christian God and Islam God”, and that praising Him in any form of church was possible.  On the other hand, the pastors told Nabila she was not a true believer unless she solely worshipped a Christian God (Nb:527).   Kadi described her “mistake” in telling these pastors she was a prostitute and an addict and wanted help to change her life.  Kadi believed, “We are sinners every day.  Sin is sin.  We sin with our eyes, our mouths, our minds.  We insult and criticise [one] another.  But our God is merciful” (K:369).  On the other hand, church members distanced themselves from Kadi for fear of contamination of sin, and the pastors told Kadi she could only remain in the church if she strengthened her faith in God.  This would be measured against her willingness to stop prostitution, marijuana, and whisky.  Kadi left the streets immediately, but, as a black, female, irregular migrant in Spain, was unable to find alternative work and began running out of money.  Kadi became increasingly distressed by her circumstances and the continuing socioeconomic demands of her family, and again attempted suicide.  Afterwards, she stopped TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  208  attending church.  Kadi commented that she wanted to be respected in God’s eyes but did not think there was hope for her in this world (K:381).   Precious left her local Spanish Pentecostal church because it was too  easy for congregational members and pastors to see her street walking, and she consequently felt “different” and “bad to be alone” with them (P:1803).  Her plan was to look for a church in the future where God was; in other words, where pastors and church members behaved lovingly and accepted one another.  Precious commented,  I know that Jesus Christ tells us our body is a temple.  Thou shall not steal, thou shall not lie, thou shall not commit adultery.  I know that I am still doing the wrong thing.  But Jehovah knows what I am doing to help my family and my children.  He knows my heart.  He knows the problem I have.  Even if I have made many mistakes, He knows that I need to learn more.   I know that Jehovah loves me.  Yes!  (P:1812).  In Chika’s case, she found a way to attend a Spanish Pentecostal church and manage concepts of sin “without problem”.  She said, It’s simple.  There is nobody above sin.  Even the pastor.  So, all we have to do is keep on asking God for forgiveness every day.   So, if I sin, forgive me; I am just a human.  So, when I have a problem, I put it in God’s hands.  I pray that it’s my turn that God should open my file and see me.  That is it” (C:4178).   Black churches.  Zula preferred attending an African Pentecostal church in Spain and explained, “When I am at church, I remember that I came into this life on my own, perfect.  I feel happy” (Zu:102).  At the same time, she recited the Nigerian saying, “They use your problem today to mock you tomorrow”, and commented that she always tried to sit alone and keep personal TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  209  matters to herself.  This was not always easy, however.  A woman had recently sat next to her twice, wanting “to know everything”, leaving Zula no other option than to “pack [her] things and go home” (Zu:106).  Zula said,  I know my people and what they are capable of doing.  You have to be very careful.  You can offend African people by mistake and [consequently] your family will be sick.  If you make a joke they do not like, they will not forget.  There are people in Nigeria [with] different cultures like the Igbo.  They eat people like meat.  They kill people in rituals to make money.  I don’t think they will ever care (Zu:110).    Layla added that Nigerians avoided visiting and eating in each other’s homes because Africans were very dangerous and untrustworthy, and believed in juju.  She described trying to discern whether someone was a friend or foe as follows. We go to the park.  We sit and relax, and I notice.  I look at the way they walk and behave.  I will make [up] my mind to come close and to continue the friendship if we go together very well with no issue (L:2409).  Layla explained,  The white people is different from the black.  We black, we betray each other.  It’s like we don’t need someone’s happiness.  There is stupid jealousy.  Many people say they are Christians, but their heart is black (L:2411).   Finally, Rafia stated that, as “a Catholic woman”, she rarely attended African churches in Spain.  She despaired of Nigerian women who used them “just to go to gossip, and look who is wearing the nicest dress, who has the most handsomest husband ... the best car ... the most beautiful children”, and to pray “for somebody to die” (R:1991-2006).  Rafia added that these women were TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  210  often “molest[ed]” by pastors who endeavoured to remove demons by sucking their breasts (R:2308).  She commented,   Me, I believe in the logic part of the bible; the Commandments.  So, if you see me in these African churches, I am alone.  I don’t move with anybody.  I don’t like them.  They are hypocrites.  They do not worship God for real ...  they are not doing what the bible says” (R:1935).   6.2.1.2. The work system.  6.2.1.2.1. Navigating Madam protocols. The women considered the navigation of Madam protocols alongside family-based socioeconomic pressures and demands critical to survival.  Rafia began by saying, “When girls come here to Spain, they see that to do prostitution is not just easy.  Money is not just easy.”  She explained that Madams were notoriously “greedy” and made “easy money” by collecting sponsorship debts from their girls and over-charging them for food, clothing, condoms, and utilities whether or not they requested or used them.  Some Madam girls would “start making problems” and eventually say, “No!  Full stop!  I will not pay!”  Rafia paused before adding, “Then, the fight starts” (R:1572).  Jol and Precious witnessed flatmates being strangled and beaten to near death because they “tried not to pay the Madam” (J:101; R:1332).  One of these flatmates, Layla, consequently spent a week in the hospital and miscarried a child.  Layla commented that many women could not have children because of “some damage when you have been beaten by a Madam” (L: 2370).   6.2.1.2.2. Un/acceptable rebellion against the Madams. Rafia wanted to clarify when rebellion against the Madams could be considered un/acceptable.  It was “not okay” for Madam girls to refuse to repay their sponsorship debts, for example.  In these circumstances, they were beaten TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  211  up, some were killed, and their parents were “dealt with thoroughly.”  Rafia added, “That is where the mafia comes in”; in other words, the parents were told, “If you don’t advise your daughter to pay us, you will not see her again.  We are going to kill you.  We are going to kill your daughter.”  The mothers then pleaded with their daughters, “Please!  Pay!  Don’t worry, one day you will finish paying, even if it is in four or five years” (R:1565).  One of the Madams, Hazika, remembered her mother telling her, “God will hear your prayer and see you through.  As far as you are alive, God has a plan for you in Europe” (Hz:88).  Similarly, Chika recalled her mother crying on the telephone and saying, “One day, God will take you out of this work.  I know that God can solve it.  God will visit you.  He will wipe your tears” (C:2834).  Rafia believed her own form of rebellion was acceptable.  She had agreed to an arranged marriage in Spain and was instead placed with a Madam and expected to work on the streets.  Rafia told the Madam, “Over my dead body!” and was consequently beaten up.  Rafia nonetheless stood her ground, understanding that: (a) her migration arrangements were a family affair (i.e., illegal and unenforceable); and (b) she would eventually be left in peace because Madams do not want bad reputations (R:1417).  Rafia laughed as she continued her story,    So, anyway, I fought back with everything I had.  And I was so tiny!  I told them, ‘I don’t bloody care what other people do here.  I am not going to do the nonsense that you are telling me to do.  No!  I’m not going to pay you one dime because this was not our arrangement in Nigeria’ (R:1525).   Rafia’s ability to rebel stemmed from her “strong Nigerian character.”  She explained, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  212  I am a very, very stubborn person.  I’m a very strong-willed person.  If Nelson Mandela had given up after he was beaten, maltreated, put in jail, threatened, and doing everything, he won’t become the President of South Africa.  In this life, somebody has to know where and how to stand your ground, even if you die doing it (R:1617).   Some of the other women also described acceptable forms of rebellion  against the Madams.  Sussan, for example, stated that daughters in home villages agreed to prostitution and “to not hide the money” from the Madams.  She added, “The mother will sign.  The father will sign.  They will say, ‘Yes’ because they know that the daughter herself, she wants to come to Europe and do prostitution.”  The problem for Sussan was that she agreed to repay a sponsorship debt of “thirty thousand or forty thousand” without knowing the monetary value of euros.  She recalled her astonishment when she arrived in Spain and realised one euro equated to hundreds of nairas (Su:176).  Sussan described how she, Dayo, and Nasha eventually decided to draw a line under their debts (having repaid what was considered a significant and sufficient amount) and become independent prostitutes.  Dayo commented, Me, I have paid forty-one thousand euros.  I sent it to a woman here in Spain.  The first amount was forty-five thousand.  The woman, she is not contacting me again.  She is not causing me problems (D:56).  Nasha said,   In the situation that I am mistreated (like when I was a slave to a Madam before getting onto the boat [i.e., dingy from Africa to Spain], and in the situation that I am mistreated in this work), then when you leave the situation, you forget about it.  You see that just before the twinkle of an eye TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  213  [chuckle], they say the situation is just passing by.  So, that is how it is.  I am an independent woman (Ns:461).  The problem for Chika was that in Nigeria, overseas sex work was portrayed as a way to “help everybody”.  When she arrived in Spain, however, her Madam told her, “Eh, you pay me this!  Eh, you bring me this!”, and started beating her (C:2435).  Chika said this felt “like oppression”, and explained,  In Africa, when somebody do something wrong, you beat him or her so that next time, he won’t do it.  It’s normal.  But as for my own case, beating is not always the solution.  You worsen the case.  The stress, the suffering.  So, if you want to help somebody, you help in the right way (C:2705).   In Chika’s mind, the right way was to bring daughters to Europe only if “normal work” was available (i.e., regular forms of work that did not involve prostitution).  Otherwise, they should be financially assisted to stay in school and subsequently start businesses.   She added, “Me, if somebody gives me those opportunities, I would not be here [in Spain], and I would not be doing prostitution.”  Chika described friends in Nigeria asking her, “Please, I want help to come to Europe [where] there is money”, and telling them,  Europe is not good.  This job that we are doing, there is money, but there is sickness and death, or they take you back to Africa, or a white man will kill you!  It is help to just come and end your life (C:2219).   Chika concluded,  I don’t want them to pass the way I passed.  I don’t want them to see what I saw.  Do you know how many people die when you are ‘helped’ to come to Europe?  So, I don’t want them to use their body to carry different kinds of people - small, big, everybody - just to make money (C:2702).   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  214  6.2.2. The Contexts of Life After Sex Work  The women’s deeper, more existential, personal perspectives of life after sex work centred on the social system of self-transformation (i.e., from meaningless “cockroaches” to women of purpose, value, and respect [R:1658]).  Interweaving power dynamics reflected the women navigating options to achieve and maintain transformation alongside the practice of multiple forms of spirituality.  For ease of reference, Figure 6.3. is duplicated here.  6.2.2.1. The self-transformation system. Chika stated that most girls coming to Europe knew that prostitution awaited them and could eventually “choose” to leave it and “live a better life”.  She described this transformative process as follows.   Bringing people from Nigeria to come and do prostitution and pay Madam; good.  We give God the glory.  The first year, you come to Europe [and] you see the way things are.  You all do the same job.  You don’t like it, but what else will you do?  By the second or third year, you have paid Madam.  Then, you don’t have [legal] documents.  But you have to survive.  You have to live.  You have to pay your house rent.  So, normally, you keep being in prostitution.  Then, if you value your life, you have your documents, and you change your life (C:2967).    Rafia felt “very angry” with those who repaid their sponsorship debts and yet spent “eight years, ten years, half of their life doing prostitution” for the  SOCIAL SYSTEMSSelf-transformation⬧ From "cockroaches" to women of purpose, value, and respectPOWER DYNAMICS⬧ Navigating options to achieve and maintain transformation- Get a normal job- Get married- Draw on charity organisationsFAITH NORMS⬧ Simultaneous practice of Christianty and traditional indigenous spirituality - "Doing good works" TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  215  “wrong” reasons (to build “the best house” for their families in Nigeria, for example).  She added, “And just one funny thing.  This house, the family don’t even stay there!  They collect rent!  Their family exploits them!  Oof, it’s so sad.  It's a story for me, personally” (R:1786).  Rafia sighed heavily as she continued,   How I wish every Nigerian woman here in Spain can be like me because, I swear, you will not get anybody staying in the street; you understand?  I mean, it’s okay, it’s their body, it doesn’t disturb me, they do what they want with the money.  It’s just that my character don’t allow me to continue to do it (R:1792).   Rafia stated that the women “knew” they had various “options” (or ways) to leave sex work.  She paused and said, “When I say ‘options’, let me see if I can explain the way I see it (R:1633).   6.2.2.1.1. Get a normal job.    Rafia began by saying, “Any man can’t use me just because he gives me some coins.  I don’t accept that.  I don’t tolerate nonsense with any man, God knows that.  I can work for coins with my own hands.”  She then described feeling angry with women who stayed on the streets, rather than “accept any normal job”, such as working in a factory.  She exclaimed, “They don’t want to do anything for nothing!  They want fast money!  They say, ‘Ah, if you go to the factory, they can’t pay you 1,000 euros [£880], but you can be paid 1,000 euros in the street!’”  Rafia asked rhetorically, “Is it not a bad pain to still do that prostitution and get sick and die of HIV, of Hepatitis C?  How many Nigerian ladies have been killed doing prostitution?  So, by staying there, they are risking their life.  For what?” (R:1641).    Hanna (one of the Madams) said, “Doing that prostitution is the wrong job.  They only think of money.  But, if you get sick, you cannot eat that money.  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  216  It’s like the people that remain in that street, they want death” (Hn:257).  She referred to the declaration made by the Oba (i.e., “the king of the Edo people”) in March 2018.  In Hanna’s mind, the Oba had cursed anyone bringing people from Nigeria to Europe through “human trafficking” and instructed the women to leave the streets, stop paying the Madams and instead find “a normal job” or another way “to get money” (Hn:326).  She described the personal impact of the Oba’s declaration on her and the other Madam, Hazika, as follows. Me, I don’t come [to Spain] to be a stupid person.  I need to be proud of myself.  For me, I thank God for my life; to remove me from the dirty shame.  Now, I am not in the streets and I don’t have girls.  It cannot happen.  In Jesus’ name, I reject it; you understand? (Hn:337).  Hanna also believed the Oba freed the women from sending “street money” to their families.  She exclaimed,    Listen, listen!  You can still work in the road if you want to work for your own self, for your own money.  Me, if I want to do it, I will know that I do it to enjoy my life, clothe myself [and] to eat because you cannot go and steal from the market.  But you must not pay nobody! (Hn:541).    Hanna and Hazika recruited Sade to oversee the closure of their flats as soon as possible after the Oba’s declaration, and to follow instructions such as, “If you see any girl that is working in the road and she tells you that she have a Madam, tell her that Hanna said that is a lie!  Tell everybody to not pay any more.  That payment, it’s closed” (Hn:543).    The newly evicted Madam girls found alternative accommodation.  They joined the other relatively young independent prostitutes in remaining on the streets and considering when and how (as illegal migrants) to find regular jobs.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  217   The older women, such as Precious and Dayo, remained or returned when alternative work expired, posed unreasonable personal risks, and/or offered short hours and low pay rates.  Layla, on the other hand, had worked the streets for 14 years, unable to find alternative work and maintain legal status.  She described feeling unsettled by the decreasing number of girls on the streets and began questioning her life in Spain.  Layla recalled becoming a single mother, facing an unwanted, arranged marriage in Nigeria and asking herself, “What am I doing in Nigeria?  Look at stupid husbands, lazy fools.”  She subsequently chose “the opportunity” of overseas sex work, understanding she would eventually “get a different job” and “make a better life”.  Layla returned her thoughts to her current situation and exclaimed, “What am I doing in the world, remaining in this life?  Spain is destroying me; it is not helping me.  I don’t have rest.  My heart pains me.  I overthink a lot” (L:294).    Layla reflected on the Oba’s declaration and predicted that Edo traffickers would avoid his curses by performing ritual oaths in neighbouring States.  She believed the Oba had freed the women to “stop telling lies to the police” (L:378); in other words, lifted the curse that prevented the women from complying with requests or demands to expose the true identity of their traffickers and denounce them.  Consequently, Layla wondered whether to reapproach support organisations for assistance with legal status (although had no intention of “betraying” anyone).  Failing that, perhaps the time was right to restart life in another country offering greater socioeconomic opportunities (L:412).    Chika had left the streets before the Oba’s declaration.  She commented,  He is a good Christian man; he has tried, yes!  I praise him.  But some people, the trafficking, maybe they are doing it again.  Edo girls in Nigeria, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  218  they will still come here to do road work because they find money.  It’s a very big shame.  We know that the country is not good.  You need to be able to find other work (C:2896).    Chika described feeling exasperated with prior colleagues who remained on the streets despite the Oba’s declaration and ignored her pleas to prioritise their health.  She was particularly frustrated with those who argued they could not yet find alternative work and continued telling support organisations they had “no choice”.  She explained,   I’m not criticise them.  I am not judging them because I have been through that place before.  It’s just that many blacks, Edo girls, they will continue the job because there is money inside!  So, they don’t want to change.  Yeh, that is the big problem that we have; it’s a very big shame for the country.  But just what I am trying to tell you is that there is a way out.  That is it (C:2854).  Chika continued, Sometimes, I learn from my own.  So, I give them my advice to go to ‘fabrica’ [Spanish for factory], and it’s like I’m condemning them.  So, I just say farewell from them; you understand?  It’s not that I don’t like my friends, but since they don’t want to take advice, it’s very painful (C:2872).    At the same time, Chika conceded, “I have to give them a chance.  A normal job is very hard to get”.  She described her own experience as follows.  Chika left the streets to beg outside a supermarket for 200 euros (£176) monthly.  Eventually, a young woman approached her saying, “You can speak English,” and offered her a job as a nanny, understanding that the pay rate would be low because she was a refugee.  The young woman asked, “Are you ready?” and Chika replied, “Of course, I am ready” (C:2983).  Subsequently, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  219  Chika was asked to care for an elderly Spanish woman for 800 euros (£704) monthly but discovered this woman did “not like blacks".  Chika told her, “I respect you a lot.  So, you have to respect me.  Why?  Because I am not anyhow kind of girl.  I am not your slave.”  Nonetheless, the woman continued making her life impossible and Chika returned to the streets a month later (C:3533).    Similarly, within a year of finding alternative work on farms or in warehouses, the younger women returned to and supplemented their incomes using prostitution.  Bayo invited me into the flat she shared with Zara, Abigail and Temi and explained, “This is our new home where we come and rest at the weekend or maybe longer.  We can ‘bath’, eat something, and sleep before farm work starts again.  Yeh, and maybe we travel; do some business.  That is how my life is” (B:2309).  6.2.2.1.2. Get married. In Rafia’s mind, “the easiest way to leave prostitution” was to “look for a man to marry”.  She explained that many “single, nice, white men” visited the streets, fell in love with the women and offered to remove them from prostitution by helping to repay their sponsorship debts.  ‘Plan B’ was to “marry a black” with legal migrant status (R:1653).  Rafia summarised her own experience of this phenomenon as follows.  “So, I got myself this husband.  Anyway, he was not that bad.  And I have to suffer a lot.  I have a very hot temper and I don’t stand any nonsense that he gives me.”  She described feeling “very angry” with those who remained on the streets rather than “picking” one of the men they were “sleeping with”.  She exclaimed, “Why don’t they get married, get documents, fall in love, get children, form a family and live a normal life?”  She TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  220  then asked rhetorically, “If they are not doing that, what are they doing there?!”  (R:1675).  Hanna despaired of women who married black men but did not “plan” well enough and consequently returned to the streets.  She explained, You will come to Europe.  You will be making money, sending money to your family [and] your Madam.  Then, you marry a black, and tomorrow, you will get pregnant [even though] you know that that man is not ready.  He says, 'I don’t want a baby girl’.  Then, later, the man will leave you.  Then, you will go back to road (Hn:2167).  Hanna added that black husbands could return their wives to the streets.  Worse were women who willingly returned to prostitution even though their husbands provided for them.  She exclaimed, “That is so damn greedy!  You don’t do that!” (Hn:2173).    In Chika’s case, she became engaged to a black man but ended the relationship when he wanted to return her to the street.  She subsequently asked the Madam, Hanna, to introduce her to “any Spanish man” interested in helping the women.  Chika recalled saying,   I just need that opportunity to meet somebody.  I don’t want to continue to suffer. I don’t want to go to prostitution doing this dirty work.  I will be fighting for documents to do normal work, yet I still don’t have them.  So, me, I am tired.  I don’t want to sleep with any man with my body because of money (C:688).  The consequent marriage application process took seven months, cost 700 euros (£616) and involved lawyers liaising with the Spanish and Nigerian embassies.  Chika described an embassy official visiting her home village to check her family address, place of birth and the identity of her father, and to TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  221  confirm she had not married before.  Chika was asked to explain why she wanted to marry a Spanish man, and she replied,  He is where I find my happiness.  So, I don’t care if it is old.  The most important thing, we love each other.  He don’t have money, but he gives me peace.  He gives me joy.  So, I don’t care what people say.  That is it (C:3221).   Chika subsequently applied to live in Spain for five years in the first instance and then a further ten years.  She also applied for full access to the healthcare service “because of the matrimony.”  However, these processes were “not easy” because of obstructive administrative staff.  She explained, “You can have two months, then one year, two years, then five years, or they reject you” depending on who is sitting “on the desk” and “if they like you” (C:2050).  After a particularly stressful encounter with a member of staff, Chika exclaimed, “God help them, eh? That I am in a good mood today!”, and recounted the exchange as follows.  I say, ‘You don’t want to give me a hospital card!  Why?  Me, I am not a human being?’  They say, ‘Did you get married?’    I say, ‘Yes, I get married!  My husband is white!  It’s in the computer!  Check it!’    I say, ‘When did they change the law?  It is my right to get the hospital card!’  Chika continued, Stupid people!  Some Spanish, when they see you getting married to their tribe, to their country person, they are very racist; they like to misuse you.  Me, I know how to handle them.  I will put them in their position. Yes!  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  222  Because I am not going to keep quiet when I know my rights.  I’m not ‘extranjero grande’, you know? [Spanish for big foreigner].  I got married here (C:2546).    Bayo and Abigail considered marriage as a way to avoid “the stress” of continually trying to renew their legal status through regular forms of work.  Bayo said, “Yeh, I am thinking, with time, maybe a good man will come for me; get married to me” (B:2533).  On the other hand, Abigail felt a better way was to pay a man 20,000 euros (£17,600) for a marriage of convenience, divorce him after three years (hopefully without repaying the total amount) while receiving legal migrant status and automatically becoming a Spanish citizen (A:51).  Chika, however, warned against using this illegal route because “greedy people” offered fake papers for 250 euros (£220) that could lead to a prison sentence if detected by the town hall or the police (C:3096).  She also highlighted a recent change in the law concerning citizenship that presented a problem for the women.  She explained, “To get your Spanish passport, any black that gets married to a Spanish man has to go to Spanish school and pass an exam.”  The exam cost 500 euros (£440) and included questions such as “Who is the president of this place.  The first king of Spain.  The biggest river.  The name of a special place in Spain.  Who rule it.  The first war.”  Chika laughed as she commented, “If you cannot read and write, how can that person go to school?  It’s not my language.  It’s not my tribe.  In my country, I don’t even know the first president because I was not born then!” (C:1995).  Chika further explained that a retake cost 500 euros (£440), and a subsequent retake 1,500 euros (£1332).  Her plan, therefore, was to find someone to take the exam on her behalf for a fee and, meanwhile, pray for the current law to be TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  223  revoked (C:1995).  Chika tried to express what it meant to have a Spanish passport as follows.    You are now a Spanish woman.  It’s final.  Anywhere you go in the world, they recognise you as a Spanish woman even though I am black.  So, I will be secure.  I am under my husband.  If my husband is no longer here, he dies, they will be paying the pension (C:2015).  Finally, Chika said, “I see my fellow black standing in the street, and I feel ashamed.  I don’t want people to look at me that way.  That is how I live my life.  It’s how you plan it” (C:2018).   6.2.2.1.3. Draw on charity organisations. Rafia stated that the third and final way leave sex work was to “get favour” from local support organisations, including women’s shelters.  She explained they often gave people money every month and helped with legal documentation.  In return, the women were asked to disclose personal information and denounce their traffickers to the police.  Rafia believed a way around this was for the women to say, “I just need help from you”, and explain they were independent prostitutes through “choice” (R:1671).   Precious approached a charity organisation for financial aid and explained, “I work in the street, but it’s not that I love it.  No.  It’s that I don’t have a job, and I have to care for my children.”  She was instead offered sheltered accommodation for a limited period on the condition that she stopped prostitution.  Precious declined because this threat to her critical financial independence caused “too much stress” (P:4987).  Zula was similarly rejected by a charity organisation because she did not want to relinquish street walking as a source of income.  Zula eventually asked her Madam, Hanna, to appeal for favour on her behalf, and was awarded financial aid and food vouchers for three TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  224  months while she stopped prostitution and began begging outside a supermarket (Zu:587).  When Layla approached a women’s shelter for help to attain legal status, she was offered access to vocational training and 200 euros (£176) monthly in exchange for trafficking information.  Layla told them, “All I want is just help with documents.  If I have documents, I can work” (L:498).  Kadi and Nabila also refused to “denuncia anybody” and felt shelters should give money “for eat and pay house rent and help with documents” without demanding anything in return (K:464; Nb:678).   Finally, Nasha’s application to renew her asylum status was rejected and she could not find regular work.  She believed she had two options.  The first was to enter a women’s shelter and benefit from assistance with legal status and vocational training (although there was no guarantee of subsequent regular work).  Before doing so, she would work on the streets for two more months “to finish the project of building a house” for her family in Nigeria.  Nasha explained there was “one story to get asylum” (i.e., “you need to tell them that you run away from your country”) and “another story” to secure a place in a women’s shelter (i.e., “I need to tell them about the person that bring me here”).  She commented, “Do you know what will happen to the person, if I tell them?  Why do they need to ask questions?  I do not want to go to the [shelter].  They put nose in your business” (Ns:1810).    At the same time, Nasha did not want the second option: to remain on the streets for the near future and risk being stopped and detained by the police for a second time, and potentially deported.  She opened a YouTube video on her phone of an exasperated woman who had just been deported to a Nigerian airport.  The woman said, “I tell them, the Nigerian Immigration, ‘What is the reason that they deport me?’”.  She continued,   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  225   I say, ‘What have I done?  I never committed any crime!’   They say it will not be their problem!   They say, ‘Where is your passport?’ I say, ‘I don’t have any passport!’.   They say, ‘What is your reason to come?’.   I say, ‘What is going on?  Why do you people even receive me?’ (Ns:1303). Nasha commented,  It is horrible.  I can’t come here to Spain to work hard in the street and waste my tired time. You have to fight for your life. … Deportation means that it has given me nothing, all this hard work. … That can make someone frustrated, get mad … because … all your mates in Nigeria are already getting married and having children.  They are doing their husband’s house.  I just can’t go back to Nigeria.  This is bad news.  No-one one wishes for that; to start from the beginning, from the floor, with nothing (Ns:1126-1141).    Eventually, Nasha concluded,  The work is very bad.  One body for one man is okay.  But one body for a million men is very bad.  I have big shame.  If I go to a [shelter] now, at least I can get training while I wait for documents, rather than work on the street (Ns:1797).   6.2.2.2. Doing good work.  Rafia closed her reflections on leaving sex work by stating that she now worked as a cleaner in her local neighbourhood and simultaneously did “good works” in Nigeria as a mark of self-transformation.  She explained, “You just need love to get that respect and power.  I make a lot of charity for those that are suffering; the orphans, single mothers, and widows.”  This involved TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  226  collecting and shipping useful items (such as “clothes, shoes, school bags, a frying pan, a knife, a glass, a plate, curtains, bed sheets, soap”) and delivering food when visiting Nigeria (such as “a bag of rice, ground nut oil, something like spaghetti, milk, and biscuit”).  Rafia commented, “So, you can imagine when you give out, the joy you create in people. … I just need to see those faces light up.  It fills the heart.  It makes me feel complete in life” (R:1180-1234). Hanna similarly shipped goods to Nigeria for those less privileged than  herself and distributed rice and oil to her neighbours when visiting.  She also offered financial aid and provided the following example.  I go to the hospital.  A baby there, it don’t have enough time to live because it’s 1,500 naira (£3) to treat the malaria.  I say, ‘No!  I will not let this baby die!’  I give them money to treat the baby, and that baby, now?  Wow!  Now, it’s alive.  Yes!  (Hn:1335). She commented that such “good works” provided her with a sense  of fulfilment, and also signalled to her home village that she had advanced in life (HN:55).    Chika said that after a year of marriage, she told God, “Now that You open my way, You take me out from the street, I am going to do good.  So, it’s my job.  It’s my destiny.”  She described looking on the internet for inspiration, and “a bomb” exploding inside her when she saw “abandoned children crying and begging for money [with] no clothes to put on” (C:2068).  Chika started gathering and shipping clothes to an orphanage near her home village and planned to visit Nigeria for the first time in 18 years to present herself to her family as a transformed woman.  She said,  My mother says that I have changed.  I have grown.  I have more experience.  I am wiser and I talk maturely; more reasonable.  She says TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  227  that I now behave like the senior daughter.  It is very good because back at home, I make trouble and give her much problem, fighting.  Even my dad, he grows tired, say I’m behaving like a man.  My mother says since I left, everywhere is silent [chuckles] (C:2282).  Chika concluded, My greatest happiness is that God takes me out of that job.  I didn’t get killed; you know?  I didn’t infect with any sickness.  So, now, I have my own dream to become who I am.  A better person, living a better life, helping others; you understand?  (C:2659).  Layla imagined being able to leave the streets and do ‘good work’.  She aspired to building “a big house in Nigeria”, giving it to the church, paying a pastor, and putting the people’s tythes “to good use” as follows.  One part of the house will be a children’s home.  They will be able to play and have clothes.  Every Sunday, there will be food.  I will buy rice and share it with every member every month.  For the homeless, there will be somewhere to live for some time.  And every December, there will be a big party (L:2180).    Finally, Abigail, Bayo and Temi were also imagining what their future good work in Nigeria would look like.  Bayo wanted to offer legal aid as a lawyer and commented, The important thing in life? I need work, yes.  I want to be okay, yes, of course.  But I want to make other people okay; then God can bless you with a long life.  So, I believe I am going to make it.  I trust my God.  Maybe it’s not now, but one day I know I am going to be among those that give (B:2395). TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  228   Temi dreamt of winning a beauty contest like “Miss World” to help widows and orphans.  She paused and said to herself, “I know who I am”, before selecting the following song on her phone for the three of them to sing and dance to.   We are a chosen generation, called forth to show His excellence.    All I require for life, God has given me, and I know who I am.  I know who God says I am, what He says I am, where He says I’m at. I'm working in power.  I'm working miracles.   I live a life of favour ‘cos I know who I am. I am holy; I am righteous; I am so rich; I am beautiful. Take a look at me; I’m a wonder. It doesn't matter what you see now. Can you see His glory?  ‘Cos I know who I am (T:1571). 6.3. Discussion  The discussion of the findings uses the same framework of eight paradoxes as the previous Findings Chapter 5.  For ease of reference, I begin each paradox with a brief overview of the discussion in Chapter 5 and then develop it in light of the women’s resettlement in Spain.  I continue to show how this series of paradoxes reflects the women managing and navigating their socioeconomic migration intentions (to provide for their families and become transformed into women of purpose, value, and respect), and using psychological navigational strategies and tools (a moral-ethical scale and Nigerian mindset moderated by personal notions of pragmatic wisdom).  I discuss how the women’s insights surrounding the paradoxes add to the research literature across wide-ranging psychosocial, relational, sexual, cultural, and spiritual phenomena.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  229  6.3.1. Paradox 1. Moving Away from and Towards Risks to Well-Being and Life  In Chapter 5 (Migrating from Nigeria), I discussed the women’s insights into highly gendered socioeconomic inequality and poverty in Nigeria.  I identified Paradox 1 as their preparedness to move away from harmful and potentially deadly structures, forces, and circumstances in Nigeria, and also towards them as they sought better lives in Spain.  I also discussed the women taking hierarchical sibling responsibility to provide for their families and highlighted two factors behind their decisions to engage in migrant sex work.  First, the women had already been removed too early from formal education and allocated the roles of trader and prostitute for the purpose of social provision while their brothers remained in education.  Second, the women perceived migrant sex work as an opportunity for greater social advantage and advancement than believed attainable in their home villages.    In the current Chapter 6 (Resettling in Spain), the women weigh the stress and suffering in Nigeria against that in Spain.  As they express hopes to transform themselves into women of purpose, value, and respect, they despair of the bad reputation of the Nigerians, characterised as hot-headed, materialistic, competitive, stubborn, jealous, greedy, critical, untrustworthy, outspoken, lazy, exploitative, hypocritical, and rebellious with a readiness to cause trouble, fight, punish and harm one another.  At the same time, they use the notion of a strong Nigerian character as a weapon and form of armour as they strive to become “better” people (C:2658).  The women describe this character as courageous, focused, decisive, determined, tenacious, pragmatic, principled, steadfast, honourable, respectful, open-minded, generous, loyal, proud, and resilient.  Layla provides an example (noted in Section 6.2.2.1.1. TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  230  above).  She questions the purpose of her life having been ‘destroyed’, rather than supported and helped to reach her socioeconomic goals in Spain (L:294).  She then turns any sense of victimhood on its head by conflating Nigeria with Spain to express anger towards countries that constrain people by not creating jobs.  Finally, Layla considers restarting her life in a country that offers greater socioeconomic opportunities because she is “not the type to give up” or be ‘brought down’ (L:2848).    The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 1 reflect how sex work economies worldwide make the option of overseas prostitution particularly accessible for girls and women seeking to address socioeconomic dilemmas head-on and achieve social advantage and advancement (Olayiwola, 2019; Mai, 2013b; Taliani, 2012, 2018).  The women’s insights provide lived examples of political and cultural push and pull factors, and add to two rationales in the research literature for seeming contradictions in notions of “socioglobal mobility” and a “global hierarchical order” as irregular migrants move from “worse” to “better” countries (i.e., that offer relatively greater opportunities for personal fulfilment and achievement) despite the potential for continuing inequality, hardship and injustice (Pajo, 2008, p. 10).  The first rationale is that the pursuit of “a better life” in these circumstances can simultaneously be considered “cruel and unfair” (Pajo, 2008, p. 38).  The second is that the priorities, needs and agendas of those facing severe, highly gendered sexual, cultural, and socioeconomic restrictions in their home countries can be better met through marginalised, irregular routes and activities (Mai, 2013b).  More generally, the women’s insights surrounding Paradox 1 add to the research literature on: (a) how and why younger Nigerian generations engage with socioeconomic migration (Carling, 2006; Kara, 2017c; Olayiwola, 2019); and (b) the potential TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  231  for both vulnerability and resilience as these individuals navigate socioeconomic responsibilities and choices in difficult and complex circumstances (Chuang, 2010; Kyle & Koslowski, 2011; Patterson & Zhuo, 2018; Weitzer, 2014, 2020).  6.3.2. Paradox 2. Un/Acceptable Forms of Crime, Exploitation, and Oppression  In Chapter 5, I identified Paradox 2 as the potential for certain forms of crime, exploitation, and oppression to be considered reasonable and acceptable in the women’s pursuit of a better life.  One of the Madams, Hanna, identified and illustrated the role played by a psychological moral-ethical scale and notions of pragmatic wisdom in this process, such that stealing and using mafia-based force could be considered okay if they served morally “good” socioeconomic intentions (Hn:1107).    In the current Chapter 6 (Resettling in Spain), the women manage and navigate socioeconomic demands and threats to life.  They consider it normal, for example, to be exploited by couriers shipping their goods to Nigeria because the couriers must also feed their families.  The women also consider it normal for Madams to over-charge their girls for everyday necessities and use oppressive force if they refuse to repay their sponsorship debts.  The women further describe how new girls learn to sharpen their instincts over time and enact risk-management protocols, better to manage the exploitative and oppressive attitudes and behaviours of their customers and the police.  At the same time, the women perceive the relentless bombardment of demands and threats to life made by their families and Madams as unexpected and unreasonable.    The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 2 develop and enrich the scholarly understanding that sex-trafficked women often hold complex TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  232  understandings about criminal activity and power-based relationships that can appear confusing and inconsistent to outside observers (Walby et al., 2016; Taliani, 2012, 2018; Zimmerman et al., 2008).  The women’s insights also highlight critical tensions with some persistent, dominant, and more macro-level notions of sex trafficking and criminal activity, such as “the ruthless exploitation of female victims by male villains” (Bales, 2012; Mai, 2013b, p. 11; Thiemann, 2016).   6.3.3. Paradox 3. Moving Away from and Towards the Nigerian Mindset   In Chapter 5, I discussed the women’s understanding of a unified Nigerian mindset grounded in traditional indigenous spiritual and judicial structures and forces. I linked it with critical senses of protection, cohesion, identity, meaning, refuge, self-worth, and liberation.  I identified Paradox 3 as the potential to move away from and/or towards this mindset as the need arose as a strategy for survival.  Rafia explained that the hopes of Nigerian women for socioeconomic emancipation and transformation hinged on their capacity to navigate and manage this mindset on their own terms.  Travelling overseas, for example, represented moving away from harmful and deadly spiritual and judicial forces.  Whereas drawing on them in destination countries helped the women retain their Nigerian identity, and created psychological distance from threats to socioeconomic migratory intentions posed by the Western mindset.    In the current Chapter 6 (Resettling in Spain), the women build on notions of the Nigerian mindset as they navigate the protocols of the Madams.  The women state that the repayment of sponsorship debts is non-negotiable, and any rebellion results in the women being beaten by their Madams and their families “dealt with” by the mafia (R:1565).  At the same time, Dayo, Nasha, and Sussan turn any notion of spiritual subjugation on its head by highlighting that TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  233  the women can draw a line under their debts without negative repercussions and repay what they consider a sufficient (albeit substantial) amount.  Layla explains that spiritual protection from “the devil” (i.e., misfortune and death) is critical.  It entails a purposeful, continuous, strenuous process of deciding to believe in “the light” of a Christian God and its capacity to interweave with and cancel juju covenants and curses, and ultimately turn spiritual subjugation into emancipation (L:2815).    The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 3 develop and enrich the under-researched area of mindset dynamics in the migration and trafficking literature, in which there appears only two published works at the time of writing.  The first is Mai’s (2013b) observation of irregular sex workers in Europe seeming to distinguish and oscillate between home- and destination-country senses of self as they seek to balance socioeconomic priorities and needs alongside fluid notions of vulnerability, resistance, and resilience.  Mai (2013b) points out that the majority do not see themselves as subjugated, exploited, or trafficked.  He proposes that the seeming need of these migrants to make money at any cost reflects severe, highly gendered sexual, cultural, and socioeconomic restrictions, such that sex work is perceived as a “morally acceptable way” to address socioeconomic dilemmas (p. 14).  The second work is Taliani’s (2012) observation of Edo girls and women in an Italian care-based institution seeming to distinguish and oscillate between opposing home- and destination-country “voices of authority” (p. 582) (i.e., local, familial, and indigenous systems versus highly bureaucratic and investigative European systems) as they seek to engage in therapeutic discourse about ritual phenomena and experiences of “terror and fright” (Taliani, 2012, p. 581).  Their capacity to engage hinges on continually switching between “a vast confusion of TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  234  registers” (p. 586) and trying to avoid psychological clashes of phenomena that are essentially “unexplainable ... not to be understood, not to be thinkable” (p. 596).  Taliani (2012) adds that some of the Edo girls and women realise ritual rites have limited power and repay only a part of their sponsorship debts to their Madams.  In these contexts, the women’s insights surrounding Paradox 3 add to the following salient reconceptualisations: spiritual subjugation, as placing oneself and being placed in multiple layers of control while simultaneously having the potential to establish and navigate one’s own terms of freedom (Taliani, 2012); migrant sex work, as social innovation; and exploitation, as the undermining of freedom and power to engage in sex work and negotiate terms (Mai, 2013b).    Finally, the women in the current study take time and care to try and conceptualise, consider, discuss, and explain their values, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours for themselves and for me as a white European outsider.  They use local terms and creative definitions (such as culture, tradition, paganism, voodoo, juju, magic, native doctor, witch doctor, and wizard) and draw on social media to help illustrate and explain points they are trying to make.  The rarity and richness of these lived experiential perspectives form a powerful response to calls from migration and trafficking scholars to move beyond a predominant, narrow focus on the harmful, oppressive use of traditional indigenous spirituality, and unhelpful, clear-cut notions of subjugation versus emancipation (Aronowitz, 2016; Baarda, 2016; Mai, 2013b; Nwogu, 2008; Taliani, 2012, 2018). 6.3.4. Paradox 4. Un/Acceptable Forms of Materialistic Behaviour   In Chapter 5, I discussed polygamous family households in which multiple wives engaged in spiritual battles and pitched against one another for TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  235  social advantage and advancement.  Husbands used the dynamic of favouritism to ensure their familial social position remained unthreatened and their needs were fully met.  These harmful and potentially deadly dynamics instilled in children the morally “wrong” rationale that material wealth brought respect and power, and were associated with experiences of intense fear, terror, and suspicion regarding “everything and everybody” (L:2262).  Paradox 4 captured the women objecting to this rationale and simultaneously criticising one another for demonstrating materialistic behaviour (such as bragging, taking selfies, and running after money) as they sought to transform themselves into ‘better’ people.  Chika illustrated the potential for psychological conflict by railing against accusations of vanity and egotism, and referring to Òrìsà Sàngó who judges notions of good and bad, while taking selfies with status symbols.  Chika was perhaps conflating her current circumstances of oppression with earlier, unwelcome spiritual forms (Taliani, 2012).  Equally, she was perhaps reflecting the fundamental Ifa-based concern that excessive focus on material wealth threatens the development of wisdom, good character, and moral behaviour (qualities believed critical to beneficial current and eternal lives) (Asante & Mazama, 2009).   Finally, Rafia highlighted a fine line between un/acceptable forms of striving for social advantage and advancement.  Taking personal responsibility for social provision indicated strength of character, whereas pursuing excessive forms of wealth and status indicated weakness.   In the current Chapter 6 (Resettling in Spain), the women describe a continual bombardment of unrealistic and unreasonable socioeconomic demands from their families for “Europe money”, and threats to the welfare and lives of their children and younger family members if they fail to meet these demands (Hn:1281).  This seeming distinct lack of familial love and concern TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  236  often results in the women feeling sad, anxious, and depressed, and sometimes becoming bedridden, reliant on marijuana and whisky, and/or suicidal.  The newer, younger women endeavour to meet these demands and also post selfies on social media of false impressions of material wealth (e.g., posing in hospitals and clinics and against expensive cars).  Nasha explains they represent a process of self-transformation, and also strength of character in facing and managing family pressures and demands.  The longer-standing, older women despair of such unhelpful, inappropriate portrayals and describe a gradual process of responding to families on their own terms (i.e., they limit levels of social contact with, and amounts of money offered to their families), and flexibly engaging with spiritual structures and forces for support and protection to help achieve this.   The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 4 regarding highly personal and fluid perspectives on materialistic attitudes and behaviours in the context of socioeconomic migration are rare and add to the research literature on Nigerian intra-familial, spiritual and judicial attitudes, beliefs, and rationales (Carling, 2006; Dols Garcia, 2013; Nwogu, 2008; Taliani, 2012, 2018).   6.3.5. Paradox 5. Un/Acceptable Forms of Multiple Spirituality   In Chapter 5, Paradox 5 captured the women’s rationale, ‘the less socioeconomic comfort, the greater their capacity for spiritual open-mindedness’, and their simultaneous understanding that not all forms of multiple spirituality could be considered acceptable in the pursuit of a better life.  The women believed the benevolent strand of indigenous spirituality worked well with Christianity because of personal, local perceptions of commonalities.  The malevolent juju strand clashed because of diabolic intentions to subjugate, manipulate, harm, and kill people. The women strongly objected to the TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  237  hypocrisy of Christians attending the Yoruba Aladura and African Pentecostalist/Charismatic churches in Nigeria renowned for malevolent practices.  At the same time, the women identified juju ritual oathtaking as the trusted and respected way to seal migration arrangements, and preferable to modern-day judicial systems.    In the current Chapter 6 (Resettling in Spain), the women describe relying on Christianity and traditional indigenous spirituality to help protect themselves and their loved ones, and cope with feelings of dread, burden, and worry associated with taking socioeconomic responsibility for their families.  Some of the women attend ‘white’ (Spanish) Christian churches but can experience conflicts associated with notions of monotheism and polytheism, sin and forgiveness.  (The women believe, for example, that there is no hierarchy of sin and that a merciful Christian God takes into account morally ‘good’ socioeconomic intentions behind ‘bad’ behaviours).  The women try to avoid the risks of being judged and condemned by pastors and congregational members by arriving late, leaving early, and keeping personal matters to themselves.  Some of the women attend ‘black’ (African) Pentecostal churches for important senses of protection, cohesion, identity, meaning, refuge, self-worth, and liberation.  They describe being fearful and wary as fellow “blacks” engage in spiritual battles (L:2395) and pitch against one another for social advantage and advancement (a reflection of the mindset dynamics of family households in Paradox 3 above).  Layla describes a critical process of distinguishing friends from foes by meeting and monitoring people on neutral territory over time.  At the same time, she describes following a Christian God and also drawing on malevolent indigenous spirituality as the need arises for protection and support.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  238   The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 5 develop and enrich currently under-researched lived perspectives on everyday, diverse Nigerian supernatural beliefs, concepts, rationales, and practices that do not fit neat categorisation but are nonetheless fundamental to trafficking journeys (Aronowitz, 2016; Baarda, 2016; Nwogu, 2008; Taliani, 2012, 2018).  The women’s insights resonate with Janson’s (2016) understanding of a dominant Christian-Yoruba mix in Edo State, and his reconceptualisation of multiple spirituality in Nigeria as a kaleidoscope through which “everything is possible” (p. 647).  More generally, the women’s insights add to the research literature on notions of nationality, ethnic identity, and spirituality; and their roles in bolstering senses of protection and resilience in vulnerable populations, including sex-trafficked individuals (Bryant-Davis & Tummala-Nara, 2017; Prina, 2003; Garcia, 2013; Zhang, 2009).   6.3.6. Paradox 6. Un/Acceptable Forms of Migrant Sex Work  In Chapter 5, I identified Paradox 6 as the women’s understanding that not all forms of migrant sex work could be considered acceptable in the socioeconomic pursuit of a better life.  The women described mothers in home villages instigating migration arrangements for their daughters.  When arrangements were made for daughters under 13 (and, therefore, incapable of grasping what overseas sex work entailed), the women classified these particular circumstances of migrant sex work as child sex trafficking. They commented that this phenomenon threatened their feelings of identity, cohesion, self-worth, and self-respect.  It also tipped feelings of pride and unity with Nigeria and Nigerian women into despair and disgrace.    In the current Chapter 6 (Resettling in Spain), Hanna speaks for herself and the other Madam, Hazika, in stating the following: remaining on the streets TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  239  after repaying sponsorship debts is unacceptable and foolish, not only because of health risks, but also the potential for spiritual repercussions of the Oba’s (2018) declaration.  In the view of Hanna and Hazika, this spiritual head of the Edo people has cursed those bringing Edo girls and women overseas, and cancelled the covenants made during ritual oathtaking.  He has also instructed these girls and women to stop paying their Madams and lying to the police, and instead find alternative sources of income.  Hanna and Hazika respond by stepping out of the Madam cycle.  They no longer consider it acceptable to bring people’s daughters to Spain and demand repayment of sponsorship debts.  Nor is it acceptable for these daughters to send street-based earnings to their families in Nigeria.  However, staying on the streets as independent prostitutes is considered preferable to stealing to meet socioeconomic priorities and needs.  Layla believes traffickers will likely avoid the curses by performing ritual oathtaking in neighbouring states.  Chika speaks for many of the women in believing that the impact of the Oba’s declaration will be limited because the socioeconomic circumstances in Nigeria that lead people to engage in overseas sex work have not changed.  Chika states that most Edo girls and women know that prostitution awaits them in Europe, and that they can start new lives after repaying their sponsorship debts.  Chika and Rafia believe the main reason women remain on the streets is to make relatively “fast money” (R:1641).    Rafia identifies three ways to leave prostitution and start new lives, and these hinge on attaining legal migrant status.  The first way is to get a regular job that is not prostitution.  However, many of the women describe tremendous difficulties in finding and securing alternative sources of income.  They remain in, or return to the streets when contracts expire, pose personal risks, offer short hours, and/or offer low pay rates.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  240   The second way is to get married, ideally to a Spanish customer.  However, Chika describes the highly challenging, costly, and lengthy administrative process of legal marriage in Spain (as opposed to paying for an illegally gained certificate which she considers too risky).  Chika also describes difficulties in subsequently applying for legal status, accessing healthcare and navigating the Spanish citizenship process.  Key obstacles are identified as: (a) the arbitrary and personal way in which these rights as a whole are awarded or withheld from black migrants by local government offices; and (b) a citizenship process that hinges on paying for and passing exams about Spain in the Spanish language.  Chika attributes her capacity to stand her ground and try and achieve what is rightfully and legally hers through marriage to her strong Nigerian character.  She conceptualises these rights as freedom to: leave sex work as her primary source of income; attain financial security; travel; and be recognised as a Spanish woman, rather than a black foreigner.  Hanna and Rafia add that if a woman cannot find a ‘white’ (Spanish) husband, she should marry “a black” who already has legal status (R:1675).  However, Hanna goes on to describe how these wives often become pregnant before their husbands are ready and are consequently abandoned.  Additionally, these wives are often returned to the streets by their husbands or receive no objections should they wish to return as a source of income.    The third way to leave prostitution and start a new life is to approach Spanish support organisations for assistance with food, rent and legal status.  However, many of the women describe difficulties in navigating the conditional requirements of these organisations that threaten migration intentions to provide for their families and transform themselves into women of purpose, value, and respect; namely: to provide personal information and denounce those who TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  241  helped them come to Europe; and leave prostitution without any guarantee of alternative sources of income.  If the women fail to meet these requirements, any assistance is often restricted and time limited.    The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 6 (including how notions of un/acceptable forms of migrant sex work can change according to circumstances and over time) intertwine with Paradox 1 as the women balance and weigh their personal needs, priorities, and agendas in pursuit of better lives.  The women make four key points that add to the research literature.    First, the women classify migrant sex work as child sex trafficking when arrangements are instigated for young girls believed incapable of grasping what overseas prostitution entails.  This supports Olayiwola’s (2019) argument that socioeconomically vulnerable Nigerian families are aware of the concept and consequences of the trafficking of minors (rather than ignorant of it), and their engagement with trafficking or not reflects highly personal, pragmatic considerations of how to address local social dilemmas.  The women in the current study also comment that child sex trafficking in Nigeria threatens their feelings of identity, cohesion, self-worth, and self-respect, and tips any feelings of pride and unity with their home country into despair and disgrace.  These insights add to Pajo’s (2008) conceptualisation of a global hierarchical order (noted in Paradox 1 above) as follows.  In the process of creating physical and psychological distance from child sex trafficking, the women perceive Nigeria as ‘worse’ than other countries (such as Ghana, Senegal, Romania, and Columbia) that are considered to engage in relatively more respectful forms of migrant sex work in Europe.   Second, the Oba’s (2018) declaration has a direct and powerful impact on the women according to their roles.  The Madams step out of the Madam TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  242  cycle.  The sex workers continue street walking independently as they consider what to do for the best.  These lived experiential perspectives are rare and sought after in the migration and trafficking literature (see Diagboya, 2019; DSUSA, 2022; Weitzer, 2020).         Third, the majority of Edo girls and women know prostitution awaits them in destination countries, and that they can start new and better lives after repaying their sponsorship debts.  These lives hinge on attaining legal status through regular work, marriage and/or the resources of support organisations.  The women describe a range of difficulties in engaging with these pathways.  Their priority is to try and access consistent, trustworthy, and appropriate forms of assistance with legal status, better to increase their potential to secure regular work, and decrease the risks of detainment and deportation by the police.  These difficulties and priorities resonate with the recognition of Spain as a country of highly decentralised regions and autonomous local government systems, agendas, and budgets (Durán et al., 2006), in which all members of staff are potential gatekeepers who comply (or do not) with central and local government agreements, including international human rights standards (Cimas et al., 2016).  These difficulties and priorities also resonate with the scholarly understanding that notions of morality, justice, equality, and agency for irregular migrant sex workers are highly personal, contextual, and fluid.  They often run counter to some more macro-level anti-trafficking agendas that can perpetuate unhelpful and over-simplified dichotomies such as male “trafficking villains” and female “trafficked victims” (Bales, 2012; Breuil et al., 2011; Mai, 2013a, p. 109).  The fourth and final main point made by the women is that overseas sex work represents their “fight for life” (L:295), whereas deportation to Nigeria represents the worst form of humiliation as they plummet to the bottom of the TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  243  social ladder.  The women’s reflections on social status and stigmatisation associated with deportation intertwine with Mai’s (2013b) recognition of moral dimensions in socioglobal mobility, as irregular migrant sex workers strive to make money seemingly “at all cost”, rather than return home empty-handed (p. 11).   6.3.7. Paradox 7. Mis/representing Migrant Sex Work  In Chapter 5, I identified the misrepresentation of migrant sex work by migrant sex workers themselves as Paradox 7.  I described how daughters in home villages were enticed and recruited by resettled ‘sisters’ who purposefully misrepresented migrant sex work as a quick and easy way to a better life in two main ways.  First, they posted misleading selfies on social media.  Second, they imposed socioeconomic hardship on themselves in destinations countries while seeking financial assistance from local support organisations (to accumulate money, travel to home villages, and display misleading and unrealistic levels of wealth and status).  Rafia illustrated the potential for psychological conflict posed by this form of misrepresentation by suggesting daughters should be told the ‘real story’ and offered trials of what overseas prostitution entailed before the agreement process.  This conflict perhaps reflected the Ifa religious concerns that striving for excessive wealth threatens the development of beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours critical to self-transformation (noted in Paradox 4 above; materialistic behaviour).    In the current Chapter 6 (Resettling in Spain), the women suggest a further way to help daughters in home villages achieve social advantage and advancement, and ensure future generations of Edo girls and women do not follow in their footsteps: daughters should be financially assisted to remain in education and subsequently start businesses in Nigeria, or at least guaranteed TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  244  regular work in Europe that is not prostitution.  These suggestions add to research literature on social solutions placing the lived perspectives of those directly involved at their centre.  Olayiwola (2019), for example, advocates anti-trafficking campaigners listening to the issues and experiences of socioeconomically vulnerable Edo populations, better to develop realistic, reliable and achievable means of social provision and survival that address “structural root causes” (p. 50), such as “quality education, decent employment and social protections” (p. 64).  Taliani (2012) invites collaborative reflections on therapeutic responses to Edo girls and women who face serious psychological problems because of exposure to ritual phenomena.  Taliani (2012) questions a tendency for health and social workers in Italian care-based institutions to misinterpret silences and variations in stories as “lies and manipulations”, and impose coherence on phenomena that are “disjoined and fragmentary” (Taliani, 2012, p. 583).  She also highlights an unhelpful, commonplace “classificatory anxiety” of academic scholars and more conventional research approaches that can impose coherence on phenomena that are “simultaneously economic, magic-religious, psychological and moral” (p. 586), and “mobile and precarious” (p. 588).  The point made is that without critical shifts in how such phenomena are conceptualised and considered, care-based institutions “turn out to be social death” for irregular migrant women (p. 601) whose requirements for legal status and regular work remain unaddressed for years.    The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 6 also add to the under-researched area of the Madam cycle in the migration and trafficking literature, and dynamics associated with networking, organising, and transforming lives that can incentivise daughters in home villages to engage in and comply with migration arrangements (Carling, 2005b, 2006).  The women’s insights into self-TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  245  imposed hardship in Europe as part of the recruitment process add to the research literature on socioglobal mobility and under-researched contradictions in the notion of a global hierarchical order, such that ‘better’ lives in resettlement countries can also be “cruel and unfair” (Mai, 2013b; Pajo, 2008, p. 38; noted in Paradox 1 above).  The phenomenon of daughters in home villages classifying certain countries as ‘worse’ or ‘better’ than others depending on whether they might help meet their socioeconomic needs and priorities provides another lived example of Pajo’s (2008) conceptualisation of a global hierarchical order (noted in Paradox 1 above). 6.3.8. Paradox 8. Unstable Notions of Consent  In Chapter 5, Paradox 8 captured the women’s understanding that migration arrangements in home villages were essentially family affairs (i.e., illegal, and unenforceable by the mafia) and considered voluntary whether or not deception occurred during the agreement process.  Other notions of consent were highlighted as follows: girls over 13 were considered capable of sufficiently understanding what overseas sex work entailed (noted in Paradox 6 above; un/acceptable forms of migrant sex work); and daughters in home villages were led to believe overseas prostitution offered quick and easy money, and opportunities for socioeconomic advantage and advancement (noted in Paradox 7; mis/representing migrant sex work).    In the current Chapter 6, the women build on notions of voluntary consent as they describe new girls trying to get to grips with street walking in Spain and discovering it is not as easy as anticipated.  They must “carry” a higher quantity and variety of customers than they are accustomed to, for example, and pay unreasonably high prices for everyday necessities from their Madams (C:2527).  The new girls must also repay unexpectedly high TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  246  sponsorship debts as they realise one euro equates to hundreds of nairas.  Some of them rebel against their Madams and are beaten to near death or killed.  (Chika comments that beatings are a standard disciplinary procedure in Nigerian households, but, in the context of Madam protocols, can feel like oppression.)  Additionally (and contrary to the notion that family-based arrangements are unenforceable by the mafia), the parents of rebellious new girls can be threatened by the mafia and appeal to their daughters to comply with their Madams’ protocols.  These dynamics add a further dimension to the notion of tough mothers in home villages who not only instigate migration arrangements for their daughters but can become subjected to tough treatment themselves (see Paradox 4; materialistic behaviour).    Rafia tries to clarify notions of consent and un/acceptable forms of rebellion.  All the women must repay their sponsorship debts.  Her own case of rebellion was acceptable because she agreed to an arranged marriage, rather than sex work.  She attributed her capacity to stand her ground despite being severely beaten to her strength of character.    Chika summarises the process of voluntarily starting and leaving sex work as follows.  The women are grateful to their Madams for enabling them to come to Europe and make money.  When they arrive, they don’t like the nature of the work but ‘get on with it’.  After two or three years, most repay their Madams.  The women who remain in prostitution have not fully pursued or realised their options to start new lives (noted in Paradox 6; un/acceptable migrant sex work), and/or continue to want relatively fast money.  Seizing opportunities to leave sex work represents the women valuing and seeking to improve their lives. TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  247   Rafia states that the ultimate marker of leaving sex work and becoming transformed into women of purpose, value, and respect is doing ‘good work’ in Nigeria.  She adds that her personal involvement in a Nigerian orphanage makes her feel complete. Hanna similarly comments that helping those less privileged in Nigeria provides her with a sense of fulfilment, and signals to her home village that she has advanced in life.  Chika explains that helping orphans signifies becoming a ‘better’ person; in her own case, wiser, more mature and worthy of her status as an elder sibling.    The women who remain in prostitution aspire to do good work in Nigeria in the future.  Layla, for example, wants to open an orphanage.  Bayo wants to qualify as a lawyer and offer free legal advice.  She explains that demonstrating good work for them signals wisdom, good character, and moral behaviour, and is rewarded by a beneficial and long life (see the Ifa religious teachings noted in Paradoxes 4 and 7 above).  Finally, Temi plays a song, ‘I Know Who I Am’, to capture self-transformation as the embodiment of who the women are destined to become: a new generation of women fulfilling their true purpose in becoming valued and respected.    The women’s insights surrounding Paradox 8 add to the research literature that questions some persistent, dominant, and more macro-level anti-trafficking assumptions about the morality of sex work, gender-based roles, and notions of obligation and protection; and calls for more sophisticated research into: (a) highly contextual and fluid notions of voluntariness and consent to migrants (Hill, 2017; Limoncelli, 2017; Weitzer, 2011, 2015, 2020); (b) lived perspectives of whether Nigerian migrant sex workers fully understand the nature of prostitution awaiting them, and perceive themselves to be in charge of their bodies and futures (DSUSA, 2019; Limoncelli, 2009; 2017; Walby et al., TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  248  2016); and (c) controversial structures, factors, and forces of sex work, third-party involvement and notions of trafficking (Dewey, 2010; Horning & Marcus, 2017; Mai, 2013b; Olayiwola, 2019).  The women’s insights also add an interesting dynamic to scholarly interest in the controversial understanding that remaining in, returning to, or leaving sex work reflects personal, contextual responses to highly gendered sexual, cultural, and socioeconomic restrictions, rather than simply resignation to or escape from exploitation (Brennan & Plambech, 2018; Mai, 2013b, 2013a). 6.4. Chapter Summary   This chapter presented the women’s lived experiential perspectives of resettling in Spain and focussed on sex work and life afterwards.  As in Chapter 5, contextualisation was provided using three analytical lenses (Social Systems, Power Dynamics, Faith Norms).  These lenses captured the women’s deeper, more existential, personal perspectives of various phenomena, including: sending goods and money to Nigeria; complying with Madam protocols; navigating associated pressures and demands, and options to achieve self-transformation; and the simultaneous practice of multiple forms of spirituality.  The same series of eight paradoxes running through the findings reflected the women managing and navigating their socioeconomic migration intentions (to socially provide for their families and become transformed into women of purpose, value, and respect), and using psychological navigational strategies and tools (a moral-ethical scale and Nigerian mindset moderated by pragmatic wisdom).  The paradoxes framed the discussion of the findings as a series of irregular, interpretive realities and concepts that added to the research literature across wide-ranging psychosocial, relational, sexual, cultural, and spiritual phenomena.  Because of the size, diversity, richness and complexity of the TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  249  findings and discussions in Chapters 5 and 6, I use the next Chapter 7 to draw them together.  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  250  Chapter 7. Drawing Together the Findings and Discussions    This chapter draws together the findings and discussions in Chapters 5 and 6 that were framed as a series of irregular, interpretive realities and conceptualisations, rather than one unitary story.  The standalone format reflects the size, diversity, richness, and complexity of this series; and a pragmatic decision to provide a helpful, separate space to consider and summarise: (a) the main implications for the migration and trafficking literature and for Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957) (as reviewed in Chapter 2, Section 2.5.); and (b) their practice and policy relevance in the anti-trafficking arena.  Section 1 presents the implications using the four sub-themes of the findings as a structure (i.e., ‘Motivations to Migrate’, ‘Migration Arrangements’, ‘Sex Work’, and ‘Life After Sex Work’).  It forms an explicit discussion of how this thesis has addressed the research questions in Chapter 1 that seek lived experiential perspectives of these four areas of phenomena (see Section 1.3.1.1.).  I did not originally intend to add conceptual insights to the theoretical framework in this study.  Instead, CDT was used to help manage and understand unstable sensemaking and decision-making phenomena identified in the women’s data (see Chapter 4, Section 4.1.3.).  However, the women’s data offer lived perspectives and exemplars of fundamental tenets of CDT and self-concept and induced compliance dynamics, and challenge rather than endorse the theory (as discussed in Chapter 2, Section 2.5.).  Section 2 presents the practice and policy relevance of the findings in the anti-trafficking arena.  I focus on how the women’s insights on problems, solutions, and influences for home- and resettlement countries contribute to anti-trafficking TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  251  efforts and social solutions that seek to place lived experiential perspectives at their centre.  Section 3 summarises this chapter.   7.1. Implications for the Literature and the Theory 7.1.1. Motivations to Migrate  The first key area of the findings centres on the women’s motivations to migrate and three dominant patriarchal social systems in Nigeria that impacted the women’s decisions to engage in irregular socioeconomic migratory sex work.  The first is the political system, characterised by long-standing corruption, oppression and instability, and calls from more progressive campaigners for Nigerian youths to “wake up” and steer their country away from destruction (Pe:1499).  Particular attention is drawn to the potential for “uptown” youths (i.e., those living abroad) to gain wisdom from external social systems and apply it in Nigeria (Hn:1292).  The second social system is the polygamous marital system, characterised by multiple wives pitching against one another for social advantage and advancement, and perpetuating the rationale that material wealth and status bring power and respect.  The third system is childrearing, through which sons are retained in formal education for as long as possible to gain academic wisdom, and daughters are removed too early to focus on providing for their families (through market trading and prostitution) while relying on spiritual wisdom.  The women in this study associate the values, attitudes, and behaviours demonstrated by these social systems with experiences of intense fear, fright, terror, and suspicion regarding everything and everyone.  The women subsequently describe the preparedness of daughters in home villages to move away from complex, harmful, and deadly circumstances in Nigeria and towards them in resettlement countries by taking hierarchical sibling responsibility for socioeconomic provision; and using overseas sex work for this TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  252  purpose.  This phenomenon of the women moving away from and towards social structures, factors, and forces that threaten well-being and life is captured as Paradox 1.  7.1.1.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking literature. In considering the implications of this first area of the findings for the migration and trafficking literature, the women’s insights surrounding Paradox 1 build on and provide lived examples of political and cultural push and pull factors, and two under-researched contradictions in notions of “socioglobal mobility” and a “global hierarchical order” (Pajo, 2008, p. 10).  First, individuals can move from “worse” to “better” countries that offer relatively greater opportunities for personal fulfilment and achievement despite the potential for continuing inequality, hardship, and injustice (p. 10).  In these circumstances, the pursuit of “a better life” in these circumstances can simultaneously be considered “cruel and unfair” (p. 38).  Second, the priorities, needs and agendas of those facing severe, highly gendered sexual, cultural, and socioeconomic restrictions in their home countries can be better met through marginalised, irregular routes and activities (Mai, 2013b).  This area of the findings regarding the women’s insights also add to the research literature on how and why younger Nigerian generations navigate socioeconomic roles, obligations, responsibilities, and choices in highly complex circumstances (Chuang, 2010; Kyle & Koslowski, 2011; Patterson & Zhuo, 2018; Weitzer, 2014, 2020).     7.1.1.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory.   The women describe using psychological strategies and tools to navigate their socioeconomic pursuit of better lives across a range of phenomena TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  253  captured as a series of eight paradoxes.  For ease of reference, I duplicate the table from Chapter 4 here.  P Description P Description 1 Moving away from and towards risks to well-being and life. 2 Un/acceptable forms of crime, exploitation, and oppression. 3 Moving away from and towards the Nigerian mindset.  4 Un/acceptable forms of materialistic behaviour. 5 Un/acceptable forms of multiple spirituality. 6 Un/acceptable forms of migrant sex work. 7 Mis/representing migrant sex work. 8 Unstable notions of voluntary consent.   One of the Madams, Hanna, for example, points out that the use of mafia-based force and control can make sense and be considered ‘wise’ if it reflects morally ‘good’ socioeconomic intentions such as to feed the family (Paradox 2).  As the need arises, and as a strategy for survival, the women create distance from and/or draw on the notion of a unified Nigerian mindset.  This mindset is grounded in malevolent and benevolent forms of traditional indigenous spirituality, and linked with personal senses of identity, self-worth, meaning, protection, morality, and freedom (Paradox 3).  In the same vein, the women separate and intertwine understandings of Christianity with traditional indigenous spirituality (Paradox 5).  The women refer to a psychological moral-ethical scale in this navigational process that is moderated by highly pragmatic, contextual, and fluid notions of wisdom (shortened to ‘pragmatic wisdom’), and anchored in what they consider morally good migration intentions (to provide for their families and become transformed into women of purpose, value, and respect).  In so doing, they offer lived perspectives of cognitive dissonance dynamics.  I describe these next. TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  254   The women state that, ideally, they want to achieve their migration intentions in Nigeria.  Temi, for example, exclaims, “I don’t want the younger ones to suffer.  I want to make them happy and have a better future.  I want to go to work!” (T:58).  The women believe this is impossible because three dominant patriarchal social systems in Nigeria create and perpetuate social inequality and injustice; namely, politics, marriage, and childrearing (noted in Section 7.1.1. above).  The women realise their socioeconomic needs and priorities are better met through the irregular route and activity of sex work in Europe.  At the same time, the women are concerned about the family-driven rationale, ‘money equals respect and power’.  Rafia explains that, on the one hand, the decision to take social responsibility using overseas sex work for them represents wisdom, good character, and moral behaviour (Ifa-based traditional indigenous spiritual qualities highlighted as key to beneficial current and eternal lives.)  On the other hand, these spiritual teachings warn against hypocrisy and a tendency for Nigerians to strive for relatively too much wealth and status (associated with lack of wisdom, bad character, and immoral behaviour that threaten the potential for beneficial current and eternal lives).  In this context, ‘good’ desires to feed the family and buy a modest house are contrasted with ‘bad’ desires to “build mansions” and “be someone” (R:1779).  These lived perspectives resonate with the following fundamental tenet of CDT.  Dissonance is evoked by contradictory logic behind a rationale.  7.1.2. Migration Arrangements  The second key area of the findings centres on migration arrangements and the potential for deception.  In the instigation phase, mothers can make arrangements for daughters under 13 (who are considered incapable of grasping what overseas sex work entails) rather than seek work themselves.  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  255  The women in this study classify these particular circumstances of migrant sex work as child sex trafficking.  In the recruitment phase, daughters in home villages use references that purposefully omit and/or distort the realities of overseas sex work to help them decide which destination countries might best meet their socioeconomic needs and priorities.  Subsequent agreement processes are considered family affairs and involve traditional indigenous ritual oathtaking.  One of the Madams, Hanna, explains that a daughter is taken to a shrine to verbally swear she will stay with her Madam until her sponsorship debt is repaid.  Hanna exclaims, “All those Madams that are bringing girls, I remember! … they take your panties, they take your blood, they cut the hair … all those curses that they do!” (Hn:1176).  A daughter’s consent to migration arrangements is considered voluntary whether or not she understands vital factors, such as the precise form and nature of sex work awaiting her, and the actual amount of money to be repaid.    7.1.2.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking literature.   In considering the implications of this second area of the findings for the migration and trafficking literature, the women’s classification of child sex trafficking supports the following argument of Olayiwola (2019).  Socioeconomically vulnerable families in Nigeria are aware of the concept and consequences of the trafficking of minors (rather than ignorant of it), and their engagement with trafficking or not reflects highly personal, pragmatic considerations of how to address local social dilemmas.  The women in the current study also comment that child sex trafficking in Nigeria threatens their feelings of identity, cohesion, self-worth, and self-respect, and tips any feelings of pride and unity with their home country into despair and disgrace.  These insights add to Pajo’s (2008) conceptualisation of a global hierarchical order TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  256  (noted in Section 7.1.1.1.) as follows.  In the process of creating physical and psychological distance from child sex trafficking, the women perceive Nigeria as ‘worse’ than other countries (such as Ghana, Senegal, Romania, and Columbia) that are considered to engage in relatively more respectful forms of migrant sex work in Europe.  The women’s descriptions of daughters in home villages weighing and balancing purposefully distorted references during the recruitment process to help them decide which destination countries might best meet their socioeconomic needs and priorities provide a further example of a global hierarchical order.  The sensitive, complex, and seemingly contradictory nature of the women’s perspectives on voluntary consent resonate with, and build on Taliani’s (2012) conceptualisation of Nigerian ritual oathtaking as essentially “unexplainable ... not to be understood, not to be thinkable” (p. 596).  The women in this current study also provide lived examples of Taliani's (2012) understanding that the actual amount of an individual’s sponsorship debt often only becomes apparent on resettlement when realising monetary differences between currencies.  Sussan, for example, realises her sponsorship debt of 30,000 euros is considerably greater than expected when arriving in Spain and discovering that one euro equates to hundreds of nairas.     7.1.2.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory.  In this context of deceptive migration arrangements, the women’s use of psychological navigational tools and strategies offer lived perspectives of Festinger’s (1957) CDT.  The women draw on notions of a unified Nigerian mindset (noted in Section 7.1.1.2. above) and a unified Nigerian character to help create psychological distance from what they consider counter-attitudinal, morally wrong migration arrangements.  For the women, bad aspects of the Nigerian character include the tendency to be troublemakers, materialistic, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  257  jealous, greedy, critical, untrustworthy, stubborn, hypocritical, rebellious, deceitful, malicious, and spiteful.  In contrast, good characteristics include being courageous, steadfast, determined, tenacious, pragmatic, resilient, resolute, and open-minded.  The women express frustration and anger towards mothers who instigate arrangements for daughters and wait for ‘Europe money’, rather than seek work themselves, such as market trading.  These emotions escalate to despair and disgust with mothers who engage in child sex trafficking (i.e., instigate arrangements for daughters under 13).  This demonstration of what the women consider maternal toughness at its worst evokes such a magnitude of negative emotions that their sense of self is threatened (i.e., identity, cohesion, self-worth, and self-respect as women and Nigerians).  One of the Madams, Hanna, for examples, exclaims, “You will see a child, five years old, in Europe that is supposed to go and do business.  Nigerian women!  …  The disgrace that they give us black is very, very bad.  I don’t like it” (Hn:47).  These particular feelings and expressions resonate with self-concept perspectives of CDT: we try to lead meaningful lives that make personal sense, and inconsistencies in how we see ourselves can evoke intense experiences of psychological discomfort (Aronson, 2019).    The women also express frustration and anger towards daughters in home villages who perceive irregular migrant sex work as a relatively fast and easy route to money.  At the same time, the women recall readily accepting misleading references from recruiters that supported and perpetuated these same perceptions.  The women also remember willingly sealing terms of agreement they did not fully understand.  In this context, the women provide an illustration of the following fundamental cognitive dissonance perspective.  Most of us prefer to be exposed to and select information that supports our deeply TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  258  held, pre-existing beliefs and attitudes to maintain psychological equilibrium (Festinger, 1957, 1964).  Yahya and Sukmayadi (2020) add that our alignment to particular, deeply held beliefs and attitudes often forms an essential part of our identities, and that threats to this alignment simultaneously threaten our self-concept.    Some of the women in this current study call for significant and enduring shifts in the fundamental beliefs, ideologies, attitudes, and behaviours of key anti-trafficking organisational actors, but realise shifts will be difficult to achieve without lived experience information that is correct and certain.  The women suggest daughters in home villages should be offered trial runs of the type of sex work awaiting them in Europe, and exposed to the ‘real story’ during recruitment, such as “standing in the streets … for 10 hours every night only to earn 1,000 euros (£840) after one month and secure 200 euros (£170) for yourself after repaying your Madam” (R:1459), and that sex work equals fast death rather than fast money (C:2219). These calls and suggestions resonate with the cognitive dissonance perspective that deeply held beliefs and ideals can only change with appropriate approaches and persuasion (Aronson, 2019).   7.1.3. Sex Work   The third key area of the findings centres on two social systems (the family in Nigeria and work in Spain), and two forms of what the women consider unexpected and unreasonable resettlement demand.  The first is a relentless bombardment of family demands for money.  This represents a distinct lack of love and concern, often evoking in the women feelings of sadness, anxiety and depression that can lead to addictions and attempts at suicide.  The women initially try to meet these demands and simultaneously post selfies with status symbols on social media (representing a process of self-transformation, and TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  259  also strength of character in facing and managing family pressures and demands).  Most of the women gradually limit the levels of social contact with, and amounts of money offered to their families.  The second form of demand is associated with their Madams, in terms of: greater sponsorship debts, levels of punishment and numbers and forms of customers than anticipated; and high prices for and restrictions on everyday necessities.  Most of the women gradually limit the levels of social contact with, and amounts of money offered to their Madams.    In the process of navigating these resettlement demands, many of the women describe fluidly distancing themselves from and/or demonstrating what they consider good and bad aspects of the unified Nigerian character (noted in Section 7.1.2.2. above).  The women also describe drawing on the notion of a Nigerian mindset and multiple forms of spirituality to help modify their levels of compliance to ritual oaths, and ultimately repay only a part of their sponsorship debts.  Dayo, for example, comments, “I have paid forty-one thousand euros.  …  The first amount was forty-five thousand.  The woman, she is not contacting me again” (D:56).  Many of the women describe dealing with experiences of oppression and subjugation as pragmatically as possible by conceptualising these phenomena as fleeting, situational, and something to be left behind.  Nasha, for example, explains, “In the situation that I am mistreated, … when you leave the situation, you forget about it.  You see that … the situation is just passing by.  So, that is how it is.  I am an independent woman” (Ns:461).  7.1.3.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking literature.  In considering the implications of this third area of the findings for the migration and trafficking literature, the women’s lived experiential perspectives of navigating unexpected resettlement demands add to the under-researched TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  260  area of mindset dynamics, in which there appears only two published works at the time of writing.  The first is Mai’s (2013b) observation of irregular sex workers in Europe seeming to oscillate between home- and destination-country senses of self as they seek to balance socioeconomic priorities and needs alongside fluid notions of vulnerability, resistance, and resilience.  Mai (2013b) points out that most of these individuals do not see themselves as subjugated, exploited, or trafficked.  Instead, they situate their priority to make money (seemingly at any cost) in a moral context of trying to achieve autonomy, retain their source of income and provide for themselves and their families.  The second work is Taliani’s (2012) observation of Edo girls and women in an Italian care-based institution seeming to switch between “a vast confusion of [psychological] registers” (p. 586) and oscillate between distinct and opposing home- and destination-country “voices of authority” (p. 582) as they seek to engage in therapeutic discourse about ritual phenomena and experiences of “terror and fright” (p. 581).  Taliani (2012) highlights the potential for shifts in power as some Edo girls and women realise ritual rites have limited power and consequently repay only a part of their sponsorship debts to their Madams.  In these contexts, the findings of this thesis add to the following important reconceptualisations: spiritual subjugation, as placing oneself and being placed in multiple layers of control while simultaneously having the potential to establish and navigate one’s own terms of freedom (Taliani, 2012); migrant sex work, as social innovation; exploitation as the undermining of freedom and power to engage in sex work and negotiate terms (Mai, 2013b); and Nigerian multiple spirituality as a kaleidoscopic sense of everything being possible (Janson, 2016).      TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  261  7.1.3.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory.  In this context of navigating unexpected resettlement demands, the women’s use of psychological navigational tools and strategies offer lived perspectives of Festinger’s (1957) CDT.    The women draw on the Nigerian mindset and multiple forms of spirituality to recognise and respect ritual oathtaking as the most effective way to ensure an individual’s compliance with migration arrangements while simultaneously modifying levels of compliance.  This phenomenon resonates with induced compliance perspectives of CDT: when inducements to behave counter-attitudinally take the form of excessive pressure and punishment, our compliance can be relatively short-lived because such pressures rarely change our underlying values, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours (Festinger & Carlsmith, 1959; Aronson 2019).  The women identify two moderators of their compunction to rebel against the demands of their families and Madams.  The first is personal notions of whether rebellion reflects wisdom, good character, and moral behaviour (qualities critical to beneficial current and eternal lives, noted in Section 7.1.1.2. above).  The second is a belief that a Christian God can cancel juju covenants and curses (i.e., that juju rites have limited power).  The women join or distance themselves from white (Spanish) and black (African) Christian churches in Spain to help preserve preferred self-concepts, and bolster much-needed cultural, religious, and spiritual norms.  They describe how Spanish churches can threaten their sense of self by challenging their highly fluid, personal, pragmatic notions of monotheism and polytheism, sin, and forgiveness.  African churches pose threats, too, as congregational members pitch against one another physically and spiritually for social advantage and advancement, and perpetuate feelings of fear, distrust and suspicion in TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  262  everyone and everything (reflecting warfare dynamics of Nigerian family households, noted in Section 7.1.1. above).  Additionally, Layla describes trying to discern between African friends and foes by cautiously monitoring them on neutral territory, and explains, “We black; we betray each other.  It’s like we don’t need someone’s happiness.  There is stupid jealousy …  their heart is black” (L:2413).  These lived perspectives of navigating the demands of resettlement resonate with interweaving dynamics of induced compliance and self-concept (associated senses of identity, protection, cohesion, meaning, and refuge) and concerns with behaving in incompetent or immoral ways and/or appearing hypocritical or “stupid” (Aronson, 2019, p. 305).   7.1.4. Life After Sex Work  The final key area of the findings centres on the women’s aspirations to start new and better lives in Spain after sex work as socially transformed women.  These hinge on attaining legal migrant status through ‘normal’ regular forms of work, marriage, and/or the resources of support organisations.  However, as black, migrant women with unstable legal status, they encounter difficulties in trying to: (a) secure and maintain relatively safe contracted work and reasonable rates of pay and hours of work; (b) navigate the conditional requirements of Spanish support organisations to disclose personal information, denounce those who brought them to Spain, and leave sex work with no guarantee of an alternative source of income; (c) manage the arbitrary and personal nature in which legal status is awarded and withheld by local government offices; and (d) engage with a citizenship application process that hinges on literacy and competency in the Spanish language.  The women’s priorities, needs and agendas clash with those of local government offices and support organisations that carry anti-black migrant, anti-TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  263  sex work and/or anti-trafficking biases, and fail to provide accessible, consistent and appropriate services.  Even as a newly married woman in Spain, Chika continues to encounter what she describes as a seeming superiority of Spanish men over women, and of Spanish men and women in authority over “the blacks”.  She exclaims, “Stupid people!  Some Spanish … they are very racist; they like to misuse you” (C:2546).   7.1.4.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking literature.  In considering the implications of this fourth area of the findings for the migration and trafficking literature, the above clash of agendas and the women’s difficulties in trying to navigate options to start new lives resonate with Mai’s (2013b) understanding that notions of empowerment, justice, equality, and agency for irregular migrant sex workers are highly personal, contextual, and fluid.  They can often counter some more macro-level anti-trafficking agendas and prevailing notions of human rights, sex trafficking, and criminal activity, such as “the ruthless exploitation of female victims by male villains” (p. 11).  The women’s difficulties also resonate with the recognition of Spain as a country of highly decentralised regions and autonomous local government systems, offices, agendas, and budgets (Durán et al., 2006), where staff members act as gatekeepers and may not comply with central and local government agreements, including international human rights (Cimas et al., 2016).    The women’s aspirations for new and better lives are interwoven with references to the (2018) declaration of the Oba (the indigenous spiritual head of the Edo people) as part of a high-profile, unprecedented collaboration between the Nigerian federal government and the United Nations (UN) Department of State which sought to place Edo State at the forefront of the fight against human trafficking and irregular migration (see Literature Review, Chapter 2, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  264  Nigeria, Section 2.2.1.).  The women describe their interpretations of and responses to the declaration that, in their minds: (a) cursed traffickers and all those involved in bringing Edo girls and women overseas for sex work; (b) cancelled the covenants made by the girls and women during ritual oathtaking; and (c) instructed them to stop paying their Madams and lying to the police, and instead find alternative work and ways to make money.  This area of the women’s insights develops the research literature regarding rarely reported lived impacts of the Oba’s (2018) declaration (see Diagboya, 2019; DSUSA, 2022; Weitzer, 2020).    7.1.4.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory.  In these contexts of navigating options to start new lives, and of fearful and pressing threats to life posed by the Oba’s (2018) declaration, the Madams (Hazika and Hanna) feel compelled to behave counter-attitudinally and step out of the Madam cycle.  They instruct sex workers to stop paying Madams and sending street-based earnings to their families.  They also enlist Sade to oversee the closure of both their flats as a matter of urgency.  Hanna exclaims, “I don’t come here to be a stupid person.  I need to be proud of myself.  …  Now, I am not in the streets, and I don’t have girls.  … I reject it!”  (Hn:337).  These phenomena resonate with the intertwining perspectives of induced compliance and self-concept notions of identity, protection, cohesion, meaning, and refuge, and dynamics concerned with behaving in incompetent, immoral, hypocritical, and ‘stupid’ ways (noted in Section 7.1.3.1. above).    The newly evicted sex workers find alternative accommodation and join the other relatively young independent prostitutes in continuing to work on the streets while considering when and how (as illegal migrants) to find regular jobs.  The older women remain on the streets and return when any alternative regular TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  265  jobs expire.  They begin deeply questioning their lives in Spain.  Layla, for example, exclaims, “What am I doing in the world, remaining in this life?  Spain is destroying me; it is not helping me” (L:294).  She reflects on the Oba’s (2018) declaration and predicts Edo traffickers will ultimately avoid his curses by performing ritual oaths in neighbouring States.  Layla wonders whether to reapproach support organisations for assistance with legal status or restart life in another country offering greater socioeconomic opportunities.  She comments, “I am not the type that somebody will oppress.  Somebody like me, you cannot bring me down” (L:2848).    At the time of the declaration in March 2018, Chika has already left the streets and predicts the Oba’s inducements to try and stop trafficking will fail because the social structures, factors, and forces leading girls and women to irregular socioeconomic migration remain unchallenged.  Chika describes feeling exasperated, ashamed, and conflicted about colleagues not yet prioritising finding a husband or a regular job, and telling support organisations they have ‘no choice’ but to work on the streets.  The resulting magnitude of her negative feelings towards her country and Nigerian women threatens her sense of self (similar to responses to sex trafficking noted in Section 7.1.2.2. above).  It compels her to try and shift the values, attitudes, and behaviours of her colleagues by appealing to their senses of self-care.  Chika meets resistance, however, as her colleagues argue they have not yet found a satisfactory way to stop using prostitution as their source of income.  In this sense, they reject advice and information offered by Chika that conflict with their long-standing engagement in sex work, and instead deepen the existing belief that they have no choice.  These specific lived examples of induced compliance and self-concept dynamics intertwine with two other cognitive dissonance perspectives.  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  266  First, deeply held beliefs and ideals are difficult to change without appropriate forms of approach and persuasion.  When challenged, we often refuse conflicting views and attitudes, and add more supportive cognitive elements to our existing ones (Aronson, 2019).  Second, the capacity to modify compliant counter-attitudinal behaviour depends on the magnitude of psychological discomfort evoked by it and the impact of the following four key elements: the personal significance of justifying the behaviour; freedom to decide to comply; negative and positive consequences of compliance (i.e., punishment and reward); and the degree of effort exerted to achieve the reward and reap the benefits (Harmon-Jones et al., 2020; Harmon-Jones & Mills, 1999, 2019).  Consequently, Chika stops trying to change the minds of her colleagues directly.  She says, “I give them my advice, and it’s like I’m condemning them.  So, I just say farewell from them …  It’s not that I don’t like my friends, but since they don’t want to take advice, it’s very painful” (C:2872).  Chika instead adopts a self-concept approach and advocates grass-roots persuasion grounded in lived experiential perspectives (similar to Rafia in Section 7.1.2.2. above).  Chika suggests daughters in home villages should be exposed to the ‘real story’ of overseas sex work to try and transform the notion that ‘sex work equals fast money’ into ‘sex work equals fast death’.  She explains, “This job that we are doing, there is money, but there is sickness and death … It is help to just come and end your life” (C:2219).  Chika also suggests these daughters should be helped financially to remain in education and subsequently start businesses in Nigeria.  In the meantime (i.e., while irregular migratory routes and activities are considered the relatively better way to address local socioeconomic dilemmas), daughters should be guaranteed regular work that is not prostitution.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  267   Finally, the women in the current study identify the ultimate marker of self-transformation as the capacity to do ‘good’ work in Nigeria, such as helping those less privileged, including orphans, single mothers, and widows.  Doing good work reflects the capacity of the women to attain and maintain: (a) a relatively stable form of legal status (predominantly through trustworthy everyday work and/or marriage); and (b) wisdom, good character, and moral behaviour (qualities identified by traditional indigenous spirituality as key to beneficial current and eternal lives).  Doing good work also represents a response to more progressive political calls for ‘uptown youths’ to apply knowledge and wisdom gained from external social systems and save Nigeria from destruction (noted in Section 7.1.1. above).  For all the women, self-transformation appears inseparable from hopes for Nigeria’s transformation, and represents the embodiment of who they are destined to become: members of a generation who can fulfil their true purposes in life, not as “cockroaches”, but as women of value and respect (R:1658). In summary, the women’s data offer original contributions to the migration and trafficking literature across wide-ranging psychosocial, sexual, cultural, and spiritual phenomena, and also provide unique, lived perspectives and exemplars of CDT and self-concept and induced compliance dynamics.  A fundamental tenet of CDT is that where there are conflicting cognitive elements (such as beliefs, values and attitudes), we experience psychological discomfort and feel compelled to deal with it (Festinger, 1957) (see also the review of experimental work in Chapter 2, Section 2.5.).  Therefore, one might have expected the women to adjust their beliefs, values, and attitudes in the face of inconsistences and contradictions (such as unstable notions of exploitation, crime, consent, wisdom, morality, and ‘good’ and ‘bad’).  Instead, the women TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  268  seem to embrace a degree of cognitive instability and hold such paradoxes without changing their beliefs, values, and attitudes.  This is demonstrated across settings, contexts, and time, and in the face of: highly gendered sexual, cultural, and socioeconomic restrictions; physical, spiritual, and psychological threats to sense of self and life; and, at times, feelings of fear, distrust and suspicion of everyone and everything.  In an enduring sense of anything being possible in the women’s pursuit of better lives, the data provide a challenge to, rather than an endorsement of CDT; a theory that appears too simplistic to account for such complex and varying lived, experiential, social-relational phenomena. 7.2. Practice and Policy Relevance in the Anti-Trafficking Arena  The women’s data are punctuated with multifaceted, multi-level insights on problems, solutions, and influences associated with irregular migrant sex work for home- and resettlement countries.  I present these next before discussing their practice and policy relevance in the anti-trafficking arena.  I use the socioecological model in Chapter 4 as a conceptual tool to help portray important shifts and tensions across and between micro- and more macro-level perspectives.  For ease of reference, I duplicate Figure 4.18. here.            TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  269  7.2.1. Home-Country Problems, Solutions, and Influences  The women highlight how their individual motivations to migrate and subsequent migration arrangements in Nigeria directly reflect dominant, patriarchal social systems (politics, marriage, and childrearing) and the corresponding beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours of their families and communities (see 7.1.1. and 7.1.2. above).   The women identify the following predominant problems. • Daughters (in preference to sons) are removed too early from formal education and allocated the roles of traders and prostitutes to fulfil their seemingly sole purpose in life of social provision. • Mothers make migration arrangements for daughters (including those under 13 years) often in place of seeking work themselves. • Resettled ‘sisters’ provide distorted references to help ascertain which destination countries best meet socioeconomic needs.   The women offer the following solutions: • retain daughters in education alongside sons; guarantee daughters normal work in Nigeria that is not prostitution; and enable them to start businesses to secure their own incomes.  Focus on financial forms of incentive, persuasion, and assistance to achieve these goals; • expose daughters to ‘real’ stories and intricacies of overseas sex work (e.g., long hours, low pay-rates, challenging customer demands, and high health risks) using lived perspectives and experiences rather than those of outsiders (such as anti-trafficking campaigners) essentially prior to agreement.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  270  Influences of these problems and solutions are identified as:  • social systems that create and perpetuate: crime, exploitation, and oppression (‘Political’); polygamy (‘Marital’); an over-emphasis on material wealth (equated with respect and power); and hierarchical sibling responsibility for social provision (‘Childrearing’);  • power dynamics associated with: hopes for self-transformation amid family warfare; the Nigerian mindset and character (as delineated in Section 7.1.3. above); and unstable notions of acceptable forms and representations of migrant sex work, and consent;  • faith norms associated with: unstable notions of multiple spirituality (i.e., Christianity and traditional indigenous religion); and the need to attain and develop spiritual wisdom, good character, and moral behaviour (equated with beneficial current and eternal lives). 7.2.2. Resettlement-Country Problems, Solutions, and Influences The women point out that their individual experiences of sex work in Spain and aspirations for life afterwards directly reflect dominant, patriarchal social systems (family, work, and self-transformation), and the corresponding beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours of those directly involved (see Sections 7.1.3. and 7.1.4. above).   The women identify the following predominant problems. • Resettled daughters face a bombardment of unexpected, unreasonable socioeconomic demands and threats to well-being and life posed by their families and Madams.   • New and better lives in Spain hinge on attaining legal migrant status through regular work, marriage, and/or the resources of support organisations.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  271  • They face serious challenges as black, female, irregular, migrant women in prioritising, planning, and trying to: o find and secure the required pathways to assistance and support, legal documentation, and, ultimately, citizenship; o navigate clashes between their own priorities, needs, and agendas, and those of local support organisations and government offices characterised by: (a) limited, conditional and unstable assistance and support; (b) personal and arbitrary gatekeeping tactics; (c) pressure to stop sex work as a source of income; and (d) threat of deportation (associated by the women with senses of failure and shame in plummeting to the bottom rung of the social ladder empty-handed).    The women offer the following solution. • Provide irregular migrants with safe, trustworthy, appropriate, and effective access to: (a) assistance and support with law enforcement, legal, health, social, and welfare concerns; (b) legal migrant status (better to secure normal work) and citizenship; and (c) normal work that is not prostitution. Influences of these problems and solutions are identified as:  • social systems that create and perpetuate the need to send goods and money to Nigeria (‘Family’), comply with Madam protocols (‘Sex Work’), and, ultimately, transform oneself from being considered worthless, meaningless “cockroaches” in home villages to women of relative purpose, value, and respect in Europe (R:1658) (‘Self-Transformation’);  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  272  • power dynamics associated with navigating the demands of family and work systems amid unstable notions of rebellion and freedom; and options to achieve and maintain self-transformation; • faith norms associated with unstable notions of multiple spirituality, spiritual protection and transcendence, and the critical role played by doing ‘good’ work in Nigeria (i.e., helping women and children less privileged) in signifying the women have: (a) attained and maintained legal migrant status; (b) moved beyond social provision for the family as their sole purpose in life; (c) developed and demonstrated wisdom, good character, and moral behaviour in transforming themselves and helping to transform Nigeria; and in so doing (d) discovered and embodied their ‘true’ selves. The practice and policy relevance of the women’s insights on problems,  solutions, and influences associated with irregular migrant sex work is two-fold.   First, the insights demonstrate the helpfulness of patchwork ethnography guidelines (see Van der Pijl et al., 2011) in capturing unusual social-relational encounters, unexpected interactions, collisions, and collaborations; and complex, fragmented, and seemingly haphazard, personal, and contextual perspectives (see Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2.2.).  Included in the current study are: (a) spiritual phenomena that are “not to be understood, not to be thinkable” (Taliani, 2012, p. 596); (b) oscillations between home- and destination-country authoritative voices, psychological registers, and senses of self; and (c) highly fluid notions of justice, equality, human rights, and criminal activity (noted in Sections 7.1.3.1. and 7.1.4.1. above).  This sensitivity is important in highlighting the potential for discrepancies in the perceptions, opinions, understandings, and agendas of different parties, and for “friction” between TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  273  seemingly “practical”, global norms and interventions associated with sex trafficking (that can carry an inevitable sense of forward momentum with little room for questioning), and local, personal, contextual encounters of, and resistance to them (Van der Pijl et al., 2011, p. 567).  Essentially, patchwork ethnography uses the notion of ‘not trying to agree’ to stimulate new insights and interpretations of sex trafficking that move beyond more macro-level, all-embracing notions of “dealing” with sex trafficking in Europe and globally (p. 567).  In this sense, the women’s data offer a further dynamic to the socioecological model in helping to conceptualise and understand risk and protective factors for human trafficking as the complex interplay between people and their micro-  and more-macro environments, rather than in isolation (see, for example, ‘One Size Does Not Fit All’, Barner et al., 2018; Hopper, 2024, noted in ‘Storytelling’, Chapter 4, Section 4.1.4.).   Second, the women’s insights on problems, solutions, and influences contribute to anti-trafficking discussions that seek to place lived experiential perspectives at their centre, better to develop grass-root building blocks of infrastructures, interactions, and interventions that are highlighted as critical to change by those directly involved.  Olayiwola (2019), for example, advocates for socioeconomically vulnerable communities in Edo State to be considered “the experts”, better to account for local issues and “structural root causes” (p. 50), and develop realistic, reliable, and achievable means of social provision, protection, and survival (such as “quality education, decent employment and social protections”, p. 62) (see Chapter 6, Section 6.3.7.).  Taliani (2012) focuses on Edo girls and women who have migrated to Italy and face serious psychological problems because of exposure to ritual phenomena.  She discusses the twists and turns of their clinic-based narratives that are TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  274  “simultaneously economic, magic-religious, psychological and moral” (p. 586), and necessarily “mobile and precarious” (p. 588), “disjoined and fragmentary” (p. 583).  Taliani (2012) points out that unless care-based institutions, academics, and more conventional research approaches include and consider such phenomena, the experience of “social death” for irregular migrant women is likely to continue as their requirements for assistance and support remain unaddressed for years (p. 601) (see Chapter 6, Section 6.3.7.).    The women’s insights on problems, solutions, and influences further enrich important reconceptualisations of phenomena associated with irregular migration and sex trafficking (noted in Sections 7.1.2.1. to 7.1.4.1. above).  Predominant understandings of subjugation and exploitation, for example, are extended to reflect unstable notions of vulnerability, voluntariness, control, agency, resistance, and resilience (Mai, 2013b; Taliani, 2012), and migrant sex work to reflect unstable notions of social innovation (Mai, 2013b).  In the women’s minds, exploitative roles are played by local support organisations, government offices, and Christian churches in resettlement countries that: hinder or prevent access to the required assistance and support; undermine cultural, religious and spiritual norms and senses of self; and threaten endeavours to achieve social advantage and advancement.  The women are not ignorant of the concept and consequences of irregular migrant sex work (including the trafficking of minors; Olayiwola, 2016).  Instead, it is seen as a relatively better means to address local social dilemmas, attain autonomy and independence from their families, and transform themselves from worthless, meaningless “cockroaches” in home villages to women of relative purpose, value, and respect in Europe (R:1658).   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  275   This is not to say the women consider sex work as “okay”.  Instead, they use what is most available to facilitate self-transformation.  The women would have preferred to discover and embody their true selves in Nigeria, and, therefore, offer suggestions to help ensure future generations of Edo girls and women do not feel compelled to follow in their footsteps.  At the same time, they acknowledge that the success of any efforts to empower these girls and women hinges on significant and enduring shifts in the fundamental beliefs, ideologies, attitudes, and behaviours of key anti-trafficking organisational actors – not only in Edo State and Nigeria, but worldwide.  They refer, in particular, to the strategic collaboration of the Nigerian federal government, the spiritual head of the Edo people, and the UN which failed to challenge and change structures, factors, and forces associated with irregular migration and human trafficking (see Section 7.1.4.1. above).    The women have a lot to say about a world that moralises, talks, and acts in the name of socioeconomically vulnerable populations, and yet marginalises local, lived perspectives, and leaves highly gendered sexual, cultural, and socioeconomic restrictions intact.  The women say they have not migrated to Spain to be perceived as fools; they know precisely how and why irregular migratory routes and activities remain the relatively better way for Edo girls and women to address local socioeconomic dilemmas head-on.  These individuals work hard and fight physically, mentally, and emotionally in pursuit of autonomy, social advantage and advancement; and to become women of value, purpose, and respect.  This is their “fight for life”, summed up by Layla as follows. Me, I say to myself, ‘What am I doing in Nigeria? Look at stupid husbands, lazy fools.’ I say, ‘I have to go!’. The opportunity to travel [“do prostitution”] TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  276  presents itself, so I pick it. Why? Because I want to make a better life. Because maybe later, after some time, I will get a different job, meet people, forget some sorrow. But the Spanish don’t like blacks. [Pause]. Nigeria has a lot of money, so why are the Nigerian people suffering? Any country needs to create jobs. You understand? [Pause]. The street is not a good option, eh; you understand (L:294). 7.3. Chapter Summary   This chapter drew together the findings and discussions from Chapters 5 and 6 to highlight the main implications for the migration and trafficking literature and for Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957).  The women’s data offered original insights into a range of psychosocial, sexual, cultural, and spiritual phenomena.  The data also provided unique lived perspectives and exemplars of CDT and self-concept and induced compliance dynamics which formed a challenge to, rather than an endorsement of the theory.  Finally, this chapter discussed the practice and policy relevance of the findings in the anti-trafficking arena and showed how the women’s insights on problems, solutions, and influences for home- and resettlement countries contribute to anti-trafficking efforts and social solutions that seek to place lived experiential perspectives at their centre.    The next Chapter 8 concludes this thesis.     TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  277  Chapter 8. Conclusion  “It would be so much easier to understand and combat slavery if there were  very clear good guys and bad guys, if all slaveholders were cruel, and all slaves  yearned for freedom” (Bales, 2012, p. 253).  This final chapter concludes the thesis by showing how the research intentions have been met, and how the study makes an original contribution to research into the domains of irregular migration and sex trafficking.  The thesis sought to address the calls from more sophisticated research into the anti-trafficking arena for a developing foundation of diverse, local, and lived detail about irregular migrant sex work economies.  There are two main purposes, as identified in the literature.  The first is to highlight critical tensions with some persistent, dominant, and more macro-level concepts associated with sex trafficking and broaden their currently limited scope and inclusivity.  The second is to help develop contextually-grounded forms of understanding and response for those directly involved (see Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016; Bales, 2012; Weitzer, 2011, 2020).  I responded by accessing and exploring in depth the lived experiential perspectives of Edo women working as street walkers and Madams in Spain.  A key focus was their management and navigation of socioeconomic migration intentions, and use of psychological strategies and tools to pursue better lives.  Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957) helped manage and understand unstable sensemaking and decision-making phenomena identified in the women’s data.  The findings offer unique insights into a marginalised sex work economy across a range of psychosocial, sexual, cultural, and spiritual phenomena.  They provide timely, much-needed diversity, depth, and richness of contribution to the above growing body of qualitative TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  278  research on migrant sex work and scholarly force for change in the antitrafficking arena; and to discussions on CDT.  Section 1 of this chapter considers key strengths and limitations of this study’s methodology, methods, and theory.  It includes research strategies that helped me recognise, respond to, and transform personal experiences of emotion.  Section 2 focuses on the original contributions to knowledge made by the findings, and the main implications for the migration and trafficking literature and for CDT.  Section 3 considers their practice and policy relevance in the anti-trafficking arena.  Section 4 discusses avenues for future research; namely developing critical reflection as a transformative tool in university-level anti-trafficking education, and importantly, placing the lived perspectives of the women in this study at its centre.  The final Section 5 reflects on how the women’s lived experiences and embodied perspectives have been explored analytically and theoretically, and mobilised in the form of this thesis to help push anti-trafficking boundaries, connect with marginalised sex work territories, and contribute to the scholarly force for change in the anti-trafficking arena, recently extended to anti-trafficking education.   8.1. Reflections on the Methodology, Methods, and Theory This section considers key strengths and limitations of the study in terms of ethnographic fieldwork, number of participants, currency of reciprocity, reflexive thematic analysis, self-care research strategy, and reference to Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957).  8.1.1. Ethnographic Fieldwork  Ethnographic fieldwork provided the following required freedoms:  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  279  • ontological and epistemological freedom to become immersed in and appreciate multiple realities and pathways of knowledge; and reflect highly contextual and changeable realities from various angles;  • theoretical freedom to avoid imposing an initial, explicit theory and unnecessary connections prior to engaging in-depth with the participants’ lifeworlds;  • freedom to link with broader and richer psychology traditions (such as the more holistic) that are often marginalised by “modern scientific psychology” (Edwards, 2013, p. 531; Pérez-Álvarez, 2018). (See Methodology and Methods Chapter 3, Section 3.3.).  Some personal costs associated with these freedoms are described in Section 8.1.5. below.  8.1.2. Number of Participants  I followed Baker and Edwards (2012) in considering what would constitute an appropriate number of participants for an in-depth qualitative, inductive research project, taking into account epistemology, methodology, and practicality. Therefore, the inclusion of 19 Edo women in this study formed a substantial number of participants and was found to generate a considerable data set (see Chapter 3, Section 3.4.2.2.1.).  8.1.3. Currency of Reciprocity  I created a health and support endeavour as a means of social access and engagement in the field; and adopted the dual role of researcher and support provider. This formed a highly acceptable and sustainable currency of reciprocity for the women, and myself. This is not to say that other forms of social endeavour and currencies of reciprocity may not have worked. The TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  280  women referred to the helpfulness and meaningfulness of Christians in helping them learn to read and write, for example (see Chapter 3, Section 3.4.2.4).  8.1.4. Reflexive Thematic Analysis  I employed a self-reflective form of data analysis to connect with and interpret highly contextual, actively constructed participant realities, and explore and inductively develop tentative forms of insight, meaning-making, and storytelling from these realities.  Braun and Clarke’s reflexive form of thematic analysis (RTA; 2019) provided clear, flexible, and helpful procedures, such as:  • declaring qualitative philosophical orientations and theoretical  assumptions; • describing field settings and contexts in which meaning-making and  storytelling are immersed;  • exploring challenging and sensitive phenomena over time (including  lived perspectives that can be changeable and difficult to discern);  • concurrently collecting and analysing data that are organic, personally  reflective, creative, and interpretative as data are continually and fluidly visited, revisited, reflected on, and questioned, essentially “with researcher subjectivity understood as a resource” (Braun & Clarke, 2019, p. 591).  RTA provided a helpful framework for analysing the data collected via patchwork ethnography guidelines for sex trafficking research (see Van der Pijl et al., 2011).  The guidelines focus on capturing and reflecting more diverse, haphazard, everyday “fragments” of social-relational phenomena (p. 580), such as: awkward connections, interactions, alliances, and incompatibilities between key actors; and controversial perceptions, concepts and opinions that might alienate or bond key actors.  This process helped develop the sense of tension TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  281  between the women’s personal, contextual perspectives and some persistent, dominant, and more macro-level concepts associated with irregular migrant sex work.  It represented my interpretation of Mai’s (2013b) “fractally queer” space (p. 9) in which to shift between these micro- and more macro-level perspectives and scrutinise friction across and between them (see Self-Reflective Data Analysis Chapter 4, Section 4.1.4.).  8.1.5. Self-Care Research Strategy  In the Methodology and Methods Chapter 3, I described my previous experience as a healthcare professional in monitoring the personal physical and psychological toll of working closely for prolonged periods with complex, sensitive, unpredictable, and often emotionally charged individuals and groups of people (see Section 3.1.).   I found that the above benefits of ethnographic fieldwork and substantial self-reflective immersion in the field and the data also carried personal costs.  I often felt fatigued, ‘out of sorts’ and emotionally and physically ‘battered’ in trying to manage the seeming bombardment of intensely sensitive, complex, meaningful, and often perplexing social-relational phenomena.  The suggested guidelines of Easton and Matthews (2016) for sex trafficking research proved helpful in highlighting the “conundrum” of exploring and reflecting on the lived perspectives of participants while unable to guarantee no harm (p. 12).  These authors advocate researchers adopt a stance of “conscious partiality” (p. 13).  This involves openly recognising the impact of their intimate familiarity with: diverse, sensitive, and complex lived perspectives; the relationships formed with participants; and the corresponding “researcher emotion” (p. 26).  It also involves incorporating research strategies that help recognise, respond to, and transform the researcher’s personal experiences of emotion (see Chapter 3, Getting the Balance Right, Section TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  282  3.5.1.). Additionally, I referred to Tracy’s (2005) ethnographic study of psychological distress associated with professionals engaging in “emotion labor” in challenging and isolating environments and circumstances (p. 261). Tracy makes preliminary suggestions to help prepare for, deal with, and survive personal experiences of cognitive dissonance (as noted in the Literature Review, Section 2.5.2.).  Consequently, I engaged in researcher debriefing as a critical research strategy with Cristian, my safeguarder, employed in this study because of potentially high levels of unpredictability and volatility in the field and low levels of social protection (see Chapter 3, Researcher Debriefing, Section 3.5.1.1. and Recruiting a Safeguarder, Section 3.5.2.1.).  8.1.6. Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT) My employment of CDT helped me manage and understand messiness stemming from what might be deemed, from a positivist perspective, ‘inconsistency’ in the women’s data (particularly shifting social-relational sensemaking and decision-making phenomena); and that could seem contradictory from my outsider perspective and yet constitute everyday, logical, common sense for the women.  The combined approach of reflexive thematic analysis and reference to CDT helped me stay as close as possible to the contexts of the women’s narratives, and yet also consider sensemaking and decision-making alignments and oppositions for the women and myself; and their impact on the findings (see Self-Reflective Data Analysis Chapter 4, Section 4.1.3.).  I did not originally intend to add conceptual insights to the theoretical framework in this study.  However, the women’s data offer lived perspectives and exemplars of fundamental tenets of CDT and self-concept and induced compliance dynamics.  As detailed above, the data also provide a TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  283  challenge to, rather than a straightforward endorsement of the theory.  These contributions are summarised in the next section.  8.2. Contributions to Knowledge Chapters 5 and 6 presented the women’s lived experiential perspectives of migrating from Nigeria and resettling in Spain.  Eight paradoxes framed the discussions as a series of irregular, interpretive realities and conceptualisations rather than one unitary story.  They reflected the women’s management and navigation of socioeconomic migration intentions (i.e., to provide for their families and become transformed into women of purpose, value, and respect).  The paradoxes also reflected the women’s use of psychological strategies and tools (i.e., a moral-ethical scale and Nigerian mindset moderated by personal notions of pragmatic wisdom).  Chapter 7 drew together the findings and discussions to consider the main implications for the migration and trafficking literature and for Festinger’s Cognitive Dissonance Theory (CDT; 1957); and their practice and policy relevance in the anti-trafficking arena.  I used the four sub-themes of the women’s data as a structure (i.e., ‘Motivations to Migrate’, ‘Migration Arrangements’, ‘Sex Work’, and ‘Life After Sex Work’) to form an explicit discussion of how the research questions have been addressed (see Chapter 1, Section 1.3.1.1.).  These sub-themes are summarised next.   8.2.1. Motivations to Migrate 8.2.1.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking literature. The first sub-theme centred on three dominant patriarchal social systems in Nigeria that impacted the women’s decisions to engage in irregular socioeconomic migratory sex work; namely, politics, marriage, and childrearing.  The women associated the values, attitudes and behaviours of these social systems with experiences of intense fear, fright, terror, and suspicion regarding TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  284  everything and everyone.  They described daughters in home villages being removed too early from education to focus on providing for their families while sons remained in formal education for as long as possible.  The women also highlighted their preparedness to move away from complex, harmful, and deadly circumstances in Nigeria by taking hierarchical sibling responsibility for socioeconomic provision, and using overseas sex work for this purpose (see Chapter 7, Section 7.1.1.).   This area of the findings provides lived examples of political and cultural push and pull factors, and adds to two under-researched contradictions in notions of “socioglobal mobility” and a “global hierarchical order” (Pajo, 2008, p. 10).  First, people can move from “worse” to “better” countries that offer relatively greater opportunities for personal fulfilment and achievement despite the potential for continuing inequality, hardship, and injustice (p. 10).  In these circumstances, the pursuit of “a better life” can simultaneously be considered “cruel and unfair” (p. 38).  Second, the priorities, needs, and agendas of those facing severe, highly gendered sexual, cultural, and socioeconomic restrictions in their home countries can be better met through marginalised, irregular routes and activities (Mai, 2013b).  These findings also contribute to the research literature on how and why younger Nigerian generations navigate socioeconomic roles, obligations, responsibilities, and choices in highly complex circumstances (e.g., Kara, 2017c; Olayiwola, 2019).  8.2.1.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory.  On the one hand, the women state they want to achieve social advantage and advancement in Nigeria.  On the other, they are prevented from doing so by dominant patriarchal social systems that create and perpetuate social inequality and injustice.  The women realise their socioeconomic needs TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  285  and priorities are better met through the irregular migrant sex work.  At the same time, they are concerned about the conflicting nature of the family-driven rationale, ‘money equals respect and power’.  The decision to take social responsibility using overseas sex work for them represents wisdom, good character, and moral behaviour (critical to beneficial current and eternal lives.).  However, traditional Ifa religious teachings warn against hypocrisy in striving for relatively excessive material wealth which threatens the potential for beneficial current and eternal lives (see Chapter 7, Section 7.1.1.2.).  This concern resonates with the following fundamental tenet of CDT. • Dissonance is evoked by contradictory logic behind a rationale (Festinger, 1957, 1964). 8.2.2. Migration Arrangements  8.2.2.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking literature.  The second sub-theme centred on the potential for deception during migration arrangements; namely, instigation, recruitment and agreement processes.  The women described how mothers in home villages could instigate arrangements for daughters under 13 who were considered incapable of grasping what overseas sex work entailed.  The women’s classification of these particular circumstances of migrant sex work as child sex trafficking supported the following argument of Olayiwola (2019).  Socioeconomically vulnerable families in Nigeria are aware of the concept and consequences of the trafficking of minors (rather than ignorant of it), and their engagement with trafficking or not reflects highly personal, pragmatic considerations of how to address local social dilemmas.  The women in the current study also commented that child sex trafficking in Nigeria threatened their feelings of identity, cohesion, self-worth, and self-respect, and tipped any feelings of pride and unity with Nigeria and TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  286  Nigerian women into despair and disgrace.  These insights added to Pajo’s (2008) conceptualisation of a global hierarchical order (noted in Section 8.2.1. above) as follows.  In the process of creating physical and psychological distance from child sex trafficking, the women perceived Nigeria as ‘worse’ than other countries (such as Ghana, Senegal, Romania, and Columbia) who engaged in relatively more respectful forms of migrant sex work in Europe.  During the recruitment phase, daughters in home villages often weighed and balanced purposefully distorted references to help them decide which destination countries might best meet their socioeconomic needs and priorities.  This phenomenon provided another lived perspective of a global hierarchical order.  Finally, the women considered their formal agreements to migration arrangements voluntary (despite being unable to understand the true nature of overseas sex work and the actual amount of their sponsorship debts), and offered suggestions to help ensure future generations of Edo girls and women did not follow in their footsteps (see Section 8.2.6 below and also Chapter 7, Section 7.1.2.).    This area of the findings contributes to the research literature in the following under-researched areas: (a) controversial structures, factors, and forces associated with irregular migrant sex work and third-party involvement; (b) variations in notions of voluntariness, consent, and social agency in sex worker-agent relationships (e.g., Hill, 2017; Horning & Marcus, 2017); and (c) notions of whether migrant sex workers fully understand the nature of overseas prostitution and perceive themselves as in charge of their bodies and futures (e.g., global anti-human trafficking: Limoncelli, 2017; UNODC, 2022; gender dimensions of human trafficking: Walby et al., 2016).    TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  287   8.2.2.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory.  On the one hand, the women conceptualise migrant sex work as a pragmatic, necessary way to achieve social advantage and advancement in the face of highly gendered sexual, cultural, and socioeconomic restrictions.  On the other, they express disgust with mothers who make arrangements for daughters rather than seek work themselves, and who engage in child sex trafficking (see Chapter 7, Section 7.1.2.2.).  These lived perspectives resonate with the following self-concept dynamic of CDT. • We try to lead meaningful lives that make personal sense, and inconsistencies in self-perceptions can evoke intense experiences of psychological discomfort (Aronson, 2019).   The women also express anger with daughters in home villages who  perceive migrant sex work as ‘fast and easy money’, and willingly and voluntarily seal terms they do not fully understand.  At the same time, the women acknowledge they, themselves, did the same thing.  They go on to offer grass-root suggestions to help ensure future generations instead achieve social advantage and advancement in Nigeria, and without engaging in prostitution.  At the same time, the women state they know what they are ‘up against’ and that without significant and enduring shifts in the fundamental beliefs, ideologies, attitudes and behaviours of key anti-trafficking organisational actors in Edo State, Nigeria and worldwide, the “fight for life” for Edo girls and women will likely continue (L:295).  These lived perspectives resonate with the following fundamental tenet of CDT and self-concept dynamic. • We prefer to be exposed to and select the information that supports deeply held, pre-existing values, attitudes, and beliefs to maintain psychological equilibrium (Festinger, 1957, 1964). TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  288  • Our alignment to particular deeply held beliefs and attitudes often forms an essential part of our identities and is difficult to change without appropriate approaches and persuasion (Aronson, 2019).   8.2.3. Sex Work   8.2.3.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking literature.  The third sub-theme centred on what the women considered two forms of unexpected and unreasonable resettlement demand.  The first was a relentless bombardment of family demands for money.  The women tried to meet these demands and simultaneously posted selfies with status symbols on social media (signifying strong character and self-transformation).  Most of the women gradually limited the levels of social contact with, and amounts of money offered to their families.  The second demand was associated with their Madams, in terms of higher sponsorship debts, levels of punishment and numbers and forms of customers than anticipated, and high prices and restrictions on everyday necessities.  Many of the women described drawing on notions of a unified Nigerian mindset and character, and on multiple forms of spirituality, to help them modify levels of compliance with their ritual oaths and ultimately repay only a part of their sponsorship debts.  The women’s compunction to rebel against their families and Madams was moderated by two main factors, as identified by the women.  The first was personal notions of whether rebellion reflected wisdom, good character, and moral behaviour alongside concerns with appearing hypocritical (noted in Section 8.1.1. above).  The second was a belief that the power of a Christian God transcended juju covenants and curses (see Chapter 7, Section 7.1.3.).    This area of the findings contributes to the under-researched area of mindset dynamics in the migration and trafficking literature, in which there TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  289  appears only two published works at the time of writing.  The first is Mai’s (2013b) observation of irregular sex workers in Europe seeming to distinguish and oscillate between home- and destination-country senses of self as they seek to balance socioeconomic priorities and needs alongside fluid notions of vulnerability, resistance, and resilience.  The majority do not see themselves as subjugated, exploited, or trafficked.  The second work is Taliani’s (2012) observation of Edo girls and women in an Italian care-based institution seeming to distinguish and oscillate between opposing home- and destination-country “voices of authority” (p. 582) as they seek to engage in therapeutic discourse about ritual phenomena and experiences of “terror and fright” (p. 581).  Some of the girls and women realise ritual rites have limited power and consequently repay only a part of their sponsorship debts to their Madams (see Chapter 7, Section 7.1.3.1.).  In these contexts, the findings of this thesis contribute to the following salient reconceptualisations: spiritual subjugation, as placing oneself and being placed in multiple layers of control while simultaneously having the potential to establish and navigate one’s own terms of freedom (Taliani, 2012); migrant sex work, as social innovation; and exploitation as undermining freedom and power to engage in sex work and negotiate terms (Mai, 2013b).    Finally, this area of the findings resonates with Janson’s (2016) understanding of a dominant Christian-Yoruba mix in Edo State and his reconceptualisation of Nigerian multiple spirituality as a kaleidoscopic sense that “everything is possible” (Janson, 2016, p. 647).  More generally, this area of the findings develops and enriches currently under-researched lived perspectives on: (a) everyday, diverse Nigerian supernatural beliefs, concepts, rationales, and practices that do not fit neat categorisation but are nonetheless fundamental to trafficking journeys (e.g., Baarda, 2016; Diagboya, 2019; TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  290  Nwogu, 2008); and (b) roles played by nationality, ethnic identity, and religious beliefs in bolstering senses of protection and resilience (Bryant-Davis & Tummala-Narra, 2017; Dols García, 2013).   8.2.3.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory.  On the one hand, the women recognise and respect ritual oathtaking as the most effective way to ensure an individual’s compliance with migration arrangements.  On the other, they highlight opportunities to rebel and negotiate their own terms of freedom on resettlement in the face of unrelenting, unexpected, and unreasonable demands from their families and Madams (see Section 7.1.3.2.).  These dynamics resonate with the following self-concept and induced compliance perspectives of CDT. • When inducements to behave counter-attitudinally take the form of excessive pressure and punishment (such as repaying higher sponsorship debts than anticipated for fear of death), compliance can be short-lived because such pressures rarely change critical underlying values, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours (Festinger & Carlsmith, 1959; Aronson 2019).   • An added dynamic is concerned with behaving in incompetent or immoral ways and/or appearing hypocritical or “stupid” (Aronson, 2019, p. 305).   8.2.4. Life After Sex Work  8.2.4.1. Implications for the migration and trafficking literature.  The final area of the findings centred on what the women identified as three options to start new, better, socially transformed lives in Spain.  These options hinged on attaining legal migrant status through ‘normal’ (i.e., regular) work, marriage, and/or the resources of support organisations.  Aspirations for new lives were interwoven with difficulties faced by the women as black, female, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  291  irregular migrants, and personal impacts of the Oba’s (2018) declaration, in which the spiritual head of the Edo people issued instructions and curses as part of a rare, collaborative, anti-trafficking strategy with the United Nations Department of State.  Leaving sex work signified embodying their true selves as women of value, and respect.  It was marked by doing “good works” in Nigeria (i.e., helping women and children less privileged than themselves) as a demonstration of wisdom, good morals and behaviour (R:1181).  Doing ‘good’ work also formed a critical response to more progressive Nigerian politicians calling for younger generations to apply external knowledge and wisdom and save Nigeria from destruction.  For all the women, self-transformation appeared inseparable from hopes for Nigeria’s transformation (see Chapter 7, Section 7.1.4.).   This area of the findings develops the research literature regarding tensions between the needs, priorities, and agendas of irregular migrant sex workers and those of support organisations (e.g., Brennan & Plambech, 2018; Olayiwola, 2019), and the intertwining lived impacts of the Oba’s (2018) declaration (e.g., Diagboya, 2019; DSUSA, 2022; Weitzer, 2020).  The women’s insights also add an interesting dynamic to scholarly interest in the controversial understanding that remaining in, returning to, or leaving sex work reflects personal, contextual responses to severe, highly gendered sexual, cultural, and socioeconomic factors rather than simple resignation to or escape from exploitation (Brennan & Plambech, 2018; Mai, 2013a; 2013b).  8.2.4.2. Implications for Cognitive Dissonance Theory.  In navigating options to start new and better lives in Spain, the women are mindful of the Oba’s (2018) anti-trafficking declaration and behave differently according to their roles.  The Madams step out of the Madam cycle.  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  292  The sex workers remain on the streets or return when any alternative, regular work ends despite threats to life posed by the declaration.  An ex-street walker tries and fails to persuade colleagues to leave sex work.  In all circumstances, the women deeply question their lives in Spain amid feelings of exasperation, shame, conflict, and negativity towards Nigeria.  They predict that Edo traffickers will avoid the Oba’s curses by performing ritual oaths in neighbouring States, and any anti-trafficking efforts will fail while the social structures, factors, and forces leading girls and women to irregular socioeconomic migration remain unchallenged and unchanged (see Section 7.1.4.2.).  These dynamics of conflict and resistance resonate with self-concept and induced compliance perspectives of CDT; and intertwining concerns with behaving in incompetent, immoral, hypocritical, ‘stupid’ ways (noted in Sections 8.2.2.2. and 8.2.3.2. above).   • Deeply held beliefs and values are difficult to change without appropriate forms of approach and persuasion.  When challenged, we often refuse conflicting beliefs and values and add more supportive cognitive elements to our existing ones (Aronson, 2019).   • The capacity to modify compliant counter-attitudinal behaviour depends on the magnitude of psychological discomfort evoked by it and the impact of the following four key elements: the personal significance of justifying the behaviour; freedom to decide to comply; negative and positive consequences of compliance (i.e., punishment and reward); and the degree of effort exerted to achieve the reward and reap the benefits (Harmon-Jones et al., 2020; Harmon-Jones & Mills, 1999, 2019). To summarise these implications, the women’s data offer original contributions to the migration and trafficking literature across wide-ranging TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  293  psychosocial, sexual, cultural, and spiritual phenomena; and provide unique, lived perspectives and exemplars of CDT and self-concept and induced compliance dynamics (as reviewed in Chapter 2, Section 2.5.).  Rather than the women changing their beliefs, values, and attitudes in the face of inconsistences and contradictions, better to deal with psychological discomfort (a fundamental tenet of the theory), the women seem to embrace cognitive instability and hold paradoxes.  This phenomenon is demonstrated across settings, contexts, and time, in the face of social restrictions, threats to identity, and life; and, at times, feelings of fear, distrust, and suspicion.  In an enduring sense of anything and everything being possible in the women’s pursuit of better lives, the data, therefore, challenge rather than endorse CDT; a theory that appears too simplistic to account for all the complexities and variations of lived experiential phenomena.   8.3. Practice and Policy Relevance in the Anti-Trafficking Arena  The women’s data are punctuated with multifaceted, multi-level insights on problems, solutions, and influences associated with irregular migrant sex work for home- and resettlement countries, and important shifts and tensions across and between micro- and more macro-level perspectives (see Chapter 7, Sections 7.2.1. and 7.2.2.).  I next summarise these insights before turning to their practice and policy relevance in the anti-trafficking arena. 8.3.1. Home-Country Problems, Solutions, and Influences Problems associated by the women with motivations to migrate and subsequent migration arrangements in Nigeria centre on the roles played by: (a) daughters, in being removed too early from formal education to socially provide for their families; (b) their mothers, in making migration arrangements for daughters (including those under 13 years) in place of seeking work TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  294  themselves; and (c) resettled ‘sisters’, in providing distorted information about overseas sex work.   Solutions centre on: retaining daughters in education; subsequently providing regular work that is not prostitution and business opportunities to secure incomes; and exposing daughters to lived experiences of what overseas sex work entails essentially before any agreement process.   Influences of these problems and solutions are identified as: (a) the social systems of politics, marriage, and childrearing; (b) the themes of crime, exploitation, oppression, polygamy, material wealth, and hierarchical sibling responsibility for social provision; (c) power dynamics associated with family warfare, self-transformation, and instigating, recruiting for, and agreeing to migrant sex work; (d) faith norms associated with multiple spirituality and striving to develop wisdom, good character, and moral behaviour; and (e) the corresponding, intertwining beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours of families, communities, and societies. 8.3.2. Resettlement Country Problems, Solutions, and Influences Problems associated by the women with sex work in Spain and aspirations for better lives centre on the roles played by: (a) daughters, in being black, female, irregular, migrant women striving for social transformation; (b) their families and Madams, in making relentless and unreasonable socioeconomic demands and threats to well-being and life; and (c) local support organisations and government offices, in restricting, denying and/or awarding unstable and conditional access to pathways of assistance and support (i.e., law enforcement, legal, health, social, welfare), legal migrant status (key to securing and maintaining ‘normal’ regular work, critical forms of legal TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  295  documentation, and healthcare), and citizenship amid pressure to stop sex work as a source of income and the threat of deportation.    Solutions centre on providing irregular migrants with safe, trustworthy, appropriate, and effective access to: (a) assistance and support with law enforcement, legal, health, social, and welfare concerns; (b) legal migrant status (better to secure normal work) and citizenship; and (c) normal work that is not prostitution. Influences of these problems and solutions are identified as: (a) the social systems of family, work, and self-transformation; (b) the themes of sending money and goods to Nigeria, and Madam protocols; (c) power dynamics associated with navigating these demands and protocols, and achieving and maintaining social transformation; (d) faith norms associated with multiple spirituality, spiritual protection, and transcendence, and the critical role played by doing ‘good’ work in Nigeria in signifying self-transformation into women of purpose, value, and respect; and (e) the corresponding, intertwining beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours of families, communities, and societies. Running through these insights are important reconceptualisations of migrant sex work, ignorance, exploitation, spiritual subjugation, ignorance, and oppression, and highly fluid notions of justice, equality, human rights, criminal activity, control, and agency (as noted in Sections 8.1.2. to 8.1.4. above).  In the women’s minds, for example, exploitative roles are played by local support organisations, government offices, and Christian churches in resettlement countries that hinder or prevent access to assistance and support, undermine cultural and spiritual norms and identities, and threaten endeavours to achieve social advantage and advancement.   The overall practice and policy relevance of the women’s insights on  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  296  problems, solutions, and influences associated with irregular migrant sex work is two-fold.  First, they demonstrate the helpfulness of patchwork ethnography in capturing unusual, unexpected, complex, fragmented social-relational interactions and personal perspectives, including ritual phenomena and oscillations between home- and destination-country authoritative voices and senses of self (see Section 8.1.1. above).  This sensitivity is important in highlighting collisions and/or alliances in the perceptions, understandings, and agendas of different parties, and the potential for ‘friction’ between seemingly ‘practical’, more-macro-level anti-trafficking norms and interventions, and local, personal, contextual encounters of, and resistance to them.  Essentially, the patchwork notion of ‘not trying to agree’ in stimulating new insights and interpretations of sex trafficking offers a further dynamic to the socioecological model in helping to: (a) conceptualise and understand risk and protective factors for human trafficking as the complex interplay between people and their micro- and more-macro environments; and (b) move beyond all-encompassing, one-size-fits-all approaches to tackling anti-trafficking (see ‘Storytelling’, Chapter 4, Section 4.1.4.).   Second, the women’s insights contribute to anti-trafficking discussions that seek to place lived experiential perspectives at their centre, better to develop grass-root building blocks of infrastructures, interactions, and interventions highlighted as critical to change by those directly involved.  Examples include: (a) ““quality education [and] decent employment” for socioeconomically vulnerable communities in Edo State (Olayiwola, 2019, p. 62); and (b) critical shifts in the way complex socioeconomic, cultural, and spiritual phenomena are conceptualised, interpreted, and approached by academics, more conventional research approaches; and by health, welfare, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  297  and social workers (see Taliani, 2012; resettled Edo girls and women in Italy facing psychological problems because of ritual phenomena) (see Chapter 7, Section 7.2.2.).    Considering together the implications for the findings and relevance in the anti-trafficking arena, this thesis demonstrates the importance of deeply embedded research, and highly complex, changeable, and contextual qualitative data associated with irregular migration and sex trafficking in practice and policy development.  A clear message is that fine-grain detail helps draw attention to, rather than away from potential problems, influences, and solutions that are critical to developing realistic, reliable, and achievable means of social provision, protection, and survival.  Finally, the findings provide an excellent context for scrutinising and developing understandings of how individuals hold, manage, navigate, and change (or not) beliefs, values, and attitudes in the face of challenge, contradiction, and inconsistency.    There is a need for collaboration between micro- and more macro-level perspectives in an anti-trafficking arena marked by controversial divisions; namely: Northcentric antitrafficking strategies and forces intent on closing borders on unwelcome others; media platforms and public debates saturated with “misinformation and untruths” (IOM, 2019, p. 9), “sensationalized rumors [and] moral panic” (Weitzer, 2014, p. 20); and a credibility crisis spurring progressive scholars to account for diverse, local, and lived social-relational phenomena that are controversial, divisive, and nuanced, but nonetheless critical to addressing pressing local and global migration issues (see Literature Review, Section 2.5.3.). This scholarly force for change calls for anti-trafficking boundaries to be pushed, and marginalised populations welcomed.  I hope the women’s powerful insights and voices in this current study will contribute TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  298  original findings to research intent on transforming the way irregular migration and notions of slavery and trafficking are predominantly conceptualised, discussed and addressed.  I discuss this next.  8.4. Future Research This section continues the theme of seeking to highlight critical tensions between micro- and some more macro-level concepts associated with sex trafficking, better to connect with marginalised sex work territories.  I focus on how this scholarly force for change in the anti-trafficking arena has recently been extended to anti-trafficking education.  There are two main purposes, as identified in the literature.  First, to explore and develop critical reflection as a transformative tool to facilitate timely, much-needed shifts in thinking.  Second, and importantly, to place the lived experiential perspectives and knowledge of irregular socioeconomic migrant populations at the centre of critical reflection (see Fukushima et al., 2021).  I begin by summarising the current problem in anti-trafficking education and then describe existing ‘first steps’ in investigating and mobilising critical reflection in two areas of university-level anti-trafficking education; namely, humanities and social science subjects (see Yea, 2021); and human trafficking research (see Dean, 2021).  Finally, I describe ways in which the research strategies and the women’s lived experiential perspectives in the current study offer to take forward these investigations.  8.4.1. The Problem in Anti-Trafficking Education Recent migration and trafficking literature highlights how government-led task forces worldwide sought to review and alter structures and forms of teaching and learning in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.  Vulnerabilities in anti-trafficking education were exposed as a result, and centre on Northcentric strategies geared to meeting their own socioeconomic and political priorities TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  299  and agendas.  There are two main implications, as identified in the literature.  First, anti-trafficking education is often limited to established ‘information’ and ‘guidelines’ that perpetuate and legitimise: over-simplified stereotypes (such as “victim/criminal”); dominant humanitarian notions of il/legality and im/morality; and inappropriate and ineffective welfare approaches for those directly involved (see Fukushima et al., 2021, p. 4; Gerassi & Nichols, 2021; Yea, 2021).  Second, anti-trafficking educational policies and practices are developed and structured in collaboration with governments which determine topics and scopes of research.    8.4.2. Critical Reflection in University-Level Anti-Trafficking Education Many migration and trafficking scholars respond to this problem by advocating more ethical and critical forms of teaching in anti-trafficking education that are grounded in critical reflection and characterised by “grappling with the uncomfortable and unknowable” (Fukushima et al., 2021, p. 12).  A main intention is to place the lived perspectives, stories, and knowledge of irregular migration and trafficking populations at their centre, better to facilitate transformative shifts in the understandings and discussions of students, and pave the way for increasingly reflective employees and employers of the future (Dean, 2021; Yea, 2021).  Suggested discussions include:  • tensions between micro- and some more macro-level concepts, assumptions and norms of slavery, trafficking, and irregular migration (see Fukushima et al., 2021; Gerassi & Nichols, 2021; Niezna & Agarwal, 2021; Panda, Mango, & Garg, 2021; Shadowen, Beaverson, & Rigby, 2021);  • the students’ own personal perspectives, positionalities, and biases as they question and critique established notions of humanitarianism, TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  300  human rights, equality, social justice, ethics, and morality (see Dean, 2021; Gorski & Dalton, 2020; Yea, 2021); Yea (2021) illustrates what this looks like in a humanities and social science subjects that intersect with trafficking and slavery.  She invites students to engage with two distinct forms of media. The first is potent, lived narratives of various forms of trafficking. The second is filmmaking accounts (i.e., relatively etic perspectives). Yea (2021) then asks the students to reflect on tensions between these media and consider how and why dominant contemporary perspectives and conceptualisations of slavery are created and perpetuated. Finally, she invites students to discuss the roles played by hegemonic representations of trafficking and slavery in framing and organising understandings and how educators currently use them. Dean (2021) also takes important first steps in facilitating critical reflection in her “Human Trafficking Research Lab” (p. 56).  She encourages students to “re-imagine” and “deconstruct” roles, systems, and power dimensions (p. 63) associated with learning and service provision in the anti-trafficking arena across the following four themes: • the roles of key players and stakeholders in the learning environment (such as research funding streams), and of migration and trafficking policy development, law enforcement, and response initiatives; • dominant terminology and power dynamics used in the anti-trafficking arena, such as drives to “rescue and sav[e] victims” (Dean, 2021, p. 63); • researcher positions and positionalities, and more conventional research approaches for trafficking phenomena; • ethical research practices and implications for the welfare of researchers and participants.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  301  Dean (2021) advocates developing further Research Labs and facilitating applied anti-trafficking research opportunities for students with local stakeholders and community-based projects.   I next describe ways in which the research strategies and the women’s lived experiential perspectives in the current study offer to take forward these investigations of critical reflection in university-level anti-trafficking education.  8.4.3. Taking Forward Existing Work  There is a key role for critical reflection, which is timely and much-needed, in topics of education intersecting with modern slavery and trafficking, such as humanities and the social sciences, and interests in humanitarianism, human rights, equality, social justice, ethics, and morality (see Yea, 2021).  Critical reflection could be investigated further as a way to help students: scrutinise established socioeconomic, political, and cultural concepts, assumptions, and norms associated with human trafficking; experience transformative shifts in understandings and discussions; and consider strategies for social change and more significant levels of diversity and inclusivity.  There is also a key role for critical reflection in the area of human trafficking research (see Dean, 2021).  This could be investigated further as a way to raise the consciousness of students and address the potential for emotional and physical vulnerability; and ‘burnout’ in prospective researchers.  Chen and Gorski (2015) describe burnout in people committed to engaging with forces for social change that intersect with promoting human welfare.  Symptoms include: distress, anxiety, and exhaustion on hearing sensitive stories and personal experiences of loss, injustice, discrimination, and abuse; and despair at the enormity of social problems.  These feelings often result in reduced engagement in vital work and can lead to complete disengagement.  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  302  Zimmerman and Watts (2003) add that symptoms and feelings of burnout in people engaging with and researching trafficked women can lead to inappropriate and unhelpful desires to ‘rescue’ these women; and to make unrealistic promises and unwelcome expressions of sympathy, empathy, and pity.  (I portray personal experiences of these phenomena in the Methodology and Methods Chapter 3, Researcher Debriefing, Section 3.5.1.1.) Future investigative steps in the above areas of university-level anti-trafficking education could include:  • identifying opportunities for critical reflection to take place; • considering how appropriate and supportive forms might be tailored to and facilitated for particular groups of students; • exposing students to critical reflection by introducing and discussing the diverse, contextualised lived experiences of irregular socioeconomic migration (including those of the women in this study), and considering tensions with some persistent, dominant, and more macro-level concepts of human trafficking; • reviewing and adapting what constitute successful forms of critical reflection. The tailoring process for students of human trafficking research could include facilitating experiential senses of the research experience, such as: • the grip of being deeply embedded in largely unchartered, sensitive, and volatile environments and situations that are “cut off from most people’s life paths” (Tracy, 2005, p. 262) (see Chapter 3, Section 3.5.1.1.); • the potential for “unstable, awkward, uneven” forces and dimensions throughout the research process (Van der Pijl et al., 2011, p. 573) and TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  303  their impact on psychological, emotional, and corporeal health (see Chapter 3, Sections 3.4.6. and 3.5.1.1., and Chapter 4, Section 4.1.4.); • the powerful (psychological, ethical, and moral) transformative potential of tailoring research strategies to particular research phenomena.  For example: not following a positivist agenda that imposes an initial theory or conceptual framework (see Chapter 3, Section 3.3); seeking, as far as possible, to bracket personal concepts, assumptions, and norms (see Chapter 3, Section 3.2.1.2); and adopting a “conscious partiality” (Easton & Matthews, 2016, p. 13) (see Chapter 3, Section 3.5.1.). Both areas of critical reflection could be further enhanced as a reflexive, experiential form of un/learning by facilitating the experiences of cognitive dissonance and resonance in students.  The intention would be to: (a) tailor meaningful and relevant themes of psychological triggers to particular groups of students by (sensitively and appropriately) drawing on the women’s lived experiences in the current study; and (b) facilitate dissonance-arousal in such a supportive way that psychological resistance to, and constraints of new concepts are reduced.  Walton (2011), for example, argues that the power of dissonance-arousal as a transformative educational tool lies in sensitive tailoring, better to challenge persistent and dominant concepts, assumptions, and norms; and for “opportunities for disequilibrium” and non-threatening re/learning to occur (p. 780).  The following, closing sub-section provides a brief, grounded illustration of this experiential process and a potential, initial framework for its continuing exploration and development.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  304  8.4.3.1. Facilitating the experiences of cognitive dissonance and resonance in students. In the context of conducting seminars on social justice and oppression in the United States, Gorski (2009) facilitates the experiences of cognitive dissonance and resonance in students as follows.  First, Gorski (2009) identifies and creates an educational environment in which he believes his intended group of attendees can be safely and sensitively helped to shed their “intellectual armour” and engage in personal, reflective forms of “grappling” (p. 2).  He subsequently begins the seminar by asking the attendees to raise their hands if they agree with a (strategically personal, meaningful and controversial) notion.  An example is asking if America was built on Judeo-Christian principles.  It is anticipated that most will raise their hands.  Gorski then corrects the group to create a sense of cognitive “untidiness”, and psychological discomfort as a result (p. 2).  Next, he encourages the group to embrace the seminar as an exploratory space in which to engage with divergent and creative thinking so that: (a) “new truths” can wrestle with established ones and; (b) alternative frames of reference can be considered and reconsidered.  The success of this experiential process hinges on the capacity of the facilitator to: respond carefully, sensitively, and appropriately to potential intellectual and emotional ramifications; avoid over-simplification or distortion of complex and contentious issues; and avoid blind acceptance or rejection of new ideas. 8.5. Concluding Reflections   My concluding reflections centre on how I have sought to address the calls from migration and trafficking scholars for research into the fine-grain detail of irregular sex work economies to widen the limited scope and inclusivity of concepts associated with sex trafficking, and develop more appropriate forms TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  305  of understanding and response globally; it is time to “roll up our sleeves” (e.g., Van der Pijl et al., 2011; Zhang, 2009, p. 195).  For me, rolling up the sleeves has involved grappling with dynamic, sensitive, contextual, and complicated micro-level phenomena, and declaring the power and relevance of messy findings.  The women’s lived experiences and embodied perspectives - that “may not be easily reduced to language-body-brain” (Kahn, 2014, p. 237) - have nonetheless been narrated and shared by the women, explored analytically and theoretically, and mobilised in the form of this thesis to help push anti-trafficking boundaries, connect with marginalised sex work territories, and offer a unique, highly topical contribution to this scholarly force for change, recently extended to anti-trafficking education.  The women narrated and shared their experiences and perspectives in three ways.  First, they demonstrated a genuine desire and preparedness to converse about and grapple with personally meaningful, challenging, and sensitive socioeconomic, political, spiritual, and cultural phenomena.  (The 2019 Nigerian presidential electoral campaigns were underway during a critical phase of data collection and analysis.)  Whenever possible, the women took time and care to try and conceptualise, consider, discuss, and explain their values, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours for themselves and for me as a white European outsider.  They drew on body language, storytelling, local terms, and creative definitions (such as culture, tradition, the pagan way, voodoo, juju, magic, native doctor, witch doctor, and wizard) and sought to provide illustrations and deeper insights using WhatsApp, YouTube, and Facebook Second, the women sought ways to express their views and ideas about current, local social issues, potential solutions, and hopes for future transformation.  They point out that something has gone wrong when daughters TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  306  are raised to take on social provision and removed too early from formal education for this purpose while sons remain in education for as long as possible.  Their issue is dominant, patriarchal social systems that perpetuate cultural and socioeconomic restrictions for girls and women, and ensure opportunities for education and employment remain limited or denied to girls and women.  They make clear, grass-roots proposals for social transformation that place local, lived perspectives at their centre (i.e., consciousness-raising, financial incentives, social protections to retain girls and women in education, and realistic, viable trading opportunities and sources of income).  In the women’s minds, it makes no sense for anti-trafficking forces to try and divert vulnerable populations from irregular migratory routes and activities (while they represent the better way to address local socioeconomic dilemmas) without first putting in place appropriate, realistic, viable, trustworthy, and sustainable alternatives.  Nor does it make sense to try and divert migrant sex workers from sex work when critical self-transformation hinges on perceiving it not only as the most available way to make a living, but also as a sufficiently virtuous way until it can be left behind. Third and finally, the women linked their quest for self-transformation with the social transformation of Nigeria.  The findings in this thesis open with the rallying cries of progressive politicians for a new generation to step out of its comfort zone, recognise political smokescreens and form a force for change that redirects Nigeria away from destruction: “Nigerian youths, open your eyes, wake up!” (Pe:1499).  The findings close with the women’s commitment to do good work in Nigeria as the embodiment of whom they are destined (and have fought hard) to become; a new generation of purposeful, valued, and respected women.  In this context, Participant Rafia, an ex-street walker, conceptualises TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  307  irregular migrant sex work as a movement of women who know what they are ‘up against’, have rolled up their sleeves and are facing dilemmas head-on.  They are taking social transformation into their own hands. A fundamental question posed by the women in this study and sophisticated research into the anti-trafficking arena and anti-trafficking education is this.  Are we, as academic scholars, compelled to roll up our sleeves, face dilemmas, and take transformation into our own hands?  We face Northcentric anti-trafficking forces and strategies geared to meeting their own socioeconomic and political priorities; and corresponding credibility crises marked by weak foundations of trustworthy, contextualised, and lived detail about irregular migratory phenomena (Andrijasevic & Mai, 2016; Fukushima et al., 2021; Gerassi & Nichols, 2021; Weitzer, 2020).  The shared intention of the women and these scholarly forces for change is to facilitate and mobilise increasingly self-reflective employees, employers, and researchers who seek more significant diversity and inclusivity.  In a sense, the women and these scholarly forces for change advocate a form of migration.  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Human trafficking and health: A conceptual model to inform policy, intervention and research. Social Science and Medicine, 73(2), 327–335. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2011.05.028 Zimmerman, C., Hossain, M., Yun, K., Gajdadziev, V., Guzun, N., Tchomarova, M., … Watts, C. (2008). The Health of Trafficked Women: A Survey of Women Entering Posttrafficking Services in Europe. American Journal of Public Health, 98(1), 55–59. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2006.108357 Zimmerman, C., & Watts, C. (2003). WHO Ethical and Safety Recommendations for Interviewing Trafficked Women. World Health Organization 2003. Geneva.     TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  337  Appendix A Ethical Approval Documentation   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  338   10 September 2019.  Psychology Ethics Committee.  ‘Although the psychology ethics committee cannot give retrospective approval for the conduct of research, I am satisfied from this documentation and email conversations that the researcher gave thoughtful and appropriate consideration to ethical matters, including informed consent, data security and storage, risk handling and confidentiality.  Therefore, it is my judgement as Chair of the Psychology Ethics Committee that the conduct of the research and gathering of data were conducted ethically and can legitimately form part of the researcher’s thesis.  The outcome of ‘favourable with conditions’ is to be understood strictly on this basis (and not as retrospective approval).’   13 September 2019.  Response from lead supervisor.  ‘Sophie has followed clear ethical procedures throughout, and this is especially apparent in the thinking around the issues of consent, use of data and in all interactions with the (sex-trafficked) women.  It has been exceptionally helpful to have had the conversations and advice from [Chair of Ethics, Psychology] and [Senior Research Governance Officer, University Ethics Committee] throughout the design and implementation of this research.  This has enabled Sophie to confidently and progressively continue gauging and working with this group of women in the field who are extraordinarily difficult to access, work with and give voice to.  See the email thread (attached) which contains full details of these conversations throughout this process (Appendix 2).  Additional information: The current research was reviewed and approved prior to its commencement in September 2018 in two ways.  First, by the supervisory team comprising Dr A J Mewse (Psychology) and Professor E D Reed (Theology and Religion), the University of Exeter, and Professor J Allen-Collinson (Sociology and Physical Culture) University of Lincoln.  Second, by [lead supervisor] and [Director of Post-Graduate Research Students, University of Exeter] during researcher interview.’   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  339  Appendix B Reflexive Accounts  This appendix corresponds to the Methodology and Methods Chapter 3.  It provides short, powerful, reflexive accounts of: building relationships; bracketing; power positioning; ‘giving voice’; and recognising salient emotional and relational dimensions while engaging with the women in this study.  These accounts offer important contextual information that reflect the standards of self-conscious ethnographic writing (e.g., Richardson, 2000) and are appropriate to a qualitative social-relational thesis (Etherington, 2007; Hesse-Biber & Piatelli, 2012; Tedlock, 2000).  The final section B.6. briefly summarises the evaluation criteria. B.1. Building Relationships This section depicts some early stages of building relationships on the industrial estate during field preparation; namely, ‘breaking the ice’ (see Locating a Field Setting, Section 3.4.1.1) and developing the health and support endeavour (see Section 3.4.1.2.2).   B.1.1. Breaking the Ice One bitterly cold winter’s night, Pastor Elena gives me a quick, introductory tour of the industrial estate in her worn-out van.  I lean forward to wipe condensation from inside the windscreen hoping to get a sense of the place.  First, we take a clockwise direction through dimly lit streets of ramshackle warehouses.  Then, through dark and desolate areas of scrubland and reedbed littered with windswept debris.  Finally, we turn into a broad, brilliantly lit service road lined with glossy showrooms.  Elena pulls the van into a layby and we climb out, covered head to toe in thick winter clothing; woolly TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  340  hats, scarves, gloves, overcoats, and thermal boots.  We clutch bible clippings, confectionary, and cartons of juice.  A small group of young Nigerian women spot us in seconds.  Elena shouts to them, “Hello!  You remember me?  I am from the church!  This is my friend!  She’s from England!”  They chuckle together and call back, “Hey!  Good evening!  How is London?”  We form a small circle and begin chatting about everyday things - the weather, hair, makeup, clothing - as Elena hands out food and drink, and says, “Here, let me give you some words from the bible.”  The women take the slips of paper and push them into small handbags strapped across their bodies.  Elena says, “Here, let me give you a church magazine.”  These are politely declined.  Finally, she asks, “Can I pray for you?”  Immediately, the women adjust their clothing by pulling their miniskirts a little lower and boob tubes a little higher.  They bow their heads and intermittently affirm Elena’s petitions for them to recognise God as their heavenly Father, and for God to provide protection and a way to leave prostitution.  “Amen!  Amen!”  We encountered eight women that evening.  Only two of them turn on their heels as they see us.  Elena calls after them, “Hey!  Hello. You remember me? Come back here!”  And seemingly reluctantly, but politely, they do.    B.1.2. Developing the Health and Support Endeavour  One Saturday night in December, my safeguarder, Cristian, pulls the car into a layby on the industrial estate.  Three young Nigerian women appear at my passenger door, seemingly out of nowhere, wearing the same ‘uniform’ - black leggings, skinny polo necks, and plimsolls.  Tonight, they also wear wigs made of tinsel to mark Christmas.  I wave to them as I unclip my seatbelt and then join them on the pavement.  We begin exchanging greetings and kisses on both cheeks and I notice Bayo’s face is icy.  I exclaim, “Oh my word, you are TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  341  freezing!” while inadvertently rubbing her hands and arms.  She chuckles and replies, “I can’t cover myself and work!” (B:58).  I ask everyone, “How is street business tonight?”, “How are you faring?” and “How is the health of your family?”, and distribute between them small, packaged items they can trust and use (such as nutritional bars, cartons of juice, chewing gum, and condoms), ensuring they each receive their favourite types and flavours.  After a while, I say, “Farewell for now!” and walk around the corner to greet Precious, an older Nigerian who has been in Spain for years and always stands alone.  In contrast to the others, she wears a woolly hat, scarf, thick anorak, and Wellington boots.  She tells me she has everything she needs right now, and wishes me a good evening.  Ahead, a new young woman, perhaps in her late teens, stands awkwardly beneath a street lamp.  I catch sight of her overseer, Sade, and walk towards her.  We exchange kisses and I ask quietly, “There is someone new this evening?”  She calls out, “Temi!  The white woman is safe!  Talk to her!” (Sa:50).  Temi walks towards us, her face open and blank.  I introduce myself and also Cristian, who remains a few meters away.  I explain gently, “Cristian helps keep me safe.  I come here, to the streets, every weekend.  I like to give the women some practical things, such as condoms and something to drink.  I like to see how the women are faring.  What is your name?”  Temi introduces herself, tells me her age and states she is doing what she needs to do.  I notice Dayo at my right shoulder.  She asks, “Please, can I speak with you alone?”  We walk to the doorway of a showroom, and Dayo tells me her abdomen is “paining” her and that the pain is radiating down both legs.  She cannot “ease” herself (pass urine) without a “scratching” sensation.  Nonetheless, she must continue working.  Dayo glances at Cristian before saying, “I don’t know.  Maybe you people can help” (D:82).   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  342  B.2. Recognising Powerful Emotional and Relational Dimensions  This section captures nighttime engagement with the women, and a personal sense of bombardment by powerful emotional and relational dimensions.  It represents an important, open recognition of the impact of my intimate familiarity with the women’s lived experiential perspectives, the relationships formed with them, and associated emotions (see Researcher Debriefing, Section 3.5.1.1.).   B.2.1. Bombardment It’s a Saturday night in October and Cristian draws the car into the industrial estate earlier than usual in step with the women’s summertime routine.  We begin searching them out against the passing backdrops of derelict warehouses, deserted car parks, and bamboo plantations.  I spot one woman slowly returning to her three workmates having just finished business with a customer.  I find myself checking the body language of this small group.  Some nights, the women seem soft and playful.  On other nights, fidgety and tense.  Sade, an over-seer of some of the newer ‘girls’ often explains why.  One of the “blacks” has had to jump from a moving car, for example, or one of the “whites” has been badly beaten by a mafia gang wanting to “own her pussy” (Sa:104).  But tonight, this group of women appears relaxed.  Cristian pulls the car into a layby just ahead of them and we get out.  They immediately walk towards us and sing greetings, “♫Well-come!  Good even-ning!  How are you?”  Cristian stands to one side to get a better sense of our surroundings, and I place my supermarket bag on the pavement close to the women.  We crouch around it, chatting and laughing as if at a campfire.  I distribute small bags of condoms, wet wipes, lubricant, mosquito repellent, chewing gum, snack bars, and juice, and ask, “How are you faring this week?” and “Do you need anything right now TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  343  or at home to be more comfortable?”  Bayo taps my elbow.  We talk quietly together for a moment and I notice a trickle of sweat running down her face from under her hairpiece.  I say to everyone, “There are iced bottles of water and mini cooling fans in the car.  Would you like to see them?”  After 20 minutes, we all kiss goodbye.  They sing farewell, “♫Thank you! God will bless you!”  Climbing back inside the car, Cristian immediately turns on the air con as I quickly write field notes and reminders.  (Tomorrow, for example, I must find a doctor willing to assist Bayo.  She is bleeding between periods again and is in a lot of pain.)  Cristian drives to a street where Kadi and Nabila work together.  Kadi catches sight of us and circles her index finger mid-air (signalling us to drive around the block and return when she’s finished with a customer) as she jumps into a black, shiny car.  We notice that Nabila is now giving the same signal, but with her entire right arm like a windmill as she chases and calls after a lorry pulling away in the opposite direction.  Running turns to frantic hopping as she tries to retain her flip-flops and not lose sight of the lorry.  Eventually, it stops for her.  Both women return within 15 minutes.   Nabila looks towards Cristian and asks me with a mischievous chuckle, “Why doesn’t he ask for a blow job?”  I smile and explain that it’s simply not his custom.  She thinks this is very funny.  Nabila then reminisces about watching us drive around the industrial estate in the early days, and wondering if we were looking for a girl to “do some business” (Nb:220).  We laugh affectionately together.  After two hours of visiting the women in this manner, I begin phoning those who wanted to see me tonight but haven’t yet appeared.  Femi, for example, was concerned about not being a good enough street walker and not liking the work.  I phone her workmate, Dayo, who shouts over the traffic, “I am here!  Wait for me!  I am coming!”  She soon appears from behind a clump of bamboo, readjusting her TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  344  clothing and popping a piece of chewing gum into her mouth.  She sings greetings as she strolls towards me, “♫Good eve-en-ning, Ma!  You are well-come!”  Dayo tells me, “Femi is not making enough money in the street.  She is in the fun house now.  You will not see her again” (D:301).  I’m instantly thrown off-kilter by an intense wave of loss and despair.  One part of my mind throws out the quote, “Grief fills the room up of my absent child” (Shakespeare, trans. 2021, King John, 3.1), and another part grapples for a foothold as I ask Dayo how she is faring right now.  Cristian and I return to the car.  Cristian says, “Femi could be my daughter.  It’s a throw of the dice”, and we talk together about our genuine care for the women.  We then return to the moment in hand and drive around the industrial estate one last time for the evening.  A small group of women stand at the exit waving farewell.  I open the car window, wave, and call out, “Good night!  We are leaving!  Take care!”  They reply, “God will bless you!  Have a safe journey!” and I am struck by an irrational, almost overpowering desire to bring them home with me, rather than drive away.   B.3. Power Positioning   This section captures notions of power positioning while: consulting a social worker with Participant Zula; a dermatologist with Participant Bayo; an ophthalmologist with Participant Nabila; and a gynaecologist with Participant Temi; and while being interviewed by the immigration police with Temi (see Ethics of Care; Power Positioning, Section 3.5.1.1.2). B.3.1. Consulting a Social Worker Madrid has sanctioned access to basic healthcare services for irregular migrants on humanitarian grounds, but the city where Zula lives seems to refuse to comply.  I meet with Diana, the chief social worker, who agrees to try and help.  She offers Zula and I an appointment for the following week.  We TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  345  arrive for the appointment but are required to wait two hours until the end of Diana’s clinic.  Finally, we are called into her office.   Diana springs to her feet from behind her desk, flings open the top drawer of a cabinet and rapidly slides suspension files, back and forth, along metal runners.  She then slams the drawer shut and repeats the process with the drawers below.  Over the noise, Diana shouts an explanation: she is searching for documentary evidence of why she cannot help Zula.  At this point, a young woman pops her head around an adjoining doorway to check the source of the commotion and offers Diana assistance.  We remain seated and silent.  After some time, documents are located, photocopied, stapled together, stamped and handed to Zula, who stares at them blankly.  Diana returns to her chair and states, matter-of-factly, that she does not like English people living in Spain who object to local laws.  Nor does she like “blacks” and black, irregular migrants.  She particularly objects to ‘irregular blacks’ trying to access resources that are already scarce for Spanish nationals and migrants with legal status.  Diana does not wish to speak further and asks Zula and I to leave so that she can end her shift.  We return to the waiting room to take stock.  I ask Zula how she is feeling.  Zula replies, “I am okay.  This is normal.  I pray that one day soon the law will change.”  She comments that she has been working until the early hours of this morning and asks, “Will you and Mister Cristian return me to my room so that I can be able to rest?” (Zu:335).   B.3.2. Consulting a Dermatologist    Bayo has worked on the streets until the early hours, bathed herself and waited with me at the general hospital for three hours beyond the time of her appointment with a dermatologist.  Her friend, Chika, has come along for moral support.  Finally, Bayo and I are called into a consultation room. TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  346   A Spanish female doctor (perhaps in her forties) frantically bangs the keyboard of her computer and searches the screen.  Without looking up, she barks, “Why are you here?” and expresses exasperation that an illegal migrant has somehow gained an appointment with her.  Bayo tells me she no longer feels confident to try and speak in Spanish.  She asks me to explain to the doctor that the skin of her thighs is troubling her.  The doctor springs to her feet from behind her desk and stands in front of Bayo.  She flips up Bayo’s skirt to reveal her underwear, jabs Bayo’s left thigh with her index finger and exclaims, “I have no experience with this!”  Then, she slaps the thigh with the back of her hand and asks, “How can I see when it is black?!” (B:2805).  Bayo and I are told to leave immediately and not trouble her again.  We return to the waiting room to take stock.  Chika comments that she prefers to consult her mother in Nigeria about her skin.  She says,   I have something on my armpit; I find out it is a boil.  So, in my country, you look for palm oil and the shit of a lizard.  You will mix it.  Then, you put it on the mound, and it will help the pus to come out quickly.  So, since I can’t find lizard shit in this place, I start putting palm oil (C:4127).   B.3.3. Consulting an Ophthalmologist   Nabila has struggled with painful eyes for many years.  A Spanish male  doctor (perhaps in his fifties) welcomes us into his consultation room and gently explains in simple Spanish that prolonged exposure to extreme sun, cold and dirt from the streets is too harsh for anyone.  He guides Nabila to an oversized, black examination chair at one end of the room and then stands beside a screen at the other.  Interactions and dialogue between them proceed as follows.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  347  Ophthalmologist.   “Nabila, Nabila, look towards the screen!”  Nabila.  She looks at him blankly, not understanding the word    ‘screen’ in Spanish.   Ophthalmologist. “Over here, Nabila, look at this letter.  Over here, Nabila,     you see this?!  The letter ‘E’!  It is facing  upwards!” Nabila.  She looks up at the ceiling.   Ophthalmologist.  “No, over here, Nabila.  It is facing upwards.  And now     downwards!”   Nabila.  She looks down at the floor.   Ophthalmologist. “No, over here.  Now, it is facing the left!”     He points to the left. Nabila.  She looks to her left.   Ophthalmologist.  “No, over here!”      (He then has an idea).      “Nabila!  Point in the direction of the letter!”  Nabila.  She indicates with her hand that the ‘E’ is pointing to the    left. Ophthalmologist.  “That’s it!  Well done, darling!” (a gentle, friendly term).     (Then, the letter ‘E’ becomes smaller and changes    direction). Nabila.  She responds by pointing to the right.   Ophthalmologist. “Very good, Nabila!  Well done!  Yes, that’s right, darling!”    He then places yellow drops into Nabila’s eyes to examine them.  “Look at me, Nabila, don’t close your eyes.  No, no!  Open your eyes, my dear.  Look into my eyes, darling one.”  Finally, he takes a small bottle of eye drops from a glass cabinet and says to Nabila warmly and reassuringly, “Don’t worry yourself.  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  348  Take these drops.  There is no charge.  You will use the drops, and you will see me every month until the problem is resolved” (Nb:432).   B.3.4. Consulting a Gynaecologist  The women engage in sex work during menstruation and while experiencing period pains, thrush, urinary tract infections, sexually transmitted diseases, and associated symptoms (such as painful urination, painful intercourse, abdominal cramps, vaginal pain, bleeding, and discharge).  Their menstrual cycles are erratic, and unwanted pregnancies are commonplace.    Kadi recalls her most recent pregnancy and comments, “If you are pregnant, but you have no (legal) papers, there is no help with abortion.”  She describes following her landlord’s instructions to “get rid of it” at a private hospital and subsequently giving him free sex until she has repaid him (K:359).    In the same month, Temi tells me, “My flow is late one week again.  The tests say ‘No’ this time, but my breasts are paining me” (T:315).  She asks if I can take her to a doctor, and if her flatmates, Bayo and Beauty, can come for moral support.  We arrive at the clinic for a prearranged appointment.  Still, the receptionist insists it is not possible to see the gynaecologist and that the other women in the waiting room are upset by the presence of black, illegal women who have not paid taxes and yet expect to see a doctor.  The four of us wait nonetheless, and Bayo prepares Temi for the physical examination that potentially lies ahead.  She reminisces about our visit to the Emergency Department earlier in the year.  Dialogue between them proceeds as follows. Bayo.  “They check about the pregnancy.  Then, they check that I can give birth.  I was okay.  I was not pregnant.  My vagina is perfect; that’s what they said that day.” Temi.   “I want to know the way they do that.” TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  349  Bayo.   “The doctor check everything in my womb and vagina if you have any infection or if the vagina is okay, and they did other things inside.”  Temi.   “Oh!” Bayo.   “Yeh!  I was surprised that they did everything [laughs].  They did    not tell me that they are going to do it.  I was so shocked that day!     [Laughs].  The way I open my body for them that day. You know it    was a guy that check me?  The other girls (i.e., nurses), they just    stand there.  “What are you doing?”  [Laughs].   Temi.   “Oh!” [laughs] (B:1552; T:921).  Finally, all of us are invited into a small consultation room where a Spanish female doctor tests Temi’s urine and confirms she is not pregnant.  Then, Temi is asked to remove her lower clothing and lie on a bed behind a curtain for a physical examination and swab test.  The doctor subsequently explains to Temi, Bayo and Beauty, in rapid Spanish they cannot understand, the dangers of unprotected sex.  She writes them prescriptions for contraceptive tablets.  Talking together afterwards, Temi, Bayo, and Beauty believe taking contraceptives is probably a good idea because the condoms used with customers often split, and their boyfriends want sex without condoms.  They all take the first month’s supply sporadically before ceasing altogether on realising they must pay for further prescriptions.    B.3.5.  Being Interviewed by the Immigration Police When I visit the industrial estate, I often sit with the women on street curbs and in showroom doorways as they wait for customers.  In winter months, car and lorry drivers pull over and wind down their windows to negotiate deals, releasing blasts of hot air and cigarette smoke as they do so.  Police officers in TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  350  patrol vehicles do the same - not only to arrange personal, after-hours sex (for which they may, or may not, pay), but also issue legal notices to the women and check their safety.  Temi receives such a notice and asks me to accompany her to the local police station.   We are escorted to the floor of the immigration authorities and asked to sit midway along a corridor.  No one seems to be around.  Forty minutes later, a man approaches us wearing the traditional black police uniform and a pistol on his hip.  He runs his eyes slowly over Temi’s body, prompting her to clench her knees and turn her face away.  He instructs Temi to stand up and knock on the door directly to her left.  I am escorted in the opposite direction to a narrow room in which three men in black uniforms are seated in a row behind desks.  There is one hard chair placed in front of the middle desk and I am asked to sit and explain my relationship with Temi.  I tell them our relationship is grounded in the health and support endeavour that is registered with the Spanish authorities.  They ask sharply and in quick succession, “Where is the girl from?”, “Who brought her here?”, “Who is controlling her?”  I explain that my role in the endeavour prevents me from sharing personal and confidential information.  Then, each man, one after the other, pushes back his chair, walks to the front of his desk and adjusts his holster until they are all standing over me.  The man to my left opens his arms in dismay and exclaims, “The stories of the prostitutes are lies!  They believe in Voodoo!  Voodoo doesn’t exist!  They are crazy!”  The man directly front of me demands, “Tell her that if she denounces her trafficker, we will help with her papers!  Tell her to speak with us!  Tell her that she can prevent other girls from being trafficked!”  I reply that my role prevents me from doing so.  The man to my right throws his hands in the air with exasperation and cries, “What?  You don’t want her to be free?  You don’t want to help the police?  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  351  You don’t want to stop sex trafficking?”  I repeat my statement.  This seems to mark the end of the interview.  I am asked to return to the corridor where I am reunited with Temi and escorted from the building.  We head for a café to talk things over.  Temi tells me she insisted she had not been trafficked.  She was instructed to sign a register at the police station every week from now on.  The way Temi sees it, she has two choices: to sign the register and risk being deported, or “go into hiding” (T:215). B.4. Giving Voice This section captures seeking to ‘give voice’ to the women in the twists and turns of attending a job interview with Participant Rachel and visiting a women’s shelter with Participant Temi (see Ethics of Care; Giving Voice, Section 3.5.1.1.2).   B.4.1. Attending a Job Interview For the past year, Precious has expressed a strong and urgent need to find alternative, legal forms of work.  We pursue potential leads together without success until a Christian church offers a rare opportunity to attend an interview at an employment agency.  We are told a church representative will meet us there.  Precious and I prepare for the interview by considering and discussing: potential job roles (such as ‘live-in carer’, cleaner, and factory worker); notions of interview panels and employers and what they might ask; the sorts of conduct interviewers and employers might expect; and the implications for Precious.   We drive for two hours, arrive at the job agency on time and are asked to sit in the reception area and complete a registration form.  Precious cannot read or write well, so she provides the necessary information as I fill out the form.  After 45 minutes, the church representative arrives, greets us, and disappears TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  352  into the back of the agency.  An hour after that, we are invited into an office.  Three people await us: the interviewer; a vocational trainer; and the church representative.  After minimal introductions, Precious is offered the role of live-in carer to an elderly Spanish woman.  They tell Precious she is fortunate because these roles are highly sought-after by migrant women living in Spain and rarely awarded to “blacks” who lack training and experience.  Precious declines the role.  Each member of the panel is aghast and presses her for an explanation.  However, Precious appears unwilling or unable to say anything and simply rests her hands on her lap and gazes at the table in front of her.  Exasperation and bewilderment turn to agitation as the panel again presses her for an explanation to no avail.  Finally, we are dismissed from the agency for wasting time.  Precious and I head for a café to talk things over.  As we stir our cups of coffee, Precious says, “Jehovah knows what I am doing to help my family, my children.  That is why He protects me.”  She tells me a story from the local news.  A black girl started working as a live-in carer and was thrown from the balcony of the apartment and killed.  Precious then describes her experiences of violence and abuse from: customers on the street; previous potential employers who disliked her colour; and her landlords.  She commented, “That is why I am afraid to go and work in a house if there is that level of hatred.  I know that I have to be very careful.”  I suggest we relay her ‘voice’ and these genuine concerns to the agency via the church representative to help develop mutual understanding and keep lines of communication open.  Precious agrees.  We receive the following clipped reply.  “Tell Precious to stop being afraid.”  Precious ceases contact with the church and agency thereafter (P:2454).     TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  353  B.4.2. Visiting a Women’s Shelter Temi has been unable to find alternative work to the streets and is considering wider options.  As part of this process, we arrange to visit a women’s shelter to enquire about potential help and assistance.   We drive for three hours and arrive at the office on time.  The door is locked.  I ring the social worker, Cristina, and she appears 10 minutes later, smiling and waving the key.  Temi and I wait in the entrance hall while Cristina slips into a side room to prepare for the meeting.  Fifteen minutes later, two female staff members arrive at the office also, and escort Temi towards the rear of the building.  Cristina simultaneously invites me into the side room and explains it is better to be separated from Temo for a while, adding that the shelter follows the antitrafficking protocols of the national government.  She tells me an opportunity exists for Temi to live with other women in similar circumstances while being supervised and supported to: (a) cease sex work and cut existing social ties; (b) assist the immigration authorities; (c) adopt a new daily living routine; (d) attend educational and vocational classes; and (e) benefit from health, welfare and legal services.  There is no guarantee of alternative forms of work for the women.  After an hour, Temi and the others join us.  They say Temi has agreed to enter the shelter.   After the meeting, Temi and I head for a café to talk things over.  Temi tells me she felt pressured to disclose personal details and experiences of trafficking.  She does not want to enter the shelter because it involves denouncing people who helped her come to Spain.  On the journey home, Temi seems pensive and I ask how she is feeling.  She responds, “I am feeling a little stressed.  I have the sensation of crush in my chest” (T:556).  Temi explains she has given me false information in the past and wants to rectify the situation TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  354  but is worried she has offended me.  I provide reassurance, and Temi leans forward and shares personal information.  She then flops back onto the rear seat, gives a sigh of seeming relief, puts on headphones and selects her favourite song on her phone.  Temi sings out loud before lying down to sleep.  She is exhausted and has a long working night ahead of her.    B.5. Bracketing This section offers two illustrations of bracketing (i.e., suspending as far as possible what is understood to be real, valid, and true) while engaging with the women.  The first is in the context of responding un/helpfully to Participant Nasha while in my car.  The second is in the context of seeking to embrace the personal perspectives of Participant Abigail while visiting a preventive sexual health clinic (see Minimising Unwelcome and Unhelpful Responses, Section 3.5.2.5).    B.5.1. Responding in Un/Helpful Ways On a Monday lunchtime in July, Cristian pulls the car into a layby outside Nasha’s flat.  He reduces the level of air conditioning blasting loudly through the car so that I can phone her and say, “Good afternoon!  How are you?  I am here!”  Nasha replies, “Good afternoon, Ma!  Wait for me!  I am coming!”  Ten minutes later, she steps out of the lobby clutching a bag of rubbish and strolls past the car to toss it into a skip.  She then returns to the car, opens the back door and slides onto the seat.  We lean towards one another, kiss cheeks, and simultaneously say, “Good morning!  Very nice to see you!  It is very hot!”  Her face is free of make-up, and she wears a hairnet instead of the wigs worn on the streets.  She tells me she is facing a serious dilemma.  The police have arrested her, taken fingerprints, and instructed her to sign a register at the local station once a week.  The way Nasha sees it, the police can rearrest her when TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  355  she signs the register and deport her.  If she instead flees to another country, the border authorities are likely to recognise her fingerprints and return her to Spain to face the consequences.   After an hour of talking together, I realise I have come off kilter.  I feel despair at the gravity of the dilemma and spurt out, “Oh!  I am so sorry for your situation!  This is awful!”  Nasha responds immediately, “Oh!  Ma, please!  No, no!  You cannot worry for me!  You must not!  It is not your problem” (Ns:197).  Nasha now appears more concerned for my welfare than her own and is worried she has burdened me.  Simultaneously, the natural rhythm and flow of the conversation seems to end.  We say our farewells and Nasha returns to her flat.  Later that week, I more mindfully say to Nasha, “I don’t know.  Maybe you are thinking more about your situation and what to do.”  Without hesitation, she replies, “I just say to myself, maybe you can help me find a lawyer that is not police lawyer or Madam lawyer” (i.e., a lawyer not directly connected to the police or her Madam) (Ns:306).  This signals an opportunity for me to try and source an appropriate form of legal support for Nasha.   B.5.2. Embracing Personal Perspectives  Abigail and I travel for two hours to a preventive sexual health clinic that assists those with no legal status.  As we walk through the hospital, a woman passes in the opposite direction pushing a wheelchair.  It carries a child who is exhibiting muscle spasms and seems, to me, to be living with brain injury or infection.  Startled by this encounter, Abigail jumps to my other side to create distance from the wheelchair and asks urgently, “The child, he is cursed?”  I reply that muscle spasms can be caused by the brain being injured in some way.  Almost to herself, Abigail responds, “Maybe this happen because the mother is a wicked woman.”  I become mindful of not appearing too curious TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  356  about curses (a rarely exposed, highly sensitive phenomenon among the women) and reply, “Maybe”.  I focus on reaching the clinic in time and trying to ensure Abigail has a positive healthcare experience.  During the car journey home, Abigail reflects on her encounter with the child in the wheelchair and asks me to find a doctor to discern whether her womb is cursed (A:356).  This signals an opportunity for careful conversations about curses and spiritual phenomena, and to try and source an appropriate form of gynaecological support.    A month later, we travel to see a gynaecologist (a Spanish man, perhaps in his early sixties).  Abigail asks me to explain that her genitals have been mutilated and she had an abortion while waiting to cross the sea to Spain.  She wants to know if her womb is cursed and her eggs are rotten (as claimed by one of her colleagues on the streets during an argument).  Abigail is frightened of being examined and asks me to hold her hand.  The gynaecologist begins the procedure by talking to her in simple Spanish, “Cálmate cariña, cálmate” (Spanish for ‘calm yourself, darling, take it easy’.  In this context, darling is a gentle, caring term).  He soon gives me a concerned glance through the black-rimmed glasses on the end of his nose.  Eventually, he says to Abigail, “As far as it is possible to say, everything looks well.  We will take a swab to check for infection, but I can see no reason why you will not have babies in the future.”  As Abigail dresses, he touches my elbow and says quietly, “These women have suffered a lot, eh?” (A:399).  B.6. Evaluating Ethnographic Writing  Richardson (2000) provides criteria for evaluating the quality of self-conscious ethnographic writing in terms of meeting sufficient ethical principles and contributing to science and literature.  I sought to meet the following five TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  357  criteria adapted for this thesis in my accounts of reflective self-awareness throughout the research (exemplified above).   i) Substantive contribution.  Making a meaningful contribution to the understanding of social life by demonstrating in the text a deeply embedded perspective. ii) Aesthetic merit.  Demonstrating creative, interpretive, and analytical practices that “open up” the text in terms of being “satisfying, complex” (Richardson, 2000, p. 254). iii) Reflexivity.  Demonstrating: how the data have been accessed and gathered; how ethical issues have been considered and addressed in the process; adequate levels of “subjectivity … self-awareness and self-exposure” in the text; and accountability to those being researched (Richardson, 2000, p. 254).   iv) Impact.  Sparking emotional responses in readers.  Offering to inspire and spark new questions and interest in trying new research practices.  Potentially moving readers to action. v) Expressing a reality.  Demonstrating a “fleshed out, embodied sense of lived experience” that offers a credible representation of the lifeworlds studied (Richardson, 2000, p. 254).     TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  358  Appendix C Extract from a Transcript  This appendix corresponds to the Methodology and Methods Chapter 3.  It provides an extract from a full transcript on which the coding of the data was based. Context.  Chika and I are watching the TV together (a Spanish soap opera) in her sitting room.  I ask for Chika’s opinion about the following.  When a woman is approached by the police on the streets and instructed to sign a register at the station each week, should she: comply; go into hiding; and/or consider moving to another European country that perhaps offers better social assistance and support?  (This situation is faced by many of the women in this study, as illustrated in Chapter 6, Section 6.1.1.3.1. and Appendix B, Section B.5.1.).  Chika responds by first talking about the experiences of a friend, and then her own problems in trying to obtain legal documentation in Spain; and the critical role played by her faith in the Christian God. Code: C=Chika; S=Sophie, the researcher.    C:  The person, she leave [relocates to another European country].  But this is the picture of her [a personal friend], okay? S:  Yes. C:  It is not too difficult for her, okay?  S:  Yes. C:  So, they [the new country] now accept her.  They accept her.  She can still go there [to a charity organisation] for information, to look for a little job.  Later, she start working.  She's living her life.  She have a baby now.  She is married.  [Pause].  I want to ask a question.  I don't know who you are talking about because I don’t have the experience of all these things, so, I don’t really know the person.  It depends on the person.  S:  It depends on the person’s story. TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  359  C:  I don’t know what she have at hand now.  I don't know if she have passport.  I don't know if she have asylum yet.  So, I don't really know her story.  … It depends on the story. S:  Yes. C:  I cannot just tell.  Maybe if the story is very difficult, she can still leave.  People have a problem and run away to another country, but depend on each one.  …  The individual problem.  I don’t know the person,  I don’t know the problem she have. S:  Even so, it’s good to hear your thoughts. C:  If [the police] ask her to come and sign, she don’t have to leave Spain.  She don’t have to travel.  She don't have to run away, you know?  Because, if they run away, but they asked you to come and sign, everything is in computer.  Maybe, she want to run away.  She's going.  She has to control her way.  Because, maybe, she don't have [legal] document here and she want to run away.  Maybe, she want to run away and she should not face control.  In boda. S:  In boda? [Spanish for wedding]. C:  Border.  Because, if she want to run away and they control her, then, on computer, they see that she have problem before here in Spain.  They will call Spain.  Spain will ask them to return her.  … From here, she can go prison, and from prison, to Nigeria.  So, someone have to think.  Someone have to have good information. S:  Exactly.  Good information.  C:  If the police ask her to come and sign, it is not very easy for her to leave Spain to another place because she have problem and she have to sign.  It is not advisable to go away, you understand?  They ask you to stop [in Spain].  With that signing alone, you will have a good record.  Maybe, you put in documents; they will give you good papers.  Because, the problem that we have, you have signed; everything its over; you are clean.  [The police] don’t have any problem with you; they will give you.  But if you do not sign, they will look for you. S:  Oof.  It is hard.  It is hard for the women, yes?  Is it hard for the girls who come here. C:  When I am new here in [town], the police arrested me in the street.  It is normal, yes.  This is normal control because I don’t have paper and they take me to the police station.  I sleep there ‘til the next day.  Then, they bring a government lawyer for me.  They ask me questions - where I am from in Nigeria.  I gave him a different name by pretending.  It has been a long time, it is [year] or [year].  Later, they free me.  They tell me I can go home.  That is all.  S:  Was there any pressure? TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  360  C:  No.  No.  I don't remember.  They did not tell me to come and sign every day.  They did not tell me to come and sign every day because I don’t have problem.  I didn't fight.  They just saw me.  It’s normal control.  So, esta (Spanish term to express, ‘That is it’).  It’s God.  So, if God is on your side, even if you have problem in this country.  There is many people that have problem in this country.  [Pause].  Yet, they will put in for [legal] document and the document won’t come out.  The [local government office] won’t give them.  There is a law, but we still have the same problem.  But they will ask for documents, they won’t give them.  It's law.  It takes by degrees.  For me, I believe it is God.  Its God that give everything.  You understand? S:   I remember.  You told me you were praying a lot for your documents. C:  If they didn’t give me, they give you.  It’s not that God love you more than me.  No. Because I don’t know how to explain it.  I don’t know the relationship that you have with God.  I don’t know if you are closer to God more than me.  I don’t know if you understand. S:  I understand. C:  There are many things; many things that people don’t understand.  I don’t know if you understand me. S:  Yes. C:  So, they will say, this one have similar problem, but she went there and [the local government office] give her [legal documents].  She, too, [a different woman] have the same problem, but they didn’t give her. S:  Not the same. C:  Yeh, not the same.  So, that is it.  A long time ago, something similar happen to me, you know?  I was fighting for my document.  All my friends, [the government office] give them their document, and [my friends] call me and say, “Ah, they have given me my document.” We attend the same church and their character is very bad.  My own is good, more than them. So, I sit down and raise my hands and say, “God!” [pause].  These people character is very bad.  My own is very good.  We are attending the same church.  Why my own is different?  They have their document [but the government office] didn’t give me mine.  I have spent a lot of money.  I will cry, cry, cry.  When I talk to my mum, my mum will say, “Don’t worry, be very prayerful.  God will do it.”  I will say, “Don’t tell me about God again, I don’t want to listen!  I don’t want go to church!  God did not love me.  What did I do?  Did I kill anyone?  Look at other people; they are bad.  Yet, God still help them.  Look at other people; they are wicked.  But, yet, God still help them.”  You know?  I always say that.  Then, other people talking to me, my pastor in Nigeria, I say, “Why God hate me?  God TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  361  should take my life.  I don’t want to live again for all this suffer.  I don’t have document to work.  Yet, I will be fighting for document.  So, me, I am tired.  I don’t want to suffer.  God should just leave me.  Nobody should preach for me.” You understand? S:  Mmm. C:  My pastor will say, “Chika, it is not your fault; it is not your fault.  It is because of what you are going through.  No matter what you are going through, keep on praying.”  I said, “I am tired of praying.  I pray, pray, pray, pray, pray, pray.  I am tired.  God did not answer my prayers.”  Then, my pastor ask me one question.  “Did you ask yourself why God did not answer your prayer?” S:  Ah. C:  “… Did you ever sit down and think ‘Why all these problem?  Did I make a mistake?’  Did you ever sit down and reason why God is blessing others?  Maybe, it’s your fault.  Maybe, you are not praying enough.’”  I said, “Daddy, I’ve been praying every day, every night.  I wake up at ten o clock, yet the thing is getting worse.”   There is a day, early in the morning, seven o clock, it’s raining.  I sit down, I reason, I say, “What will I do?  I go to church.  Where did I make the mistake?”  My mind just tell me, “Why can’t you go to church all alone and talk to God, yourself”, you know? S:  Yes. C:  Then, no, I keep on thinking.  I remember my spirit.  I remember; the thing just flashed to my brain.  When I was living in [town], things was getting tough, and I go to church and I ask them, I said, “I want to work in the church.  I want to clean the church.  Don’t pay me.  I Just want to do it for God.” They said, “Okay.”  I started cleaning the church.  From the church, they started giving me feeding money.  From feeding money, they asked me to go to school in [town]. S:  The [name of school]? C:  Yes, the [name of school].  I go to school.  How to take care of old women in hospital.  How to do cleaning.  How to cook.  I did everything, but they did not give me the certificate.  So, I met a lady there that helps.  I just tell them I work in the street because I don’t have job.  They say, “How much I paid for my house rent?”  I tell them.  Then, they started paying my house rent. S:  Yes. C:  They help me a lot.  So, in my mind, that thing flash back to my mind.  My mind said, “Why can’t you go to church?”  I just put on my clothes and go to church.  There is nobody.  It is a white church.  I just put my knee.  I cry to God, I say, “God forgive me, it is not my fault”.  Everything that I said.  “It is not my fault.  I TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  362  know you are God, you exist, why am I suffering?  God forgive me.  Accept me as your daughter.” You know, I just pray.   S:  Yes. C:  So, as I was doing that, a lady now came in, saw me crying.  “Ah, my daughter, why are you crying?  No matter what, you are in the house of God, talk to God.”  She is a white lady, an old woman.  “Talk to Him, He is God.”  Then, the old woman now give me her own story.  She say, when her husband, he leave her, follow another woman, she was crying.  She don’t know what to do. She now talk to God.  “God, if my husband, if you bring back my husband to me, I will stop drinking café, I will stop smoking.”  She said, after then, after one week, her husband started begging her; her husband had come back.  They are now together.  Does she stop café? S:  [Laughs]. C:  Does she stop smoking? [Laughs]. S:  [Laughs]. C:  She just told me that day, and then she leave.  So, wow, I say, “God, it is by Your grace, I am living.  If you can give me these documents, I will look for job, God.”  I just said that; I decided that.  The following day, no news.  I keep on doing it.  No news.  I say, “God, what sort of temptation is this?  I just went into the church.  I said I wanted to talk to the priest.  I am crying.  He now take me to one room.  He say, “Why are you crying?” and I explain my problem to him.  I said, “I don’t have job.  I put in for my document and I am still waiting for my document.  The priest now pray for me.  He say, “Don’t worry.”  He now give me address.  He say, “Go to so-so place, they will attend to you.  They will help you to fight for your document.”  I went home.  In the morning of it, the following day, I receive a message on my phone.  They say I should come to police station to come and collect my document. S:   Oh, yes!  C:  Yeh, it is true.  I am not lying.  I said, “I’m scared, I don’t know if they arrest me!”  After, I just dropped my knee on ground, I say, “God, I am grateful.”  Since then, I started to believe in Jesus more.  Because, no matter what it is I am passing through, a little temptation today, I believe.  God has done it before,  He will do it again.  So since then, I keep on believing that there is God.  No matter what, there is God.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  363  Glossary of Terms  This glossary defines words, terms and expressions used in this thesis that might be unfamiliar or have meanings that vary depending on the context or conceptual framework.   Active conversation   A specific type of conversational engagement used as a research activity in place of an active interview.  Like active interviews, active conversations intentionally encourage and prompt expressions of personal reflections, thought processes, perspectives, and experiences.  An important distinction is maintaining a rhythm and flow of informal interaction, and a sense of rapport and reciprocity.  Active conversations gave me the freedom to avoid forms of social engagement that could trigger wariness, discomfort, fear, and irritation in the women (e.g., formal, unfamiliar procedures and language, and pre-arranged interviews) (see Methodology and Methods Chapter 3, Section 3.4.4.3.). Agent  A procurer (such as a female Madam, male pimp or family member) who facilitates the provision of sex work and collects all or part of sex workers’ earnings.  Aladura church Yoruba for ‘praying people’.  The Aladura is recognised as a charismatic, revivalist, prophetic, healing cultural response to missional churches through the indigenisation of Christianity (Ayegboyin, 2011).  It embraces prophecy, prayer, healing, and indigenous religious worship styles (see Crumbley, 2008; Vaughan, 2016).    TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  364  Area boys Street children and teenagers used for organised violence in Nigerian neighbourhoods (Participant Rafia). Asylum  A system of political protection for individuals from countries outside their countries of origin in which they face persecution - on the protected grounds of nationality, race, caste, religion, politics, social membership or activity, or fear of being trafficked, for example - and require protection from this other country (Inter-Agency Coordination Group Against Trafficking, 2017). Asylum seeker An individual who has fled their country of origin to seek protection in another country from serious risk to safety and life but is not yet formally recognised as a refugee (Amnesty International, 2019). Ayuntamiento  A town hall (Spanish language). Barro boys   Boys from the neighbourhood (Participant Rafia). The bush   The desert (Participant Chika). Child fosterage A process where a woman places her child in the care of her parents or older sibling, for example, to release her for socioeconomic migration (Aronowitz, 2016, p. 104).  TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  365  Chrislam Originating from Nigeria, the unconventionally inclusive process of mixing the beliefs and practices of Christians and Muslims (Janson, 2016, p. 646).  Informed Verbal consent A research approach that embraces verbal consent as an ongoing process of vigilance to ethical concerns and decision-making as the research unfolds, rather than a one-time event.  The intention is to help ensure participants have an ongoing understanding of participating in the research process with free will and without obligation (e.g., Agee, 2013; Etherington, 2007) (see Methodology and Methods Chapter 3, Section 3.4.2.3.). Culture man A man who practices traditional indigenous spirituality handed down by his forefathers (Participant Hanna). Currency conversion   The euro is converted to the British pound using the exchange rate of around 0.844 at the time of writing. Debt bondage A sponsorship arrangement in which an individual agrees to repay a sum of money (often between £30,000 and £75,000) in exchange for being linked with agents of the trafficking journey (see Carling, 2005b; Dols García, 2013).   Destiny    Predetermined fate (Participant Nasha).   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  366  Diós    God (Spanish language).  Enemy    Anything or anyone harming an individual physically, spiritually and/or   emotionally (Participant Nasha).    Formal support organisations Secular and religious organisations, associations, groups and charities associated with humanitarian and/or anti-trafficking responses, such as migration, law enforcement, legal, health, social, and welfare concerns. Fun houses Privately owned flats or commercial properties that serve as sex clubs (Participant Sade). General conversation A distinct category of research activity in which narratives, or storytelling may take place, and participants can transition to more purposeful ‘active conversation’ (see Methodology and Methods Chapter 3, Section 3.4.4.2.). Global terms Academic scholars recognise that terms such as “the global North” and “the global South” tend to be used loosely and interchangeably and are “inaccurate and misleading” (Toshcov, 2018, p. 1).  I use global terms in this thesis solely to portray polarity between the most- and least-socioeconomically developed countries.  I also refer to Pajo's (2008) notions of “socioglobal mobility” and a “global hierarchical order” as irregular migrants move from “worse” to “better” countries that offer relatively greater opportunities for “fulfilment and … individual TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  367  achievement” despite the potential for continuing inequality, hardship and injustice (Pajo, 2008, p. 10).  I do not intend to imply geographic accuracy or developmental determinism.  Nor do I intend to negatively impact individuals and organisations classified and homogenised in these ways.    Holistic “Covering as much territory as possible about a culture”, including spiritual and community beliefs and practices (Fetterman, 2010, p. 11); the qualitative enquiry of the human being as a whole (see Pérez-Álvarez, 2018). House work A form of indoor prostitution that often includes communal duties such as cooking and cleaning (Participant Sade). Human trafficking “The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of threat or the use of force or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation” (UNHR, 2014, p 2).  Idan  Magic (Yoruba language) (Participant Nasha).   Ifá  An oral religion of the Yoruba ethnic group of southwestern Nigeria  (see Ayegboyin & Olajide, 2009).   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  368  Iwa  Good character and moral behaviour (Yoruba language) (Asante &  Mazama, 2009, p. 2) Kotis Gangs of Nigerian boys and young men who fight and are provided with guns (Participant Hanna).   Lifeworld A world of an individual experienced totally subjectively and intersubjectively (see Honer & Hitzler, 2015). Madam girls  Sex workers who live with Madams.  Madam  A female agent (see Agents above). Mami Wata/Mother Water A female spirit of the water associated with healing, maternal protection, and fertility (Participant Chika).     To ‘match’ A term used by one person (the ‘perpetrator’) signifying they believe themselves more powerful than the other person (the ‘victim’) (Participant Rafia).   Migrant  An individual who has moved to another country without permanently resettling there, compared with an immigrant who has permanently resettled (Amnesty International, 2020).  Since the resettlement status of the women in this study is unclear and/or unstable, I refer to them as migrants.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  369  Migrant sex workers   Migrants who work in global sex work economies (including sex trafficking) and exchange a sex service for something of value (see Carbonero & Gómez Garrido, 2018). Modern slavery “An umbrella term which encompasses human trafficking and slavery, servitude and forced or compulsory labour” (House of Commons, 2023, p. 2); in other words, situations of exploitation that a person cannot refuse or leave because of threats, violence, deception, abuse of power, or other forms of coercion.   Mumu  A “stupid” person (Participant Rafia). Native doctor A practitioner of traditional indigenous spirituality such as juju and similar to a wizard (Participant Nasha).   The NIE (Número de identidad de extranjero) Foreigner identity number (Spanish language).  A tax identification number assigned to foreigners by the Spanish authorities. The Oba The king, crown priest and spiritual leader of the Edo people in Nigeria (Participant Layla).   Òrìsàs Deities of the Ifá oral religion of the Yoruba in southwestern Nigeria (Ayegboyin & Olajide, 2009).  Deities include: Ògún.  God of iron (Participant Hanna). Olóòkun. God of wealth, health, and prosperity (Participant Hanna). TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  370  Òşun.  God of rivers, oceans, and fertility (Participant Rafia).  Sàngó. God of thunder, lightning, fire, moral judgement, and  enjoyment of life’s pleasures (Participant Chika).  A particularly revered deity understood to mediate between man and God who stands in judgement of good and evil, and demonstrates God’s wrath at wicked people by striking them with bolts of lightning (see Ayegboyin & Olajide, 2009).   Yemọja. God of rivers, oceans, and maternal protection (Participant Rafia). Padrón (empadronamiento) A certificate issued by the local Spanish government to individuals living legally at an address for a minimum of three consecutive months.  It is used to help calculate the number of residents when applying for grants to improve local facilities, for example. Patchwork ethnography An ethnographic process of concurrent data collection and analysis focussing on capturing and continually following highly sensitive, unpredictable and diverse connections, frictions and collaborations in the interactions and relationships of phenomena (see Van der Pijl et al., 2011) (see Methodology and Methods Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2.2.). Pragmatic wisdom A highly pragmatic, personal and contextual notion of wisdom and a key moderator of a psychological moral-ethical scale (Participant Hanna).   Prostitution  See ‘Sex Work’.   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  371  Ritual money Money coated with water during traditional indigenous rituals and subsequently thrown at or awarded to individuals to render harm and/or to kill them (Participant Nasha). Ritual oaths Grounded in traditional indigenous African faith norms and often administered through a ceremony that symbolises the sealing and reinforcement of trafficking terms (see Aronowitz, 2016; Dols García, 2013).   Sex trafficking “Trafficking into sexual economies” (Gerassi & Nichols, 2021, p. 21).  The most widely-used definition builds on the criminal justice-orientated definition of human trafficking (as noted above).  It places relatively greater emphasis on individuals consenting to their intended sexual exploitation, and on exploiters withholding information about arrangements and/or imposing financial sponsorship debts (United States Department of Justice, 2019).   Sex work The exchange of a sex service for something of value (see Carbonero & Gómez Garrido, 2018).   Sex worker Commonly interchanged with ‘prostitute’ and ‘worker in prostitution’.  Sisters Women from the same village, ethnic group, region and/or country (Participant Nasha).   TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  372  Sisterhood/brotherhood   Embracing as meaningful family members individuals with the same or similar lived experiences and ethnic groups and considered trustworthy (Participant Rafia). Smuggling and trafficking  Smuggling is understood to involve an individual exercising distinct social agency in voluntarily arranging to be moved illegally into another country by those who gain (usually financially) from the moving process alone.  A smuggler may abandon the individual before reaching the destination, but, essentially, there is no subsequent exploitation (see Campana & Varese, 2016). Trafficking involves individuals being moved within or across borders by those gaining financially from their subsequent exploitation (Campana & Varese, 2016; UNHR, 2014).  This can take many forms, such as servitude, prostitution, forced labour, the removal of organs, and “slavery or practices similar to slavery” (UNODC, 2004, p. 42).   The transformation of migrant smuggling into trafficking is understood to occur when an individual’s initial smuggling agreement fails; and a subsequent agreement involves deception and/or a forced form of labour, for example, and threats of reprisal should the individual not comply with its terms (e.g., Campana & Varese, 2016; Kyle & Koslowski, 2011).   Sojak  Dinghy (Participant Bayo). Street walker A street-based sex worker (see Carbonero & Gómez Garrido, 2018) TENSIONS AND PARADOXES IN SEX TRAFFICKING  373  Syncretism This term is criticised in comparative religion as problematic and falling short when trying to link the beliefs and practices of “indigenous religious tradition and modernity” (Olupona, 1997, p. 323).  I use it in this thesis in the context of African territories, and solely to portray ritual diversity in worshipping and understanding faiths through the lenses of others (see Ojo, 2009a; Janson, 2016).   Uptown youths  Members of younger Nigerian generations living overseas (Participant  Hanna). Victim An individual under the control of exploitative agents and without social agency (see Bose, 2018).

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